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And many other Specialists 

Volume XII 


The Crimean War . Europe in Revolution 

The Second Empire of France 

The Unification of Italy 

The Advance of Prussia 

The Franco-German War 

Scandinavia in the 19 th Century 








The Restored French Monarchy 
The Cross and the Crescent 
Fall of the Bourbon Monarchy . 
The New Revolutionary Period 
The Welding of the States 
. The New Kingdom of Greece . 
The State of Religion in Europe 
The Spread of Liberalism . 





The Fall of Louis Philippe 
Italy's Fruitless Revolt 
The Hungarian Rebellion . 
Struggles of the German Duchies 
The Second Republic in France 
The Problem of the German States 
Reaction in Central Europe 



The United Kingdom in the Mid- Victorian Era 

Turkey after the Crimean War 

The Second Empire of France . 

The Unification of Italy . 

Prussia under King William I 

Prussia and Austria on the Eve of War 

The Advance of Prussia . 

The Prussian Ascendancy 

The Decline of Napoleon III . 

The French Soldiers' unrealised Dream of Victory 

The Downfall of the Second French Emp 

The Birth of the German Empire 

Scandinavia in the Nineteenth Century 


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The Close of the Victorian Era 
Reaction triumphant in Russia . 
The German and Austrian Empires 
France under the Third Republic 
Minor States of Western Europe 




Britain's Industrial Revolution . 
The Rise and Fall of Chartism . 
The Triumph of Trades Unions 
The March of Social Reform 
Social Problems in France 
Social Democracy in Germany . 














T~'HE restored Bourbon monarch of 
■*• France found himself in an exceedingly 
difficult position. At his first restoration 
in 1814, he had been disposed to maintain 
the attitude of absolutism, and had con- 
sented to grant a constitution in the form 
of a concession bestowed by the benevo- 
lence of the Crown. This "Charta" had 
established two Chambers — .one of peers, 
nominated by the Crown, the other of 
representatives elected under a high 
franchise. But the Royalists even then 
had shown a zeal which Louis had not 
restrained for the recovery of old rights 
and of the old supremacy. The masses 
of the people had thereby been alienated. 
Louis recognised his error, and was now 
determined to abide by his constitution ; 
but the Royalists saw only that their side 
was uppermost. Like the English Cavaliers 
when Charles IL came back to " enjoy 
his own again," they hoped to get back all 
that they had lost with interest. 
Aims of g^^ ^^^ Enghsh Cavaliers 

Ro alist^ ^^^ ^^^^^* ^^'■y promptly to 
oya IS s j-ecognise that the old order 
had gone never to return ; the French 
Royalists were not equally capable of 
reconciling themselves to that doctrine. 
More royalist than the king, they made 
haste to seek to impose their views upon 
him. Socially, the democratising of France 
Iiad not been swept away under the 
Empire, though it had been so politically. 
The political centralisation of the Empire 
was only modified by the Charta ; but 
the Royalists aimed at reversing the social 
dcmocratisation as well. Their head- 
quarters were naturally established in the 
entourage of Artois, the king's brother, 
and the circle became known from his 
residence as the Pavilion Marsan. 

Louis, both from calculation and from 
grasp of the situation, held fast to his con- 
stitution, and was involved in continued 
conflict with his brother and the Royalists 
" quand meme," the party of no com- 
promise. He had promised an amnesty, 

but he did not succeed in checking the 
" White Terror," the outbreak of royalist 
violence in Southern France. In Mar- 
seilles, Avignon, Nismes, Toulouse, and 
other places disorders broke out, in 
which religious fanaticism also played 
its part. Bonapartists and Protestants 
. were murdered wholesale, 

_ * ,, ' * among them Marshal Brune, 
P Generals Lagarde and Ramel ; 

courts and local authorities 
were powerless to check the outrages. 
Fouche drew up the proscription-lists 
against those who were privy, or sus- 
pected of being privy, to the Hundred 
Days, but prudently forgot to put himself 
at the head of the list ; and while the 
executions of General La Bedoyere and 
Marshal Ney, accompanied by the horrors 
in Lyons and Grenoble, were bound to 
make the position of the king impossible, 
and while the foremost men of France were 
driven out of the country, he was conspir- 
ing with the Duke of Orleans, being also 
anxious to overthrow Talleyrand. 

Fouche was attacked, nevertheless, 
on all sides, was compelled to resign 
the Ministry of Police in September, 
1815, and was expelled, in i8i6, as a 
relapsed regicide. His dismissal was 
followed closely by that of his rival, 
Talleyrand, who was appointed High 
Chamberlain, and replaced, to the satis- 
faction, and indeed at the wish, of Russia, 
by the former governor-general in Odessa, 
the Duke of Richelieu, an emigre quite 
unacquainted with French affairs. Louis, 
who could not exist without 
favourites, had given his heart 
_ K K" ^^ ^^^ former secretary of 
ing ]yjg^(jgj^g Mere, D6cazes, As 

Fouch6's successor, he sided with the 
Pavilion Marsan, passed sundry capri- 
cious and arbitrary measures to main- 
tain order, but was still far too mild 
for the ultra-Royalists, who exercised a 
sort of secondary government, and pro- 
cured Talleyrand's help against him. 


of the 


The violence of this extreme section had 
found its warrant in the first election to 
the Chamber of Deputies in which it had 
effected an electioneering victory. But 
when the Pavilion Marsan and the deputies 
wished to cap the repressive measures of 
Diazes by making a farce of the very neces- 
sary amnesty for their political opponents, 
_^ J.. Louis found it necessary to 

r»-* ."^*^i dissolve the Chambers, and 

Dissolves the ,, -o i .l 

^. . the Royalist successes were 

Chambers , ■ j a. xu 

not repeated at the new 
election. The majority were supporters 
of the moderate Richelieu, while D6cazes 
was, comparatively speaking, a progressive. 

The new Chambers passed the Electoral 
Law of 1817, which secured power to the 
middle-class, in whom the ultra-Royalists 
saw their strongest opponents, and the prin- 
ciple adopted, that one-fifth of the deputies 
should retire annually, in fact assured an 
annual increase in what may be called the 
existing Liberzd majority. The Royalists 
then turned their efforts to procuring a 
very much lower franchise, in the belief 
that the peasantry would be much more 
amenable to the influence of clericals and 
landowners than the now dominant classes. 

RicheUeu soon found himself alarmed 
by what appeared to be the revival of 
the revolutionary spirit, emphasised at 
the elections of i8i8 by the appearance 
among the new deputies of Lafayette and 
Benjamin Constant. His position seemed 
strengthened by the success of France at 
the Conference of Aix-la-Chapelle, where 
he represented her in person and procured 
the immediate withdrawal of the allied 
garrisons. Nevertheless, his representa- 
tions that the electoral law must be modi- 
fied to check the democratic movement 
failed to convince the king, and Richelieu 
retired in December, 1818. 

The Ministry of Dessoles, which now 
took the lead, was dominated by Riche- 
lieu's rival, D6cazes, who became Minister 
of the Interior. An arrangement was 
E t Ad effected with the Curia on 
UlZu. A^&ust 23rd, 1819. Freedom 
. J, of the Press was encouraged, 

and the extraordinary laws 
against the liberty of the subject were 
repealed. The Ministry, however, at one 
time inclined to the Constitutionalists, at 
another to the ultra-Royalists, and thus 
forfeited the confidence of all, and depended 
on the personal and vacillating policy of 
the king, while the intensity of party 
feeling was increased. Even a great 


batch of new peers in March, 1819, did not 
give the Crown the hoped-for parliamen- 
tary support. An alteration of the elec- 
toral law seemed imperative ; it was 
essential to show fight against the Left. 

On November 20th, 1819, the country 
learnt that Dessoles was dismissed and 
Decazes had become first Minister. The 
vacillating policy of Decazes quickly 
estranged all parties, and they only 
waited for an opportunity to get rid of 
him. On February 13th, 1820, the king's 
nephew, Charles Ferdinand, Duke of 
Berry, the only direct descendant of 
Louis XV. from whom children could be 
expected, was stabbed at the opera, and 
the ultras dared to utter the lie that 
Decazes was the accomplice of Louvel the 
murderer. The royal family implored the 
king to dismiss his favourite, and Louis 
dismissed Decazes on February 21st, 1820. 

Richelieu became first Minister once 
more. Decazes went to London as 
ambassador, and received the title of 
duke. This compulsory change of minis- 
ters seemed to the king like his own 
abdication. Exceptional legislation 
against personal freedom was indeed 
_ necessary, but it increased the 

0,^7,. . bitterness of the Radicals, who 
Bloodshed , J r • J. J.I. 

. p . were already furious at the men- 
ace of the Electoral Law of 1817. 
Matters came to bloodshed in Paris in 
June, 1820 ; the Right, however, carried 
the introduction of a new electoral law. 
The abandonment of France to the noisy 
emancipationists standing on the extreme 
Left was happily diverted. Richelieu admin- 
istered the country in a strictly monarchical 
spirit, but never became the man of the 
ultra-Royalists of the Pavilion Marsan. 

The disturbed condition of the Iberian 
Peninsula gave the leaders of the reaction 
a new justification for their poHcy and a 
new opportunity of applying it. Fer- 
dinand VII., the king so intensely desired 
by the Spaniards, had soon shown himself 
a mean despot, whose whole government 
was marked by depravity and faithlessness, 
by falsehood and distrust. He abolished 
in May, 1814, the constitution of 1812, 
which was steeped in the spirit of the 
French Constituent Assembly, dismissed 
the Cortes, and with a despicable party or 
camarilla of favourites and courtiers 
persecuted all liberals and all adherents of 
Joseph Bonaparte. He restored all the 
monasteries and brought back the Inquisi- 
tion, and finally plunged Spain once 


more into the deep darkness of the Middle 
Ages ; he destroyed all benefits of govern- 
ment and the administration of justice, 
filled the prisons with innocent men, and 
revelled with guilty associates. Trade 
and commeice were at a standstill, and in 
spite of all the pressure of taxation the 
treasury remained empty. The Ministries 
and high officials continually changed 
according to the caprice of the sovereign, 
and there was no pretence at pursuing a 

the influence of the Powers, particularly 
of Russia, Ferdinand was rudely awakened 
from the indolence into which he had fallen. 
Better days seemed to be dawning for Spain ; 
but the reforming mood soon passed away. 
Regiments intended to be employed 
against the rising in South America had 
been assembled at Cadiz, but at this 
centre a conspiracy against the Govern- 
ment in Madrid broke out. On New 
Year's Day, 1820, the colonel of the regi- 


systematic policy. Such evils led to the 
rebellions of discontented and ambitious 
generals, such as Xaverio Mina, who paid 
the penalty of failure on the scaffold or 
at the gallows. Even the loyalty of the 
South American colonies wavered ; they 
were evidently contemplating defection 
from the mother country, in spite of all 
counter measures ; and the rising world 
power of the United States of North 
America was greatly strengthened- By 

ment of Asturia, Riego, proclaimed in 
Las Cabezas de San Juan on the Isla de 
Leon the constitution of 1812, arrested at 
Arcos the commander-in-chief of the ex- 
peditionary force together with his staff, 
drove out the magistrates, and joined 
Colonel Antonio Quiroga, who now was 
at the head of the undertaking. The 
attempt to capture Cadiz failed ; Riego's 
march through Andalusia turned out 
disastrously, and he was forced on March 



iith to disband his followers at Bien- 
venida. Qiiiroga also achieved nothing. 
But the cry for the constitution of 1812 
found a responsive echo in Madrid. 
Galicia, Asturia, Cantabria, and Aragon 
revolted. The royal government com- 
pletely lost heart, since it had too evil a 
conscience. The king, always a coward, 
_ capitulated with undignified 

eac ion alacrity, declared himself ready 
r^mp an ^^ gratify " the universal wish 
pain ^j ^j^^ people," and on 
March 9th took a provisional oath of 
adherence to the constitution of 1812. 

The whole kingdom was at the mercy 
of the unruly and triumphant Left. It 
was headed by Quiroga and Riego, and 
the Government was obliged to confer upon 
both these mutineers the rank of field- 
marshal. Quiroga was the more moderate 
of the two, and as Vice-president of the 
Cortes, which met on July 9th, endea- 
voured to organise a middle party. Riego 
preferred the favour of the mob ; at 
Madrid he received a wild ovation, 
August 30th to September 6th, and 
a hymn composed in his honour and 
called by his name was in everybody's 
mouth. Although his arrogance produced 
a temporary reaction, the party which he 
led was in the end triumphant. As cap- 
tain-general of Galicia and Aragon, Riego 
became master of the situation, and the 
Court was exposed to fresh humiliations. 

The spirit of discontent had also 
seized Portugal, where the reorganiser of 
the army, Field-Marshal Lord Beresford, 
conducted the government for King John 
VL, who was absent in Brazil. A national 
conspiracy against the British was quickly 
suppressed in 1817 ; but the feeling of 
indignation smouldered, and when Beres- 
ford himself went to Rio Janeiro for 
commands, secret societies employed his 
absence to stir up fresh sedition. The 
rebellion broke out on August 24th, 1820, 
under Colonel Sepulveda and Count 
. Silveira in Oporto, and Lisbon 
Siri7of followed suit on September 
_?'" ? i 15th. The juntas instituted in 
Discontent , .u 1 1 j. j ■ j. 

both places amalgamated mto 

one provisional government on October ist, 
and when Beresford returned on October 
loth, he was not allowed to land. The 
Cortes of 1821 drew up, on March 9th, the 
preliminary sketch of a constitution which 
limited the power of the Crown, as it had 
already been limited in Spain. All the 
authorities swore to it ; Count Pedro 


Palmella, the foremost statesman of the 
kingdom, advised John VL to do the same. 
John appeared in Lisbon, left his eldest 
son Dom Pedro behind as regent in Brazil, 
and swore to the principles of the consti- 
tution on July 3rd, 1821. 

In Italy, meanwhile, there was a strong 
movement on foot in favour of republi- 
canism and union. But few placed their 
hopes on Piedmont itself, for King Victor 
Emmanuel I. was a bigoted, narrow- 
minded ruler, who sanctioned the most 
foolish retrogressive policy, and, like 
William I. at Cassel, declared everything 
that had occurred since 1789 to be simply 
null and void. There was no prospect of 
freedom and a constitution while he con- 
tinued to reign. His prospective successor, 
Charles Felix, was as little of a Liberal as 
himself. The nobility and the clergy alone 
felt themselves happy. The hopes of better 
days could only be associated with the 
head of the indirect line of Carignan, 
Charles Albert, who in Piedmont and 
Sardinia played the role of the Duke of 
Orleans in France, and represented the 
future of Italy for many patriots even 
beyond the frontiers of Piedmont. In 
Modena, Duke Francis IV. of 

cace u ^j^g Austrian house did away 

Rule of Duke •' 


with the institutions of the 
revolutionary period and 
brought back the old regime. The Society 
of Jesus stood at the helm. Modena, on 
account of the universal discontent, 
became a hotbed of secret societies. 

In the papal states the position was the 
same as in Modena ; it was hardly better 
in Lucca, or in Parma, where Napoleon's 
wife, the Empress Marie Louise, held sway. 
In Tuscany, the Grand Duke Ferdinand III. 
reigned without any spirit of revenge ; he 
was an enemy of the reaction, although 
often disadvantageously influenced from 
Vienna. The peace and security which his 
rule assured to Tuscany promoted the 
growth of intellectual and material culture. 
His was the best administered state in the 
whole of Italy ; and when he died, in 1824, 
his place was taken by his son Leopold II., 
who continued to govern on the same 
lines and with the same happy results. 

Pius VII. and his great Secretary of 
State, Cardinal Consalvi, had indeed the 
best intentions when the States of the 
Church were revived ; but the upas-tree of 
bureaucracy blighted all prosperity. Not 
a vestige remained of the modem civilised 
lay state, especially after Consalvi was 


removed and Leo XII., 1823-1829, was powerless against them. The newly 

assumed the reins of government. Secret revived citizen militia was immediately 

societies and conspiracies budded, and infected by the Carbonari, which tempted 

brigandage took a fresh lease of life. The it with the charm of a " constitution." 

secret society of the Carbonari, having Guglielmo Pepe, an ambitious general, 

become too large for Neapolitan soil — 1808 but fickle character, became the soul of 

—maintained re- ^^^^^ ^^^^^^ the Carbonari in 

lations with the .^^H^P^^^k ^^^^^^^^^ the Sicilian army, 

Freemasons, who ^flp^^^^^^^ ^^^t^K^^^^. ^^'^ ^^^^ them a 

had influence in ^^^ '^^^^^L ^^^m^^^^^^^ considerable de- 

tlie Itahan dis- ^^K:- -'^^^^ ^^^Mm. m^^^^^^. ^^^^ *~*^ mihtary 

putes, and with ^^Hj^^ jM^^^^ ^^^B'^f^^^^^^A efficiency. He 

Queen Mary ^^^|^...^ W^^^B ^^^B^ JI^^^^B contemplated in 

Caroline of ^^^Bf^-T" /^^^^| ^^^Kl!^^^S«^^^H ^^^^ ^ 

Naples. Later, ^^^^^^^^l ;'^^^^H ^^^^^S^^Wl^^B ^^ ^^^ k^i^g> ^^^ 

the Government ^^^^^^m^'f^^^^^m ^^^^^^^^'^^^>^^V Emperor and 

vainly tried to ^^^^^^L^tK^^K WJ^^wE'^^l^iHF ^^P^^^^ 0^ -^u^' 

suppress the ^^^^^I^^^^^F ^^B^KjLj BJ^^y tria, and Met- 

Carbonari, who, ^^^^^^^HuS^^w ^^HH^M^cl^r ternich, at a 

though degraded ^^^^^^^^^^ ^^^^B^Bi^r review. The 

by the admission ^^^^^^^^ ^^[^^J^^ plan was not 

of the most no- ^he duke of richelieu and decazes executed, but the 

toriouS criminals The Duke of Richelieu, an emig^r<5 and formerly governor-general at Spell of thC 

>iarl o-Qinprl Q lir>lrl Odessa, was appointed to succeed Talleyrand as High Chamberlain CT->anicli inciii- 

naa gamea a noia though he was quite unacquainted with French affairs, while Decazes, -^PaniSH mSUf- 

On every stratum who supported the Bourbon restoration, became a great favourite of rection and the 
r cnri At \7 ^® king. He was dismissed in 1S20, and went to London as ambassador, 

The misgovernment of Naples and Sicily 
gave a plausible excuse for revolutionary 

agitation. King Ferdinand IV., a phleg- 
matic old man, full of cunning and trea- 
chery, licentiousness and cruelty, had not 
fulfilled one of the promises which he had 
given on his return to the 
throne, but had, on the con- 
trary, secretly promised the 
Court of Vienna that he would 
not grant his country a con- 
stitution until Austria set 
him the example. On Dec- 
einber nth, 1816, he united 
his states into the " Kingdom 
of the Two Sicilies," and 
assumed the title of Ferdinand 
I. ; and, although he left in 
existence many useful reforms 
which had been introduced 
during the French period, he 
bitterly disappointed his 

A leader of revolt 

new constitution 
ensnared him and his partisans. On July 
2nd, 1820, two sub-lieutenants raised the 
standard of revolt at Nola, and talked 
foolislily about the Spanish constitution, 
which was totally unknown to them. On 
the 3rd this was proclaimed in Avellino. 
Pepe assumed the lead of the 
movement, which spread far 
and wide, and marched upon 
Naples. The Ministry changed. 
Ferdinand placed the govern- 
ment temporarily in the hands 
of his son Francis, who was 
detested as the head of the 
Calderari, and the latter 
accepted the Spanish consti- 
tution on July 7th, a policy 
which Ferdinand confirmed. 
On the 9th, Pepe entered 
Naples in triumph, with 
soldiers and militia ; and 
Ferdinand, with tears in his 

Sicilian subjects by abolishing Riego was at the head of the Madrid eyes, took the oath to the 

the constitution which Lord a^^^tu^Utou^'clisLtrousfy' constitution on the 13th, in 

Bentinck had given them in and he disbanded his followers. He the palace chapel. The 

x8i2. The police and the ^^^ ^^"^^'^ ^* "^^"""^ '" ''^'- Bourbons began to wear the 

judicial system were deplorably bad ; 
the Minister of Police was the worst 
robber of all, and the head of the Cal- 
derari, a rival reactionary society. The 
army was neglected. Secret societies and 
bands of robbers vied with each other in 
harassing the country, and the Government 

colours of the Carbonari. Pepe, as 

commander-in-chief and captain-general 
of the kingdom, was now supreme ; but 
Ferdinand hastened to assure the indig- 
nant Metternich that all his oaths and 
promises had been taken under com- 
pulsion and were not seriously meant. 



Sicily no longer wished to be treated as 

a dependency of Naples, and claimed to 

receive back the constitution of 1812. 

Messina revolted, and Palermo followed 

the example on July 14th ; on the i8th 

there was fighting in the streets of Palermo. 

The governor, Naselli, fled, and the mob 

ruled ; immediately afterwards a provisional 

_ government was installed. The 

^. **L ° independent action of Sicily 
the Governor ^ , . j- . - • 

j^ Ij. aroused great discontent in 

Naples. General Florestan 
Pepe was despatched to Sicily with an 
army, and he soon made himself master of 
the island. But the Crown repudiated the 
treaty concluded by him with the rebels 
on October 5th, and sacrificed Pepe to 
the clamour of the Neapolitan Parliament ; 
the gulf between the two parts of the 
kingdom became wider. Met- 
temich had been unmoved by 
the tidings of the Spanish 
agitation, but he was only 
the more enraged when he 
heard what had occurred in 
the Two Sicilies. He put all 
blame on the secret societies, 
and praised the good in- 
tentions of Ferdinand's 
" paternal " government. 
The insurrection in Spain 
had made such an impression 
on Alexander that in a cir- 
cular of May 2nd, 1820, he 
invoked the spirit of the 


TT1A11- J -L-j After acting- as regent for his 

Holy Alliance, and emphasised mother, he succeeded to the throne ; 

the danger of illegal COnstitU- a rebellion broke out in 1820, and 

tions. Metternich strength- ^^"^ '^'"^ agreed to a constitution Ferdinand was at once ready 

A i • _ i • limiting the power of the Crown, x u i l • j i 

" " "" to break his word, and 

was condemned by the British nation. It 
was Metternich's primary object that the 
congress should approve the march of an 
Austrian army into Naples, and he induced 
the congress to invite Ferdinand to 
Troppau. Alexander always clung closer 
to the wisdom of Metternich, and the latter 
skilfully used the report of a mutiny among 
the Semenoff guards as an argument to 
overcome the Liberalism of the tsar. 
Alexander saw before his own eyes how 
the Spanish and Italian military revolts 
excited imitation in the Russian army. 
Frederic WilHam was equally conciliatory 
to Metternich, and was more averse than 
ever to granting a constitution on the 
model of Hardenberg's schemes. In the 
protocol of November 19th, Austria, 
Prussia, and Russia came to an agreement, 
behind the back of the two 
Western Powers, as to the 
position which they would 
adopt towards revolutions, 
and as to the maintenance 
of social order ; but France 
and Great Britain rejected the 
idea of changing the principles 
of international law. Fer- 
dinand took fresh oaths to his 
people and set out for Troppau. 
After Christmas the con- 
gress closed at Troppau, but 
was continued in January, 
1821, at Laibach. Most of 
the Italian governments were 
represented. Metternich again 
took over the presidency. 

ened the Austrian forces in 
Upper Italy, and stated, in a circular to 
the Italian courts, that Austria, by the 
treaties of 1815, was the appointed guar- 
dian of the peace of Italy, and wished for 
an immediate armed interference in the 
affairs of Naples ; but he encountered 
strong opposition in Paris and in St. 
Petersburg. Alexander, whom Metternich 
actually suspected of Carbonarism, advised 
a conference of sovereigns and Ministers ; 
the conference met on October 20th, 
1820, at Troppau. Alexander brought with 
him Capodistrias, an enemy of Metternich ; 
Francis I. brought Metternich and Gentz ; 
Frederic William III. was accompanied by 
Hardenberg and Count Giinther von Bern- 
storff ; the Count de la Ferronays appeared 
on behalf of Louis XVIII. ; and Lord 
Stewart represented the faint-hearted 
poUcy of his brother Castlereagh, which 


declared that his concessions were extorted 
from him. The King of France at first 
hesitated. A miracle seemed to have been 
performed on behalf of the French Bour- 
bons : the widow of Berry gave birth, on 
September 29th, 1820, to a son, the Duke 
Henry of Bordeaux, who usually appeared 
later under the name of Count of Cham- 
Th "M"r 1 " ^^^^- The legitimists shouted 

^f tk v k ^or joy, talked of the miracu- 
01 the JP rench , il'ij i^ 1 ^ 1 

g . lous child who would console 

his mother for the death of 
Hector, " the stem of Jesse when nearly 
withered had put forth a fresh branch." The 
child was baptised with water which Chat- 
eaubriand had drawn from the Jordan. The 
Spanish Bourbons looked askance at the 
birth ; they were already speculating on the 
future succession to the throne, and the Duke 
of Orleans secretly suggested in the English 


Press suspicions of the legitimacy of the* 
child. Louis successively repressed several 
military revolts, but had constantly to 
struggle with the claims of the ultras, who 
embittered his reign. Although in his 
heart opposed to it, he nevertheless as- 
sented at Laibach to the programme of 
the Eastern Powers. 

Austria sent an army under 
Frimont over the Po, and 
upheld the fundamental idea 
of a constitution for the Two 
Sicilies. Ferdinand agreed to 
everything which Mettemich 
arranged. France did not, 
indeed, at first consent to 
that armed interference with 
Spain which Alexander and 
Mettemich required. On Feb- 
ruary 26th, 1821, the deli- 
berations of the congress 
terminated. The Neapolitan 
Parliament, it is true, defied 

arrival, accepted, contrary to his inward 
conviction, the new constitution, and swore 
to it on March 15th. Charles Felix, how- 
ever, considered every administrative 
measure null and void which had not 
emanated from himself. Charles Albert 
was jxuiic-stricken, resigned the regency, 
and left the country. Alex- 
ander and Mettemich agreed 
that there was need of armed 
intervention in Piedmont. 
Austria feared also the corrup- 
tion of her Italian provinces, 
and kept a careful watch upon 
those friends of freedom who 
had not yet been arrested. 

At Novara, on April 8th, the 
Imperialists under Marshal 
Bubna, won a victory over 
the Piedmontese insurgents, 
which was no less decisive 
than that of Rieti had been in 

VICTOR EMMANUEL I Naples. Piedmont was occu- 
the threats of the Eastern King: of Sardinia from is u, he was pied by the imperial army ; the 
Powers, and declared that hs'fetroiret^T^^S^^^^^^ junta resigned, and Victor 
Ferdinand was their prisoner, |:>s»ngr >« i*-i> and he abdicated in Emmanuel renewed his abdica- 

,,,,., , , .^ , favour of ms brother Charles Fehx. .. . -i ,, , -vt- 

and that therefore his resolu- tion on April 19th, at Nice, 

tions were not voluntary. But their Charles Felix then first assumed the royal 
preparations for resistance were so de- title and decreed a criminal inquiry. On 

fective that the Austrians had an easy 
task. The Neapolitan army broke up 
after the defeat of GugHelmo Pepe at Rieti 
on March 7th, 1821, and on March 24th 
Frimont's army marched into 
Naples with sprigs of olive in 
their helmets. Pepe fled to 
Spain. In Naples the re- 
action perpetrated such ex- 
cesses that the Powers inter- 
vened ; the victims were 
countless, while the Austrians 
maintained order. 

In Piedmont the revolu- 
tion broke out on March 
loth, 1821 ; Charles Albert 
of Carignan did not keep 
aloof from it. The tricolour 
flag, red, white, and green, of 
the Kingdom of Italy was 

October i8th he made his entry into Turin 
amid the mad rejoicings of the infatuated 
mob, suppressed every sort of poHtical 
party, and mled in death-like quiet, being 
supported by the bayonets 
of Austria and by the do- 
minion of the Jesuits in 
Church, school, and State. 
The Austrians did not leave 
his country until 1823. On 
May I2th, 1821, a proclama- 
tion issued from Laibach by 
the Eastern Powers announced 
to the world that they had 
rescued Europe from the 
intended general revolution, 
and that their weapons alone 
served to uphold the cause 
of right and justice. 

Mettemich, promoted by 


hoisted in Alessandria, and a An ambitious general, but fickle the emperor to the office of 

provisional junta on the t'h^"t\1rona^'i 'n thTlicma„Trmyf Chancellor of State, stood at 

Spanish model was assembled, and in 1820 he assumed supreme the zenith of his success when, 

Turin proclaimed the parlia- p°^^' " commander -m- chief, on May 5th, 1821, Napoleon I., 

mentary constitution on March nth, and 
the Carbonari seized the power. Victor 
Emmanuel I. abdicated on March 13th in 
favour of his brother Charles Felix. Charles 
Albert, a vacillating and untrustworthy 
ruler, who was regent until the latter's 

the man who had contested his importance 
and had ruled the world far more than Met- 
temich, died at St. Helena. The black and 
3^ellow flag waved from Milan to Palermo ; 
princes and peoples bowed before it. 
Legitimacy had curbed the revolutionary 



craving, and Italy was further from 
unification than ever. The apostles of 
freedom and unity, men like Silvio Pellico, 
disappeared in the dungeons of the 
Spielberg and other fortresses in Austria. 
Russia was now on the most friendly 
terms with Austria. The result was soon 
seen when the monarchs and Ministers, still 
. p at Laibach, received tidings 

n ra o ^^ disorders in the Danubian 
Conspiracy ..... j • /- j 

and A h principalitiesandm(Treece,and 
y ^j^^ ^^^^^ under Metternich's in- 
fluence, repudiated the Greek leader, Ypsi- 
lanti, who had built on the theory that he 
could reckon on the warm support of Russia. 
In Spain the Liberals made shameless 
misuse of their victory, and limited the 
power of the king to such a degree that he 
naturally tried to effect a change. His 
past was a guarantee that Ferdinand VII. 
would not be at a loss for the means to 
his end. He courted the intervention of 
the Continent ; but Louis XVIII. and 
Richelieu preferred neutrality. The ultra- 
Royalists, however, became more and more 
arrogant in France. The Pavilion Marsan 
expelled Richelieu in December, 1821, 
and brought in the Ministry of Villele; 
the reaction felt itself fully victorious, and 
the clergy raised their demands. The 
Carbonari was introduced from Italy, 
and secret societies were formed. New 
conspiracies of republican or Napoleonic 
tendency followed, and led to executions. 
The power of the ultras became gradually 
stronger in the struggle ; party feeling 
increased, and even Count Villele was not 
royalist enough for the ultras. Ferdi- 
nand VII., on the contrary, favoured the 
Radicals, in order to employ them against 
the Liberals. Riego became President of 
the Cortes of 1822. A coup de main of 
the Guards to recover for Ferdinand the 
absolute power failed in July, 1822, and 
Ferdinand surrendered those who had sacri- 
ficed themselves for him. In the north 
guerrilla bands spread in every direction 
j^ J. .on his behalf ; in Seo de Urgel 
E a /**" a regency for him was estab- 
Castl h ^^^^^^ °^ August 15th, and an 
** alliance entered into with 
France. At the preliminary deliberations 
for the congress intended to be held at 
Verona, Metternich reckoned upon his 
" second self," Castlereagh, now the 
Marquess of Londonderry ; but the latter 
died by his own hand on August 12th, 1822. 
His successor in the Foreign Office, George 
Canning, a "Tory from inward conviction, 


a modern statesman from national neces- 
sity," broke with the absolutist-reactionary 
principles of the Holy Alliance, and entered 
the path of a national independent policy, 
thus dealing a heavy blow at Metternich 
and Austria. Metternich and Alexander 
stood the more closely side by side. 

The congress of sovereigns and Ministers 
at Verona was certainly the most bril- 
liant since that of Vienna. In October, 
1822, came Alexander, Francis, and Fre- 
deric William ; most of the Italian rulers, 
Metternich, Nesselrode, Pozzo di Borgo, 
Bernstorff, and Hardenberg ; France was 
represented by Chateaubriand, the Duke 
of Laval-Montmorency, Count La Ferro- 
nays, and the Marquis of Caraman ; 
Great Britain by Wellington and Viscount 
Strangford. Entertainments were on as 
magnificent a scale as at Vienna. Metter- 
nich wished to annul the Spanish and 
Portuguese revolution, and with it the 
extorted constitution ; the Eastern Powers 
and France united for the eventuality of 
further hostile or revolutionary steps 
being taken by Spain ; Great Britain 
excluded itself from their agreements, 
while Chateaubriand's romanticism in- 
-. toxicated the tsar. When the 

°"p"**° Greeks at the congress sought 

y help against the Turks, they were 

coldly refused. On the other 
hand, an understanding was arrived at 
about the gradual evacuation of Pied- 
mont by the Austrians ; the army of 
occupation in the Two Sicilies was reduced ; 
and good advice of every sort was given to 
the Italian princes. The Eastern Powers 
and France saw with indignation that 
Great Britain intended to recognise the 
separation of the South American colonies- 
from Spain, and their independence, ac- 
cording to the example given by the 
United States of North America, in March, 
1822. The Congress of Verona ended 
toward the middle of December. 

Chateaubiiand, now French Minister 
of Foreign Affairs, urged a rupture with 
Spain, at which Louis and Villele still 
hesitated. The threatening notes of the 
Powers at the Verona congress roused a 
storm of passion in Madrid, while the 
diplomatists in Verona had set themselves 
the question whether nations might put 
kings on their trial, as Dante does in his 
Divine Comedy, and whether the tragedy 
of Louis XVI. should be repeated with 
another background in the case of Ferdi- 
nand VII. The Spanish nation revolted 


af^ainst the arrogance of foreign interference. 
The rupture was made ; the ambassadors 
of Russia, Austria, Prussia, and France 
left Spain in January, 1823. The adven- 
turous George Bessitres ventured on an 
expedition to Madrid ; but the Spanish 
hope of British help against France, 
which was intended to carry 
out the armed interference, 
was not fulfilled. 

Louis XVIII. placed his 
ne])hew, Duke Louis of 
Angouleme, at the head of 
an army of 100,000 men. 
which was to free Ferdinand 
from the power of the 
Liberals and put him once 
again in possession of 
despotic power. In the 
Chamber at Paris the 
Liberals, indeed, loudly de- 
cried the war, and trembled 
at the suppression of the 
Spanish revolution, although 
Canning openly desired the 
victory of the Spanish 
people. Ferdinand and the 
Cortes went to Seville. Angouleme crossed 
. the frontier stream, the Bidassoa. on April 
7th, and found no traces of a popular rising ; 
nevertheless, he advanced, without any 
opposition, was hailed as a saviour, and 
entered Madrid on May 24th. He appointed 
a temporary regency, and in 
order not to hurt the national 
pride, avoided any inter- 
ference in internal affairs, 
although the reactionary zeal 
of the regency caused him 
much uneasiness, and only re- 
tained the supreme military 
command. But the Cortes in 
Seville relieved the king of the 
conduct of affairs and carried 
him off to Cadiz. Victory 
followed the French flag. 
The Spaniards lost heart, and 
were defeated or capitulated. 
Angouleme made forced 
marches to Cadiz, and on the 
night of August 31st stormed 
Fort Trocadero, which was 
considered impregnable. An 
expedition of Riego to the Isla de Leon 
ended in his anest, and on September 28th 
the Cortes, in consequence of the bombard- 
ment of Cadiz, abandoned their resistance. 
Ferdinand VII. voluntarily promised a 
complete amnesty and made extensive 

This eminent French writer and poli- 
tician supported the Restoration mon- 
archy from 1814 till 1824. He was created 
a vicomte, and for two years repre- 
sented France at the British Court. 

The crown of Portugal was re- 
nounced by Pedro IV., of Brazil, 
in favour of his daughter, but when 
Dom Miguel proclaimed himself 
king in 1828 she returned to her 
father, and was restored in 1834. 

professions. He was accorded a state 
reception by Angouleme on October ist, 
and was proclaimed as absolute monarch 
by a large party among the Spaniards. 
But hardly was he free before the perjurer 
began the wildest reaction. Many members 
of the Cortes and the regency fled to 
England to escape the 
gallows, and Ferdinand 
exclaimed : " The wretches 
do well to fly from their 
fate ! " The Powers of 
Europe viewed his action 
with horror. Angouleme, 
whose warnings had been 
scattered to the winds, left 
Madrid in disgust on Nov- 
ember 4th. Riego was 
hanged at Madnd on 
November 7th, 1823 ; on 
the 13th Ferdinand returned 
triumphant, only to reign 
as detestably as before. 
Talle5Tand called the war 
of intervention the begin- 
ning of the end ; the result of 
it was that Spain floundered 
further into the mire. The ultras tormented 
the country and Ferdinand himself to 
such a degree that he began to weary of 
them. The colonies in South America 
were irretrievably lost ; all the subtleties 
of the congress at Verona and of Chateau- 
briand could not change that 
fact. At Canning's proposal 
the British Government, on 
Januarj' ist, 1825, recognised 
the independence of the new 
republics of Buenos Ayres, 
Colombia, and Mexico. This 
was a fresh victory over the 
principle of legitimacy, which 
had been alwaysemphasised by 
Austria, Spain, and France, as 
well as by Russia and Prussia. 
The Spanish insurrection 
naturally affected the neigh- 
bouring country of Portugal. 
The September Constitution 
of 1820, far from improving 
matters there, had actually 
introduced new difficulties. 
Constitutionalists and abso- 
lutists were quarrelling violently with each 
other. Dom Pedro, son of John VI., who 
had been appointed regent in Brazil, saw 
himself compelled by a national party, 
which wished to make Brazil an indepen- 
dent empire, to send away the Portuguese 



troops. He assumed in May, 1822, the 
title of permanent protector of Brazil, 
and convened a national assembly at 
Rio de Janeiro, which on August ist and 
on September 7th announced the inde- 
pendence of Brazil, and proclaimed him, 
on October 12th, 1822, Emperor of Brazil, 
under the title of Dom Pedro I. The 
Portuguese were furious, but were never 
able to reconquer Brazil. 

Queen Charlotte, wife of John and 
sister of Ferdinand VII., a proud and 
artful woman, refused to take the oath to 
the Portuguese constitution, to which John 
swore, and, being banished, conspired 
with her younger son, Dom Miguel, the 
clergy, and many nobles, to restore the 
absolute monarchy. A counter re- 
volution in February, 1823, r- 
failed, it is true, but Dom 
Miguel put himself at its head, 
and Lisbon joined his cause. 
The weak John sanctioned 
this, and cursed the consti- 
tution ; the Cortes were 
dissolved. John promised a 
new constitution, and trium- 
phantly entered Lisbon with 
his son on June 5th. Por- 
tugal was brought back to 
absolutism. John was a mere 

on March loth, 1826, reigned for a short 
period over his native country as Pedro IV. 
Then, on May 2nd, Pedro renounced the 
crown of Portugal in favour of his daugh- 
ter, Dona Maria II. da Gloria. On June 
25th, 1828, Dom Miguel proclaimed him- 
self king, favoured by the British Tory 
Cabinet of Wellington. His niece, Maria da 
Gloria, was forced to return to her father 
in Brazil. 

The victory of Trocadero, which was 
audaciously compared by the French 
ultras to Marengo and Austerlitz, was of 
extraordinary advantage to the Govern- 
ment of Louis XVIII. " It was not 
merely under Napoleon that victories were 
won ; the restored Bourbons knew this 
and the "hero of Trocadero" 
was hailed as their "cham- 
pion " by the king on 
December 2nd, 1823. The 
elections to the Chambers of 
1824 were favourable to them ; 
and a law in June of the same 
year prolonged the existence 
of the Second Chamber to 
seven years, which might 
seem some check on change 
and innovation. Villele 
stood firm at the helm, 
overthrew Chateaubriand, 


. - , ,,• 1 J /-I. DOM MIGUEL . , , ^ T^ 

cipher ; but Miguel and Char- He became regent of Portugal on and guided Baron Damas, 

lotte ruled, and did not ^irn^^^,°iu£s"pV^o^c^iaimetSl^^^^^^^ his successor at the 

shnnk even from the king, when Maria recovered the Foreign Oifice. But Chateau - 

murder of opponents. Miguel *=^°"'"' ^'^^^ withdrew to itaiy. ^^-^^^ revenged himself by 

headed a new revolt against his father 
on April 30th, 1824, in order to depose him. 
But John made his escape on May 9th 
to a British man-of-war. The diplomatic 
body took his side, and at the same time 
the pressure brought to bear by the British 
Government compelled Miguel to throw 
himself at his father's feet and to leave 
Portugal on May 13th. An amnesty was 
proclaimed. The return of the old Cortes 
which had sat before 1822 was promised, 
and by British mediation the Treaty of Rio 
was signed on August 29th, 1825, in which 
the independence and self-government of 
Brazil were recognised. On April 26th, 
1826, Portugal received a Liberal Constitu- 
tion by the instrumentaUty of Dom Pedro 
I. of Brazil, who after his father's death. 

the most bitter attacks in the Press. 
Louis thereupon, at the advice of Villele, 
revived the censorship on political journals 
and newspapers, August i6th, 1824. The 
much-tried man was nearing his end. He 
warned his brother to uphold the Charta 
loyally, the best inheritance which he 
bequeathed ; if he did so, he too would 
die in the palace of his ancestors. 

Louis XVIII. died on September i6th, 
1824. France hailed Monsieur as 
Charles X., with the old cry, " Le roi est 
mort, vive le roi," But Talleyrand had fore- 
bodings that the kingdom of Charles would 
soon decay ; and, with his usual coarseness 
of sentiment, he said over the corpse of 
Louis: "I smell corruption here!" 

Arthur Kleinschmidt 



^.4"^ ■ i ' 




i 1 



-. A^l; J 


EUROPE m 4*^ jjll^ii 




WE have seen that the Tsar Alexander I., 
when he ascended the throne of Russia, 
was full of liberal ideas. If he wavered 
between antagonism to Napoleon and 
alliance with him, it was, in part at least, 
because Napoleon's own career bore a 
double aspect ; if he was an aggressive 
conqueror who sought to impose his own 
will on Europe regardless of international 
law, he was also the incarnation of anti- 
feudalism. It was not until after the 
Congress of Vienna and the Peace of Paris 
that the change came over the tsar 
which made him a force in Europe hardly 
less reactionary than Metternich himself. 
But it is with his domestic policy, his 
policy within the borders of his own 
empire, that we are here concerned ; his 
foreign policy has already appropriated a 
conspicuous share of earlier chapters. 
_ , On his accession, then, he 

e sar s j-gjgj^g(j jj^ 2^ liberal spirit, and 
sirc or 5m^Q^j^(jg(j himself with men of 
Reforms ,, ,, 

the same views ; among them 
his Secretary of State, Michael Speranskij, 
was conspicuous. Magnanimous plans 
were proposed, and the emperor himself 
spoke of the buiden of an absolute 
monarchy. There was a wish to introduce 
reforms on the English model, or, as Sper- 
anskij suggested, an imitation of the 
French Constitution. People talked, as 
Catharine had once done, of " the rights of 
the subjects, and the duty of the Govern- 
ment," and of the abolition of serfdom ; 
and a sum of a million roubles yearly 
was laid aside in order to buy estates 
with serfs for the C^o^\^^. 

The German nobility of Esthonia, Cour- 
land, and Livonia took the first step by 
the emancipation of the Lettic and 
Esthonian serfs. The coercive measures 
were repealed, the frontier opened, the 
" Secret Chancery " as well as corporal 
punishment for nobles, citizens, priests, and 


Attempt to 
Restore the 
Old Order 

church officials abolished. Schools and 
universities were founded, and the empire 
was diWded into six educational districts. 
In place of the old boards dating from the 
days of Peter, real Ministries and a Council 
of State were created for the first time. 
Alexander thus reigned "according to the 
principles and after the heart of Catharine " 
until 1812, when he suddenly 
changed his views. The ene- 
mies of freedom, the Church 
once more at their head, 
strained every nerve to overthrow Sper- 
anskij, and restore the old order of things. 
Even the great historian, Nikolaj Karam- 
sin, recommended serfdom and autocracy 
in his memoir on " Ancient and Modem 
Russia." Others also recommended the 
same policy. Speranskij was overthrown 
from a " wounded feeUng of disappointed 
inclination " ; Count Alexej Araktshejev, 
an apostle of slavery, as an all-powerful 
favourite, guided the affairs of government. 
Alexander did, indeed, make the attempt; 
to which he had always been attracted, oi 
giving his reconstructed Poland a constitu- 
tion : but Poland was incapable of working 
a constitution. Another of his experiments 
was that of establishing military colonies 
all over the empire. The theory was that 
the soldiery, planted on the soil, would 
maintain themselves by agriculture, and 
would at the same time provide centres 
p for recruiting and for military 
ew orm ^j.^j^jj^g jgg practical effect, 

^ " . however, was merely the appli- 
Oppression ^. I , •' , ^*^ 

cation of a new form of oppres- 
sion to the already sufficiently oppressed 
peasantry. The latter years of Alexander's 
life were embitteied by a sense of the 
ingratitude of mankind. Conscious of his 
own high purposes, he found his own 
people, instead of recognising their nobihty, 
still murmunng and discontented, infected 
even by the mutinous spirit of the Latin 



peoples. He expressed repeatedly a 
desire to abdicate, and when he died at 
Taganrog in December, 1825, it was with 
no reluctance that he escaped from the 
cares of sovereignty. 

He left no children. Constantine, as 
the elder of his brothers, would have had 
the next claim to the throne had he not 
formally renounced it in 1820 
and 1822, in order to be able 
to marry a Polish countess, 
Johanna Grudzinska. The 
idea that his brother Nicholas 
had learnt nothing of this 
before the memorable Decem- 
ber days of the year 1825 is no 
longer tenable. The homage 
paid by the younger brother 
to Constantine, who was stay- 
ing in Warsaw, was a rash act 
chiefly due to Count Milorado- 
vitch, the mihtary Governor- 
General of St. Petersburg at 

that time, and it cost trouble Nicholas T. 

enough to cancel it in the days J^t'Tv.''^ ^^"LV.^^ ?u"r'*!u 

.."^ T-» 1 Ai J to the throne in 1825, on the death 

between December 9th and ^j ^is brother, Alexander i. He 

24th, 1825. There is accord- aimed at absolute despotism but 

ingly no need to suppose a ^°'^ **^« affection of his subjects, 
noble contest of magnanimity between the 
two brothers. But the idea of freedom had 
already struck root so deeply under Alex- 
ander L that the supporters of a constitu- 
tion, who had been secretly organised since 
1816, especially in the corps of officers, 
wished to use the opportunity of placing 
the liberal-minded Constantine on the 
P throne. The rumour was spread 

c h'j\ that Constantine' s renunciation 

M^^c f 1^ was only fictitious ; that he was 
Nicholas I. , . 1 -^ , ,,,, 

being kept a pnsoner at Warsaw. 

The troops shouted : " Long live Constan- 
tine ! " and when the cry "Long live the 
Constitution ! " mingled with it, the 
troops thought that it was the name of 
the wife of Constantine. 

Nicholas L crushed the rebellion on 
December 26th, 1825, with great firmness. 
Several " Decabrists " were executed and 
many exiled. Possibly that was one of 
the reasons why Nicholas was throughout 
his whole reign a sworn^ enemy of popular 
liberty. A man of iron strength of character 
and energy, he was, with his immense 
stature and commanding presence, the 
personification of absolutism. But he 
was fully alive to the duties and respon- 
sibilities which his great position threw 
upon him, and he devoted all his powers 
to the affeiirs of the country. His first 


attention was given to the pubhcation of 
the legal code. His government aimed 
at " stopping the rotation of the earth," 
as Lamartine aptly puts it. He recognised 
no peoples or nations, only cabinets and 
states. The Press was therefore once more 
gagged, printing-offices were watched and 
schools were placed under strict super- 
vision. The Government's 
mistrust of education was so 
great that all lecture courses 
on philosophy were entrusted 
to the clergy. Even the Church 
was watched, and the em- 
peror's adjutant, Protasscv, 
a general of hussars, was 
attached to the Holy Synod 
as Procurator-General, and 
for twenty years conducted 
the business of the Church 
on a military system. But 
the movement towards civilisa- 
tion and liberty did not fail 
OF RUSSIA to have some influence even 
on this iron despot, for he 
advocatec throughout his 
whole life the abolition oi 
serfdom, i.nd allowed even the 
peasants to acquire property. Such was 
the autocrat whose iron hand was to rule 
Russia for thirty years after his accession. 
In taking up the thread of the history 
of the Ottoman Empire, we must note 
certain events in the Napoleonic period 
which have hitherto passed unrecorded, 
as standing outside the general course oi 
our account of Europe. The movement, 
which has by degrees turned one after 
another of the provinces into practically 
if not completely independent states, was 
initiated in 1804 by a Servian revolt, 
caused by the violent methods of the 
Turkish Janissaries, and headed by George 
Petrovitch, otherwise known as Czerney, or 
Karageorge. The insurrection broke out 
locally at Sibnitza, Deligrad, Stalatz, and 
Nish. Before long, Russian influence 
-^ brought to its support the 

D f t*d h ^'"^^^ Hospodars, or provincial 
th* S* \ ^ administrators of Moldavia and 
Wallachia, Constantine Murusiv 
and Constantine Ypsilanti. The flame 
spread, and in 1806 and 1807 the Serbs 
inflicted defeats on the Turks at Shabat2 
and Ushitze, under the command of Miloj 
Obrenovitch, captured Belgrade, and estab' 
lished the popular assembly, or Skuptskina 
Shortly before this, however, the Sultar 
Selim had set himself to overthrow the 


of the 
New Sultan 

dangerous power of the Janissaries by 
means of a reorganisation of the army, 
" Nisan Jedid." A further movement in 
the same direction in 1807 brought 
disaster. The Janissaries rose ; Sehm was 
deposed and murdered. The outcome of 
a brief and bloody period of struggle was 
that the one surviving prince of the royal 
family, Mahmud, found himself placed on 
the throne, and, to all intents and pur- 
poses, in the hands of the Janissaries, who 
had proved themselves to be the masters 
of the situation. Hence the first act of 
Mahmud was to recognise these 
praetorians in a solemn Hatti- 
sherif , issued on November i8th, 
as the firmest support of the 
throne. The army and the population 
greeted the one surviving descendant 
of the Ottoman house with enthusiasm, 
and the " Chok yasha Sultan Mahmud! " 
resounded from thousands of throats in the 
mosques and on the public squares. The 
Ottoman dynasty had been saved as by a 
miracle. The sultan, who was then twenty- 
three years of age, was confronted by two 
dangerous opponents, the Serbs and Rus- 
sians. The latter were supporting the 
Serbs and also the Montenegrins against 
the Turks and the French in Dalmatia. 
However, the war upon the Danube was 
continued with 
no great vigoui 
It was not until 
the Peace o 
of Septembt ; 
17th, 1809, when 
Russia acquired 
Finland from 
Sweden and 
secured a guaran- 
tee from Najx)- 
leon that the 
Polish kingdom 
should not be 
restored, that 
the Turkish War 
again took a 
prominent place 
in Russian 


Sultan of Turkey, Selim III. made an effort to overthrow the 
dangerous power of the Janissaries, but the attempt ended in 
disaster, Selim being' deposed and assassinated in 1808. He was suc- 
ceeded on the throne by Mahmud II., during whose reigrn Greece estab- 

lished its independence. 

policy. In 1810 Prince Bagration was 
replaced by Count Kamenskii as supreme 
commander over 80,000 men. He im- 
mediately crossed the Danube, and on 
June 3rd captured Ba^arjik, which was 
followed by the conquest of Silistria, 
Sistova, Rustchuk, Giurgevo, and Nico- 
polis. The fear of Napoleon and of a 

Polish rising prevented further enterprise. 
After the death of Kamenskii, Kutusoff, 
who was sixty-five years of age, utterly 
defeated the Turks on October 12th, 181 1, 
at Slobodse and Rustchuk. This victory 
decided the war. The British fleet made 
a demonstration before the Dardanelles to 
prevent the sultan agreeing to the Conti- 
nental embargo of Napoleon. 

The Peace of Bucharest, May 12th, 1812, 
reconfirmed the conventions of Kiitchuk- 
Kainarje and Jassy, ceded Bessarabia to 
Russia, and gave the Serbs an amnesty, 
greater independence, and an extension 
of territory. The brothers Murusi, the 
sultan's Phanariot negotiators, were ex- 
ecuted upon their return home on 
account of the extravagance of the 
concessions made by them to the tsar. 

The Russians had secured an influence 
in Servia, which Austria had obstinately 
disdained. When, however, in May, 1813, 
the Russians appeared on the Oder and 
Elbe the Turkish army again advanced 
into Servia ; George Petrovitch fled to 
Russia by way of Austria. The Ottomans 
exacted a bitter vengeance upon the coun- 
try, but on Palm Sunday, April nth, 
1815, Milos Obrenovitch appeared with 
the ancient banner of the voivodes. The 
people as a whole flocked to the standard, 
and the Turks 
were left in pos- 
session only of 
their fortresses. 
On November 
0th, 1817, Milos 
was recognised 
by the bishop, 
the Kneses and 
l)eople as voi- 
vode ; while 
Karageorge, who 
had returned to 
tlie country to 
ally himself with 
the Greek 
Hetaeria, was 
murdered. Al- 
most c o n t e m- 
porary with the 
Philomusoi, which was 
founded in Athens in 1812, arose in Greece 
the secret confraternity of the " philiki," 
whose energies after some years brought 
about the open struggle for freedom. Three 
young Greeks — Skuphas of Arta, Tzaka- 
loph of Janina, and Anagnostopulos of 
Andritzena — founded the new Hetaeria at 



Mahmud suppressed the Janissary troops. 

Society of the 


Odessa in 1814, and swore " to arrive at 
a decision between themselves and the 
enemies of their country only by means of 
fire and sword." Oaths of appalling solem- 
nity united this growing band of comrades. 
It aimed at complete separation from 
Turkey, and the revival of the old Byzan- 
tine Empire. This yearning for liberation 
XK I ♦ proceeded from and was sus- 

>, * . °* - tained by an intellectual renas- 
Freedom of ,-',, ,. y^ ,, 

Th G k ^^"^^ ^^ ^^^ nation, rrom the 
time of the conquest of Byzan- 
tium by the Turks the Greeks had been 
deprived of all political freedom. But under 
the ecclesiastical protection of their patri- 
arch in Phanar and in monasteries, at 
Athos and Janina in Epirus, and in the 
theological school of the Peloponnese at 
Dimitzana, the spark of culture and 
freedom had glowed amongst the ashes, 
and was kept alive in the language of the 
Church and the Gospel. 

As was the case with the Armenians and 
the Jews, superior intelligence and dexter- 
ity secured the highest positions for the 
Greeks in the immediate proximity of 
the Padishah. After the position of first 
interpreter of the Porte had fallen into 
their hands, at the end of the seventeenth 
century, all negotiations concerning foreign 
policy were carried on through them ; they 
were preferred for ambassadorial posts in 
foreign courts, and from the eighteenth 
century the Porte made a practice of 
choosing from their numbers the hospodars 
of Moldavia and Wallachia. 

The opinion of an English diplomatist 
upon these " Phanariots," shortly before 
the outbreak of the Greek Revolution, is 
well known : " Under the oppression 
exercised by Turkish despotism with a 
daily increasing force, the Greek character 
acquired a readiness for subterfuge and a 
perversity of judgment on questions of 
morality, which a continuance of servitude 
gradually developed to an habitual double 
dealing and treachery, which strikes 
Q the foreigner from the first 

¥\ V**j moment." However, the Greeks 

Devastated 111 ■ 1 x i-> • 

„ J. . looked anxiously to Russian 
nemtes cj^^j^pJQj^s a.nd liberators, not- 
withstanding all the apparent privileges 
received from the Porte, from the time of 
the Peace of Posharevatz, when the whole 
of Morea fell into the possession of the 
Turks. In the devastation which Russia's 
attempt to liberate the Morea had brought 
down upon Greece in 1770, when Hellas 
and Peloponnese suffered inhuman devas- 


tation from the Albanians whom the Turks 
called in, Athens and the isfands had been 
spared ; in 1779 the Turks found them- 
selves obliged to send Hasan Pasha to 
destroy the unbridled Albanians at Tripo- 
litsa. In the Peace of Kiitchuk-Kainarje 
in 1774, Russia had again been obliged to 
abandon the Greeks to the Ottomans, 
though the Turkish yoke became lighter 
as the power of the Porte grew feebler. 

The Hellenes enriched themselves by 
means of commerce ; the sails of the 
merchantmen sent out by the islands 
covered the Mediterranean. During the 
French Revolution almost the entire 
Levant trade of the Venetians and the 
French fell into their hands. The number 
of Greek sailors was estimated at ten 
thousand. In their struggles with the 
pirates their ships had always sailed pre- 
pared for war, and they had produced a 
race of warriors stout-hearted and capable, 
like the Armatoles, who served in the 
armies of Europe. In the mountain 
ranges of Mania, of Albania, and Thessaly 
still survived the independent spirit of the 
wandering shepherds, or " klephts," who 
had never bowed to the Otto- 
man sword. The children of the 
rich merchants who traded with 
the coasts of Europe studied 
in Western schools, and readily absorbed 
the free ideals of the American Union and 
the French Revolution. In the year 1796, 
Constantine Rhigas of Pherae sketched in 
Vienna a plan for the rising of his nation, 
and secured an enthusiastic support for 
his aims, which he sang in fiery ballads. 

When he was planning to enter into 
relations with Bonaparte, whom he re- 
garded as the hero of freedom, he was 
arrested in Trieste in 1798, and handed 
over by the Austrian police, with five of his 
companions, to the Pasha of Belgrade, 
who executed him. He died the death of a 
hero, with the words: " I have sown the 
seed, and my nation will reap the sweet 
fruit." Adamantios Korais, 1748-1833, 
of Smyrna was working in Paris, together 
with his associates, before the fall of 
Napoleon, to bring about the intellectual 
renascence of the Greeks, the " Palin- 
genesia." The only thing wanting to these 
associations was a leader, as was cdso the 
case with the Serbs. 

This leader was eventually provided by 
Russia. Alexander Ypsilanti, born of a 
noble Phanariot family, was a grandson of 
the hospodar of WaUachia of the same 

The Fate 
Of a Greek 
P atriot 


name who had been murdered by the 
Turks in 1805 at the age of eighty ; he was 
a son of that Constantine Ypsilanti who, 
having supported the Servian insurrection, 
had been deposed from the post of hospodar 
of Wallachia, and had fled into exile. As 
the tsar's adjutant during the Vienna 
Congress, he had inspired that monarch 
with enthusiasm for the Hetaeria. 

Relying upon the silent consent of his 
master, he went to Kishineff , in Bessarabia, 
in September, 1820, with the object of 
communicating with the leaders of the 
federation in the Danubian principalities, 
in Constantinople, and upon the mainland. 
Availing himself of the difficulties caused 
to the Porte by the revolt of Ali Pasha 
of Janina, Alexander Ypsilanti, accom- 
panied by his brother Constantine and 
Prince Cantakuzenos, crossed the Pruth 
on March 6th, 182 1, entered J assy, sent 
a report on the same night to the tsar, 
who was awaiting the result of the con- 
gress at Laibach, and forthwith issued 
an appeal to the Greek nation. On 
March 12th he started for Wallachia ; 
not until April gth did he reach Bucharest 
tK T ^^^^ 5>ooo men. But from 
R °^ A *d '*' ^^^^ moment the movement 
Th*^*G* k proved unfortunate. The 
tsar, whose hands were tied 
by the Holy Alliance and the influence 
of legitimist theories, declared the Greeks 
to be rebels, and the Russian consul in 
J assy openly disapproved of the Phanariot 
enterprise. It now became manifest how 
feeble was the popularity of these leaders on 
the Danube. They were opposed by the 
Boyars, the peasants fell away from them, 
the Serbs held back, and treachery reigned 
in their own camp. To no purpose did the 
" Sacred Band " display its heroism at 
Dragashani, in Little Wallachia, on June 
19th, 1821, against the superior forces of 
the Pasha of Silistria and Braila. 

On June 26th, Ypsilanti escaped to 
Austrian territory, where he spent the 
best years of his life at Munkacs and 
Theresienstadt in sorrowful imprisonment ; 
his health broke down, and he died shortly 
after his liberation on January 31st, 1828. 
The last of the ill-fated band of heroes, 
Georgakis, the son of Nikolaos, blew 
himself up on September 20th, in the 
monastery of Sekko, Moldavia. The 
fantastic ideal of a greater Greece, em- 
bracing not only the classic Hellas, but 
also the Danube states of Byzantine 
Greece, thus disappeared for ever. The 

Morea was already in full revolt against 
the Turks. On April 4th, 1821, the 
insurgents took Kalamate, the capital of 
Messenia, and Patras raised the flag of the 
Cross. The fire of revolt spread on every 
side, and destruction raged among the 
Moslems. The insurrection was led by 
the national hero, Theodore Kolokotroni, 
, a bold adventurer and able 

A *™ *t th "^ general, though his followers 
C 1*'" • * often did not obey their head ; 
and the fleet of the islands did 
excellent service. The successes of the 
Greeks aroused boundless fury in Constanti- 
nople. Intense religious hatred was kindled 
in the Divan, and at the feast of Easter, 
April 22nd, the Patriarch Gregory of 
Constantinople and three metropolitans 
were hanged to the doors of their churches. 
In Constantinople and Asia Minor, in the 
Morea, and on the islands, Islam wreaked 
its fury on the Christians. 

Enthusiasm for the Greek cause spread 
throughout the whole of Europe. The 
noblest minds championed the cause of the 
warriors, who were inspired by their noble 
past with the pride of an indestructible 
nationality, and were defending the Cross 
against the Crescent. Since the occupation 
of Athens by the Venetians in 1688, the 
eyes of educated Europe had turned to the 
city of Athene. The Venetian engineers, 
Vermada and Felice, had then drawn up 
an accurate plan of the Acropolis and of 
the town, which was published by Fran- 
cesco Fanelli in his " Atene Attica," 1707. 

Du Cange wrote his " History of the 
Empire of Constantinople under the 
Prankish Emperors " in 1657, and in i68o 
his " Historia Byzantina." Since the 
days of George, Duke of Buckingham, 
1592-1628, and Thomas, Earl of Arundel, 
1586-1646, a taste for the collection of 
examples of Greek art had been increas- 
ing in England. Wealthy peers sent 
their agents to Greece and the East, 
or journeyed thither themselves, as did 
Lord Claremont, who com- 
missioned Richard Dalton to 
make sketches of the Greek 
monuments and works of art in 
1749. James Stewart and Nicholas Revett 
published sketches of " The Antiquities of 
Athens " in 1751. In 1776 appeared 
Richard Chandler's " Travels in Greece." 
In 1734 the Society of Dilettanti had been 
founded in London with avowedly Phil- 
hellenic objects. In 1764 appeared Winc- 
kelmann's " History of Ancient Art," and 


Greek Art 




in 1787 Edward Gibbon completed his 
" Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire." 
From 1812 onwards Beethoven's opera, 
" The Ruins of Athens," had aroused tears 
and s5Tnpathy in every feeling heart. 
Numberless memories and recollections 
now carried away the sympathies of 
Europe, which had only just shaken off 
the yoke of the Corsican con- 
Europe q^eror. In 182 1 Philhellenic 

Inspired by 
Greek Songs 

unions were formed upon all 
sides to support the "heroes of 
Marathon and Salamis " with money and 
arms. The banker, Eynard of Geneva, the 
Wiirtemberg General Norman, the French- 
man Comte Harcourt, the United States, 
England, King Ludwig I. of Bavaria, an 
artistic enthusiast, and the painter Hei- 
degger sent money, arms, and ships, or 
volunteer bands. The populations of Europe 
were inspired by the Greek songs of Wilhelm 
Miiller and the verses of Lord BjTon 
" The mountains look on Marathon, and 
Marathon looks on the sea," and later by 
his heroic death, April 19th, 1824, at 
Missolonghi. Even Goethe, the prince of 
poets, with all his indifference to politics, 
was fascinated by the fervour of the Greek 
and Servian popular songs, and cast his 
mighty word into the scale of humanity. 

The Russian people had felt ever since 
the beginning of the Hellenic war of in- 
dependence the warmest sympathy for 
their oppressed brethren, and after the 
horrors of April 22nd the Government 
could no longer resist the exasperation felt 
against the Turks ; a storm of indignation 
swept through the civiUsed world. 

The Russian ambassador. Baron Stroga- 
noff, a Philhellene, spoke vigorously for 
the Christians, and suspended relations 
with the Porte in June ; and Capodistrias 
announced to the world, in his Note of 
June 28th, an ultimatum to Turkey that 
the Turks were no longer entitled to re- 
main in Europe. A mood very unpleasing 
to Mettemich had come over the fickle 

w X* -1. tsar ; the Cabinets of Vienna 
Mefternieh j Ci. t -1.1- j. • i. 

A a th and St. James saw with astomsh- 

Fickle Tsar "^^"^ that Stroganoff left Con- 
stantinople in August. Metter- 
nich once more laid stress on the fact 
that the triumph of the Greek revolution 
was a defeat of the Crown, while Capodi- 
strias was for the support of the Greeks 
and for war against Turkey. The Porte, 
well aware of the discord of the Euro- 
pean Cabinets, showed little willingness 
to give way and agree to their demands. 


Kolokotroni had invested the Arcadian 
fortress of Tripolitza since the end of 
April, 1821. All Turkish attempts to 
relieve the garrison proved futile, while 
the militia had been drilled into efficient 
soldiers, and on October 5th, 1821, Tri- 
politza fell. The Greeks perpetrated gross 
barbarities. Demetrius Ypsilanti, Alexan- 
der's brother, who also had hitherto 
served in Russia, had been " Archistra- 
tegos " since June of that year ; but he 
possessed little reputation and could not 
prevent outrages. The continued quarrels 
and jealousy between the leaders of the 
soldiers and of the civilians crippled the 
power of the insurgents. Alexander Mav- 
rogordato, a man of far-reaching imagina- 
tion, undertook, together with Theodore 
Negri, the task of giving Hellas a fixed polit- 
ical system. In November, 1821, Western 
and Eastern Hellas, and in December the 
Morea, received constitutions. 

The National Assembly summoned by 
Demetrius Ypsilanti to Argos was trans- 
ferred to Piadha, near the old Epi- 
dauros, and proclaimed on January 13th, 
1822, the independence of the Hellenic 
^ • .1 .1 nation and a provisional con- 

Corinth the j.-, ,■ i.- v. j iu 

_ - stitution, which prepared the 

^ . ground for a monarchy. While 

it broke with the Hetseria, it ap- 
pointed Mavrogordato as Proedros (presi- 
dent) of the executive council to be at the 
head of affairs, and in an edict of January 
27th it justified the Greek insurrection in 
the eyes of Europe. Corinth became the 
seat of government. But the old discord, 
selfishness, and pride of the several leaders 
precluded any prospect of a favourable 
issue to the insurrection. Kurshid Pasha, 
after the fall of Ali Pasha of Janina, 
which freed the Turkish army of occupation 
in Albania, subjugated the Suliotes. 

As a result of the objectless instiga- 
tion of Chios to revolt, a fleet landed 
in April under Kara Ali, and the island 
was barbarously chastised. Indignation 
at the Turkish misrule once more filled 
the European nations, and they hailed 
with joy the annihilation of Kara All's 
fleet by Andreas Miaouli and Constant ine 
Kanari on June 19th. In July a large 
Turkish army under Mahmud Dramali 
overran Greece from Phocis to Attica and 
Argos. The Greek Government fled from 
Corinth. In spite of all the courage of 
Mavrogordato and General Count Nor- 
mann-Ehrenfels, famous for the attack 
on Kitzen, Suli was lost, owing to the 


defeat at Peta on July 16-17, and Western 
Hellas was again threatened. The bold 
Markos Botzaris lell on August 21st, 1823, 
with his Suliotes, in the course of a sortie 
against the besiegers of Missolonghi. 

In his necessity the sultan now sum- 
moned to his aid his most formidable 
vassal, Mehemet Ali of Egypt. He first 
sent his son Ibrahim to Candia for the 
suppression of the revolt, in command of 
his troops, who had been trained by 
French officers. This leader then ap- 
peared in the Morea, February 22nd, 
1825, where the bayonet and his cavalry 
gave him a great superiority over the 
Greeks, who, though brave, were badly 
disciplined and armed. None the less the 
Greeks vigorously pro- 
tested against the protocol 
of peace, which was issued 
by the Powers, of August 
24th, 1824, recommending 
them to submit to the 
Porte and promising the 
sultan's pardon, after 
almost the whole popula- 
tion of the Island of Psara 
had been slaughtered on 
July 4th. Three parties 
were formed amongst the 
Greeks themselves, one 
under Mavrogordato 
leaning upon England, 
that of Capodistrias lean- 
ing upon Russia, and that 
of Kolettis leaning upon 
France. British influence 
prevailed. On December 
2ist, 1825, the Tsar Alex- 
ander died at Taganrog, 


The brave fight for independence made by 
Greece against the Turks stirred the enthusi- 

help given to the Greeks at that time by 
Lord Cochrane and General Church, by 
Colonels Fabvier, Vautier, and Heydeck, 
did not stop the Turkish advance. On 
June 5th, 1827, the Acropolis again capitu- 
lated, and with it the whole of Greece was 
Th S It °"^^ again lost to the Hellenes. 
However, a bold attack de- 

New Guise ^^^^''^^ ^^ ^ most unexpected 
point shook the throne of the 
sultan. On May 28th, 1826, Mahmud 
II. issued a Hatti-sherif concerning the 
reform of the Janissaries. Upon the 
resistance of these latter they were met 
on the Etmeidan by the well-equipped 
imperial army, supported on this occasion 
by the Ulemas and the people, and were 
mown down with grape- 
shot. The sultan forth- 
with began the formation 
of a new corps upon 
European models. It 
was an event of the most 
far-reaching importance 
for the empire when 
Mahmud first appeared 
at the head of the faithful 
in an overcoat, European 
trousers, boots, and a red 
fez instead of a turban. 
His triumph, however, 
was premature, his army 
was momentarily weak- 
ened, and the reforms 
were not carried out. 
The invader was already 
knocking once again at 
the door of the empire. 
On October 6th, 1826, his 
plenipotentiaries signed 

and the youthful Nicholas ^^reekt t^h^pTt ByTon Lriledai^so^^^^ au agreement at Akker 
I. ascended the throne, on January 4th, 1 824, and died on April 1 nth. man, agreeing On all poiuts 

He quickly suppressed a mihtary revolution 
in St. Petersburg, and showed his deter- 
mination to break down the influence of 
Metternich. Canning, whose whole sym- 
pathies were with the Greeks, now sent the 
Duke of Wellington to St. Petersburg, and 
on April 4th, 1826, Great Britain and Russia 
signed a protocol, constituting 
Greece, like Servia, a tributary 
vassal state of the Porte, with 
a certain measure of indepen- 
dence. Charles X. of France agreed to 
these proposals, as his admiration had been 
aroused by the heroic defence of Misso- 
longhi, where Byron had fallen. Austria 
alone secretly instigated the sultan to 
suppress the Greek revolt. Even the 

The Heroic 
De&th of 
Lord Byron 

to the Russian demands for Servia and the 
Danubian principalities, but refusing that 
for Greek freedom. In vain did the 
sultan send an ultimatum to the Powers 
on June loth, 1827, representing that 
the right of setthng the Greek problem 
was his alone. On April nth, 1827. 
Capodistrias became President of the free 
state of Corfu, under Russian influence, 
and Russia, Britain, and France deter- 
mined to concentrate their fleets in 
Greek waters on July 6th, a month before 
the death of Canning, which filled Greece 
with lamentation. The result of the 
movements was the battle of Navarino, 
October 20th, one of the most murderous 
naval actions in the whole of history ; in 



^^^^^^^ !/|l|^^^^^H[^^^9^^^^^^^^^| 

-■»" -., .-.^^ /^-r 


four hours nearly I20 Turkish warships 
and transports were destroyed. This 
" untoward event," as Welhngton called 
it — to the wrath of all Canningites — 
implied a further triumph for Russian 
policy, which had already acquired Grusia, 
Imeretia — Colchis, i8n, and Gulistan, 
1813, in Asia, and had secured its rear 
in Upper Armenia by the acquisition of 
Etchmiadzin, the centre of the Armenian 
Church, in the Peace of Turkmanchai, 
1828. Capodistrias, elected to the presi- 
dency of Greece, entered on that office in 
January. However, the sultan proved 
more obstinate than ever. In a solemn 

Hatti-sherif he proclaimed in all the 
mosques his. firm intention to secure his 
independence by war with Russia, 
" which for the last fifty or sixty years 
had been the chief enemy of the Porte." 
He was without competent officers, and his 
chief need was an army, which he had 
intended to create had he been granted 
time. Thus the main power of the Porte, 
as at the present day, consisted in the 
unruly hordes of Asia, whose natural 
impetuosity could not replace the lack of 
European discipline and tactical skill. 
" Pluck up all your courage," Mahmud 
then wrote to his Grand Vizir at the 




From the drawing by Zweiglc 



military headquarters, " for the danger is 
great." On May 7th the Russians crossed 
the Pruth in Europe, and on June 4th, the 
Arpatchai in Asia. Ivan Paskevitch con- 
quered the district of Kars and Achal- 
zich, between the Upper Kur and Araxes, 
and secured a firm base of operations 
against Erzeroum. The Russians on the 
Danube advanced more slowly. 

Viz*ir'sTrm ^* ^^^ ^°* ^^^^ ^^® ^^ ^^ 
• "vr \* '"^^ Braila, on June 17th, and of 
>n » light Varna, on October nth, 1828, 
that they ventured to attack the natural 
fortress of the Balkans. But the approach 
of winter suspended the indecisive struggle. 
A second campaign was therefore 
necessary to secure a decision. In Eastern 
Roumelia the Russians seized the harbour 
of Sizebolu, February 15th, 1829, in order 
to provision their army. On February 
24th, Diebich took over the 
supreme command, crossed 
the Danube in May, and on 
June nth defeated and put 
to flight, by means of his 
superior artillery, the army of 
the Grand Vizir Reshid 
Mehemed, at Kulevcha. 
Silistria then surrendered, 
June 26th, and in thirteen 
days, July I4th-26th, Diebich 
crossed the Balkans with two 
army corps ; while on July 
7th Paskevitch had occupied 
Erzeroum in Asia. The 
passage of this mountain 

general, on September 14th, offered con- 
ditions sufficiently severe. Before the 
war the tsar had issued a manifesto 
promising to make no conquests. Now, 
in August, 1828, he demanded possession 
of the Danube islands, of the Asiatic 
coast from Kuban to Nikola] a, the 
fortresses and districts of Atzshur, 
Achalzich, and Achalkalaki, with new 
privileges and frontiers for Moldavia, 
Wallachia, and Servia. The sultan, under 
pressure of necessity, confirmed the 
London Convention of July 6th, 182 1, 
in the tenth article of the peace. The 
president, Capodistrias, received new sub- 
sidies, and loans from the Powers; more- 
over, on July 19th, 1828, the Powers in 
London determined upon an expedition 
to the Morea, the conduct of which was 
entrusted to France. Ibrahim retired, 
while General Maison oc- 
cupied the Peninsula, 
September 7th. The Greek 
army, composed of Palikars, 
troops of the line, and 
PhilheUenes, was now armed 
with European weapons ; it 
won a series of victories at 
the close of 1828 at 
Steveniko, Martini, Salona, 
Lutraki, and Vonizza, and 
l)}'- May, 1829, captured 
Lepanto, Missolonghi, and 
Anatoliko. In 1828 the 
Cretan revolt again broke 
out, with successful results. 


barrier, which was regarded a Russian field marshal, he fought On July 23rd, 1829, the 
as impregnable, produced i?„S^war off^^a'sliven t'hl National Assembly, tired of 

an overwhelming impression surname of " Sabaikanski." which internal 

upon the Turks, many of "gmifies "Grosser of the Balkans." 

whom regarded the Russian success as a 
deserved punishment for the sultan's 
reforms. Diebich " Sabaikanski " ad- 
vanced to Adrianople. However, Mustafa, 
Pasha of Bosnia, was already advancing. 
Fearfid diseases devastated the Russian 
army, which was reduced to 20,000 men. 
None the less Diebich joined hands with 
Sizebolu on the Black Sea, and with 
£r.os on the iiEgean Sea, although the 
British fleet appeared in the Dardanelles 
to protect the capital, from which the 
Russians were scarce thirty miles distant. 
Both sides were sincerely anxious for 
peace. However, the sultan's courage 
was naturally shaken by the discovery of 
an extensive conspiracy among the old 
orthodox party. The Peace of Adrianople, 
secured by the mediation of the Prussian 


dissensions, which 
had repeatedly resulted in 
civil war, conferred dictatorial powers 
upon the president. The Peace of 
Adrianople was concluded on September 
14th, 1829 ; this extended Russia's terri- 
tory in Asia, opened the Black Sea to 
Russian trade, and obtained for Greece a 
recognition of its independence from the 

. . J Porte. The Western Powers 
Independence ^-^ ^^^ ^^ ^ ^^j^ -^ ^^ become 

a sovereign Power under Rus- 
sian influence, and it was 
finally agreed, on February 3rd, 1830, 
that the independent state should be con- 
fined to as narrow limits as possible, from 
the mouth of the Aspropotamos to the 
mouth of the Spercheias, the Porte 
assenting on April 24th. 


Heinrich Zimmerer 

of Greece 











'X'HE French were the first nation to put 
■'' an end to the weak pohcy of the 
Restorations. Their privileged position 
as the " pioneers of civihsation " they 
used with that Hght-hearted energy and 
vigour by which their national character 
is peculiarly distinguished, while main- 
taining the dexterity and the distinction 
which has invariably marked their public 
action. The cup of the Bourbons was 
full to overflowing. It was not that their 
powers of administration were in any 
material degree inferior to those of other 
contemporary royal houses ; such a view 
of the situation would be entirely mistaken. 
They were, however, in no direct con- 
nection with their people, and were 
unable to enter into relations with the 
ruling society of Paris. The restored 
emigres, the descendants of the noble 
families of the period of Louis XV. and 
XVL, whose members had lost their lives 
_^ , under the knife of the guillo- 

Of^tK ^^^'^^ tine, were unable to appreciate 

„ ... the spirit which animated the 
Revolution t- r xt i ti 

France of Napoleon Bona- 
parte. This spirit, however, had availed 
itself of the interim which had been granted 
definitely to establish its position, and 
had become a social power which could no 
longer be set aside. Family connections in 
a large number of cases, and the ties of 
social intercourse, . ever influential in 
France, had brought the Bonapartists into 
direct relations with the army, and with 
the generals and officers of the emperor 
who had been retired on scanty pensions. 
The floating capital, which had grown to 
an enormous extent, was in its hands, and 
was indispensable to the Government if it 
was to free itself from the burden of a 
foreign occupation. By the decree of 
April 27th, 1825, the reduced noble 
families whose goods had been confiscated 
by the nation were reUeved by the grant 
of $200,000,000. The decree, however, did 
not imply their restoration to the social 
position they had formerly occupied ; the 

emigrant families might be the pensioners 
of the nation, but could no longer be the 
leading figures of a society which thought 
them tiresome and somewhat out of date. 
Louis XVIIL, a well-disposed monarch, 
and not without ability, died on September 
Ch I X ^^th, 1824, ^^'^ was succeeded 
J,. ' by his brother Charles X., who 

Qj^^^ had, as Count of Artois, in- 

curred the odium of every Euro- 
pean court for his obtrusiveness, his 
avowed contempt for the people, and for 
his crotchety and inconsistent character ; 
he now addressed himself with entire 
success to the task of destroying what 
remnants of popularity the Bourbon family 
had retained. He was, however, tolerably 
well received upon his accession. The 
abolition of the censorship of the Press had 
gained him the enthusiastic praise of Victor 
Hugo, but his liberal tendencies disappeared 
after a short period. Jesuitical priests 
played upon his weak and conceited mind 
with the object of securing a paramount 
position in France under his protection. 

The French, however, nicknamed him, 
from the words of Beranger, the bold 
song writer, " Charles le Simple " when hs 
had himself crowned in Rheims after the 
old Carolingian custom. His persecution 
of the liberal Press increased the influence 
of the journalists. The Chambers showed 
no hesitation in rejecting the law of censor- 
ship introduced by his Minister, Vill^le. 
When he dissolved them, barricades were 
again raised in Paris and volleys fired upon 
citizens. Villele could no longer remain at 
the helm. Martignac, the soul of the new 

„ Ministry which entered on office 

Z- -7 ■ January 5th, 1828, was a 
p man of honour, and especially 

adapted to act as mediator. 
His clear intellect raised him a head and 
shoulders above the mass of the Royahsts. 
He wished for moderation and progress, 
but he never possessed Charles's affection, 
and was no statesman. Charles opposed 
Martignac's diplomacy with the help of his 



confidants, Polignac and others; and 
while Martignac seemed to the king to be 
" too little of a Villele," public opinion 
accused him of being " too much of a 
Villele," His laws as to elections and the 
Press seemed too liberal to Charles; his 
interference in the Church and the schools 
roused the fury of the Jesuits; and the 
Abbe Lamennais, who had been won back 
by them, compared the king with Nero and 
Diocletian. Lamennais attacked the 
Galilean Church of " atheistic " France, 
called the constitutional monarchy of 
Charles the most abominable despotism 
which had ever burdened humanity, and 
scathingly assailed the ordinances which 

Charles had issued in June, 1828, relating 
to religious brotherhoods and clerical 
education. Martignac's government, he 
said, demoralised society, and the moment 
was near in which the oppressed people 
must have recourse to force, in order to 
rise up in the name of the infallible Pope 
against the atheistic king. Martignac's 
Cabinet could claim an important foreign 
success when the Marquis de Maison, who 
led an expeditionary corps to the Morea, 
compelled the Egyptians, under Ibrahim 
Pasha, to retreat in August, 1828, and 
thwarted Mettemich's plan of a quadruple 
alliance for the forcible pacification of 
Russia and Turkey. But when Martignac 

r. *K. ^ .u rr . ^„... CHARLES X.. KING OF FRANCE 

?ffa£''hld bel. Weefv ii wf h/n^H*; ^'4^™*1'%V^ •»*'■•«,'' ^' succeeded to the throne. Prior to that, the direction of 
co^motforfhA«^5f.»,ifVoIf- ^^J?!?"^}." the^^^'^ness of the king, and by his obtrusiveness and his avowed 
his Ssston hraui^klv ^I'n".^".^^ odmm of every European court. Though he was fau-ly well received upon 

ms accession, he quickly ahenated the sympathies of his people, and he was compeUed to abdicate in 1830. 





The rapidly-growing unpopularity of the French king, Charles X., was sharedt)y the Ministry of Vill61e, which was 

'^B unpopularity ot the French king, Charles A., was sharedt)y 
defeated at the polls. Martignac, the soul of the new Miuistry, which entered office on January Sth, 1828, aimed at 

moderation and progress and met with opposition from Charles. When Martignac withdrew, in 1820, his place was 
taken by PoKgnac, but his position as head of the Bourbon "Ministry did not commend itself to the people of France, and 
the revolt againtt the rule of Charles soon drove that monarch from the throne, thus ending the Bourbon regime. 

commanded him to cut off the head of the 
hydra of democracy and infidelity. 

Polignac, originally only Minister of 
Foreign Affairs, became on November 
17th, 1829, President of the Cabinet 
Council. In order to gain over the nation, 
. I . . which was hostile to him, he 
giers in tried to achieve foreign suc- 
the Hands of , ., tt 1 j r 

.. P . cesses for it. He laid stress on 

the principle of the freedom of 
the ocean as opposed to Great Britain's 
claims to maritime supremacy, and 
sketched a fantastic map of the Europe 
of the future ; if he could not transform 
this into reality, at all events military 
laurels should be won at the first oppor- 
tunity which presented itself. 

The Dey of Algiers had been offended by 
the French, and had aimed a blow at their 
consul, Deval, during an audience. Since 
he would not listen to any remonstrances, 
France made preparations by land and 
sea. In June, 1830, the Minister of War, 
Count Bourmont, landed with 37,000 
men near Sidi-Femich, defeated the Al- 
gerians, sacked their camp, and entered 
the capital on July 6th, where he cap- 
tured much treasure. He banished the 
Dey, and was promoted to be marshal 
of France. Algiers became French, but 
Charles and Polignac were not destined 
to enjoy the victory. 

The new elections, for which writs were 
issued after the Chamber of Deputies had 
demanded the dismissal of Polignac, proved 
unfavourable to the Ministry and forced 
the king either to change the Ministry 
or make some change in the constitution. 
The Jesuits at that time had not yet 
adequately organised their poUtical system, 


wished to decentralise the French admini- 
stration, and brought in Bills for this pur- 
pose in February, 1829, he was deserted 
by ever5rene. The extreme Right allied 
itself with the Left ; Martignac withdrew 
the proposals in April, and on August 8th, 
1829, Polignac took his place. 

The name of Jules Polignac seemed to 
the country a presage of coups d'etat and 
anti-constitutional reaction. The new 
Ministry included not a single popular 
representative amongst its members. A 
cry of indignation was heard, and the Press 
made the most violent attacks on the new 
Minister. The Duke of Broglie placed 
himself at the head of the society formed to 
defend the charter, called " Aide-toi, le ciel 
t'aidera" ; republicans, eager for the fray, 
grouped themselves round Louis Blanqui, 
Etienne Arago, and Armand Barbcs. 

The newspaper, " National," began its 

work on behalf of the Orleans family, 

for whom Talleyrand, Thiers, Jacques 

Laffite the banker, and Adelaide, the 

sister of Duke Louis Philippe, cleared 

the road. Even Metternich, Wellington, 

and the Emperor Nicholas advised that no 

coup d'etat should be made against the 

Charta. Charles, however, remained the 

untaught emigrant of Coblenz, and did not 

^. _ understand the new era; he 

The Dreamer ,-, ,. i- , 

Qj . saw m every constitutionalist 

« . . . a supporter of the revolution- 
Restoraiion ^^ , t 1 • 

ary party and a Jacobin. 

Polignac was the dreamer of the restora- 
tion, a fanatic without any worldly wisdom, 
whom delusions almost removed from the 
world of reality, who considered himself, 
with his limited capacity, to be infallible. 
The Virgin had appeared to him and 



From an engraTing of the period 

and were in France more obscure than in 
Belgium and Germany. However, they 
thought themselves sure of their ground, 
and advised the king to adopt the latter 
alternative, notwithstanding the objections 
of certain members of his house, including 
the dauphine Marie Therese. 

Meanwhile, the Press and the parties 
in opposition became more confident ; 
Royer-Collard candidly assured Charles 
that the Chamber would oppose every one 
of his Ministries. Charles, however, only 
listened to Polignac's boastful confidence, 
and at the opening of the Chambers on 
March 2nd, 1830, in his speech from the 
throne he threatened the opposition in 
such unmistakable terms that doctrinaires 
as well as ultra- Liberals detected the un- 
sheathing of the royal sword. Pierre 
Antoine Berryer, the most brilliant orator 
of legitimacy, and perhaps the greatest 
French orator of the century, had a lively 
passage of arms in the debate on the 
address with Francois Guizot, the clever 
leader of the doctrinaires, and was de- 
feated ; the Chamber, by 221 votes against 
181, accepted on March i6th a peremp- 
tory answer to the address, which in- 
formed the monarch that his Ministers 
did not possess the confidence of the nation 
and that no harmony existed between the 
Ciovemment and the Chamber. Charles, 
however, saw that the monarchy itself 
was at stake, declared his resolutions 


unalterable, and insisted that he would 
never allow his Crown to be humiliated. 
He prorogued the Chambers on March 
19th until September ist, and dismissed 
prefects and officials ; whereupon the 
221 were feted throughout France. Charles 
in some perturbation then demanded from 
his Ministers a statement of the situation. 
But Polignac's secret memorandum of 
April 14th lulled his suspicions again. 

It said that only a small fraction of the 
nation was revolutionary and could not be 
dangerous ; the charter was the gospel, 
and a peaceful arrangement was easy. 
Charles dissolved the Chambers on May 
1 6th, and smnmoned a new one 
Instead- of 

the People 


D fia '"^o'f ^^^ August 3rd. 

recalling Villele, he strengthened 
the ^jinistry by followers of 
On May 19th De Chantelauze 
and Count Peyronnet came in as Minister 
of Justice and Minister of the Interior. 

The appointment of Peyronnet was, in 
Charles' own words, a slap in the face for 
pubhc opinion, for there was hardly an 
individual more hated in France ; he now 
continually advised exceptional measures 
and urged a coup d'etat against the 
provisions of the Charta. In order to 
facilitate the victory of the Government 
at the new elections, he explained in his 
proclamation to the people on June 13th 
that he would not give in. But the 
society " Aide-toi, le ciel t'aidera " secured 


the re-election of the 221 ; the opposition 
reached the number of 272 ; the Ministry, 
on the other hand, had only 145 votes. 

Disorders were visible in the whole of 
France. Troops were sent to quiet them, 
but the Press of every shade of opinion 
fanned the flame. Charles saw rising 
before him the shadow of his brother, 
whom weak concessions had brought to 
the guillotine ; spoke of a dictatorship ; 
and, being entirely under Polignac's 
influence, inclined towards the plan of 

adopting exceptional measures and re- 
asserting his position as king. On July 
26th five royal ordinances were published. 
In these the freedom of the Press as 
established by law was greatly limited : 
the Chambers of Deputies, though 
only just elected, were again dis- 
solved ; a new law for reorganising the 
elections was proclaimed, and a chamber 
to be chosen in accordance with this 
method was summoned for September 
jSth. In uthcr woids. war was declared 



4^^^M ^,rv^ 

The Paris Revolution of 1830 was brief but decisive, ending- in the dethronement of Charles X. For three days — fronj 
July 2oth till the 29th— Paris was in a state of revolution. The populace attacked the H6tel de Ville and the Tuileries, 
the capture of the former, after a spirited defence by the National Guard, being shown in the above picture. 


The best known political writer in France at the tiipe, Adolphe Thiers, wrote the " Histcire dela R6volution Frangaise," 
which obtained a rapid popularity. An opponent of the Polignac administration, he declared for a change of dynasty, 
and in his liberal policy was supported by the financiers Jacques Laffitte, and Casimir P6rier, who had a large 
following, enjoying unlimited influence among the property-owning citizens, who were joined by some of the nobility. 

upon the constitution. According to para- 
graph 14 of the charter, the king " is chief 
head of the state. He has command of 
the military and naval forces; can declare 
war, conclude peace, alliances, and com- 
mercial treaties; has the right of making 
appointments to every office in the public 
service, and of issuing the necessary 
regulations and decrees for the execution 
of the laws and the security of the state.'* 
Had the king, as indeed was maintained 
by the journals supporting the Ministry, 
ventured to claim the power 
of ruling through his own 
decrees, for which he alone 
was responsible, then all 
regulations as to the state of 
the legislature and the sub- 
ordination of the executive 
would have been entirely 
meaningless. Paris, desiring 
freedom, was clear upon this 
point, and immediately set 
itself with determination to 
the task of resistance. The 
first day began with the 
demonstrations of the 

following sentence : "In the present state 
of affairs obedience ceases to be a duty." 
The author of this composition was 
Adolphe Thiers, at that time the best 
known political writer in France, born in 
Marseilles, April 15th, 1797, and practising 
as advocate in Aix in 1:820. In 1821 he came 
to Paris and entered the office of the 
" Constitutionnel," and co-operated in the 
foundation of several periodicals, writing 
at the same time his " Histoire de la 
Revolution Fran9aise," in ten volumes, 
1823-1827. This work was 
rather a piece of journalism 
than a scientific history. It 
attained rapid popularity 
among the liberal bourgeois 
as it emphasised the great 
successes and the valuable 
achievements of the Revolu- 
tion, while discountenancing 
the aberrations of the lament- 
able excesses of an anarchical 
society ; constitutionalism and 
its preservation were shown 
to be the results of all the 
struggles and sacrifices which 
France had undergone to 

who found thpir Author of the "Rights of Man" 

^ _, wno /ouna tneir ^.^^^ ^ ^^^ ^^^ p^t^-^rch of the , - ^o 

occupation considerably re- Revolution, he commanded the Na- secure freedom and power of 
duced by the Press censor- *'°"^ *^"*'''* ^ '''^ "'^^ °^ '^^"- self-determination to nations 
ship. This movement was accompanied at large. Thiers also supported the view 
by tumultuous demonstrations of dis- of the members that the charter of 1814 

satisfaction on the part of the general 
public in the Palais Royal, and the 
windows of the unpopular Minister's 
house were broken. On the morning of the 
second day the liberal newspapers appeared 
without even an attempt to gain the 
necessary authorisation from the autho- 
rities. They contained a manifesto couched 
in identical language and including the 

provided sufficient guarantees for the 
preservation and exercise of the rights 
of the psople. These, however, must be 
retained in their entirety and protected 
from the destructive influences of malicious 
misinterpretation. Such protection he 
considered impossible under the govern- 
ment of Charles X. He was equally dis- 
trustful of that monarch's son, the Duke 



of Angouleme, and had already pretty 
plainly declared for a change of dynasty 
and the deposition of the royal line of the 
House of Bourbon in favour of the 
Orleans branch. Thiers and his journal- 
istic friends were supported by a number 
of the advocates present in Paris, in- 
cluding the financiers Jacques Laffitte 
and Casimir Perier. They also possessed 
a considerable following and enjoyed 
unlimited influence among the property- 
owning citizens, who were again joined 
by the independent nobility excluded 
from court. They gave advice upon 
the issue of m.anifestoes, while Marmont, 
the Duke of Ragusa and military com- 
mander in Paris, strove, with the few 
troops at his disposal, to suppress the noisy 
gatherings of the dis- 
satisfied element, which 
had considerably in- 
creased by July 27th. 
Paris began to take up 
arms on the follov/ing 
night. On the 28th, 
thousands of workmen, 
students from the poly- 
technic schools, doctors, 
and citizens of every 
profession, were fighting 
behind numerous barri- 
cades, which resisted all 
the efforts of the troops. 
Marmont recognised his 
inability to deal with the 
revolt, and advised the 
king, who was staying 
with his family and 

Ministers in Saint Cloud, the eldest son of PhiUp " Egaiit^," received was now forced to endure 
to withdraw the ordi- **>« "°^' *"^ ""'*^'' i'?'' "<:'««« ^^"e" the aspersions of treachery 

t:. j^, France regained some cf her old prosperity. ..^.j. ^^j i j.i__ •!-».. i._ _x 

support the king's cause to the last. The 
troops, however, were by no means in 
love with the Bourbon hierarchy, and no 
one felt any inclination to risk his life on 
behalf of such a ridiculous coxcomb as 
Polignac, against whom the revolt appeared 
chiefly directed. The regi- 
e o lery j^gjj^g advancing upon Paris 

Desert to r ., • uu • 

*!. II t. from the neighbourmg pro- 

the Revolters • u w j • ^u u u 

vmces halted m the suburbs. 
Within Paris itself two regiments of the 
line were won over by the brother of 
Laffitte, the financier, and deserted to the 
revolters. During the forenoon of July 
29th, Marmont continued to hold the 
Louvre and the Tuileries with a few thou- 
sand men. In the afternoon, however, a 
number of armed detachments made their 
way into the Louvre 
through a gap caused by 
the retreat of a Swiss 
battalion, and Marmont 
was forced to retire into 
the Champs Elysees. In 
the evening the marshal 
rode off to Saint Cloud 
with the news that the 
movement in Paris could 
no longer be suppressed 
by force, and that the 
king's only course of 
action was to open ne- 
gotiations with the leaders 
of the revolt. Marmont 
had done all he could for 
the Bourbon monarchy 
iX.'J'LTiS S';?3.°lS^';f.^ ^ith the very inadequate 

Charles X. from the throne, Louis Philippe, lOrce at hlS QlSpOSal, and 

nances. Even then a 
rapid decision might have caused a 
change of feeling in Paris, and have 
saved the Bourbons, at any rate for the 
moment ; but neither the king nor 
Polignac suspected the serious danger 
confronting them, and never supposed 
that the Parisians would be able to stand 
against 12,000 troops of the line. This, 
indeed, was the number that 
Marmont may have concen- 
Kin^*"** trated from the garrisons in 
"^^^ the immediate neighbourhood. 
In view of the well-known capacity of the 
Parisians for street fighting, their bravery 
and determination, this force would 
scarce have been sufficient, even granting 
their discipline to have been unexception- 
able, and assuming their readiness to 


Paris in 


prosperity, ^^^gj-ed by the Duke of 
Angouleme before the guard. This member 
of the Bourbon family, who had been 
none too brilliantly gifted by Providence, 
was entirely spoiled by the ultra legitimist 
rulers and others, who praised his Spanish 
campaign as a brilliant military achieve- 
ment, and compared the attack on the 
Trocadero to Marengo and Austerlitz. A 
prey to the many illusions emanating from 
the brain of the " sons of Saint Louis," 
it was left to his somewhat nobler and 
larger-minded father to inform him that 
even kings might condescend to return 
thanks, at any rate to men who had risked 
their lives in their defence. 

Marmont was, moreover, mistaken in 
his idea that Charles could retain his 
throne for his family by negotiations, by 



the dismissal of Polignac, by the recogni- 
tion of recent elections, or even by abdica- 
tion in favour of his grandson Henry, 
afterwards Count of Chambord. The fate of 
the Bourbons was decided on July 30th, 
and the only question for solution was 
whether their place should be taken by 
a republic or by a liberal constitutional 
monarchy under the princes of Orleans. 

Louis Philippe, son of the Duke of 
Orleans and of the Princess Louise Marie 
Adelaide of Penthievre, had been given 
on his birth, October 6th, 1773, the title 
of the Duke of Valois, and afterwards of 
Duke of Chartres. During the Revolution 

visited almost every country in Europe, 
and in North America had enjoyed the 
opportunity of becoming acquainted with 
the democratic state and its powers of 
solving the greatest tasks without the 
support of princes or standing armies. 

Consequently upon his return to France 
he was considered a Liberal, was both 
hated and feared by the royal family, 
and became highly popular with the 
people, the more so as he lived a very 
simple life notwithstanding his regained 
wealth ; he associated with the citizens, 
in\'ited their children to play with his 
sons and daughters, and in wet weather 

Meeting at the Bourbon Palace on July 30th, 1830, the deputies offered the " lieutenancy of the kingdom " to the Duke 
of Orleans, who had become popular with the people. He at first hesitated, but on the following day, acting, it is said, 
on the advice of Talleyrand, accepted the office. Reading from left to right, the figures in the above picture are : 
Aug. P6rier, Aug. Hilarion de K6ratry, B^rard, Baron B. Delessert. Duke of Orleans, General Sebastiani, A. de St. 
Aig:nan, Charles Dupin, Andr^ Gallot, Dugas-Montbel, Duchaffaud, General Count Mathieu Dumas, Bernard de Rennes. 

he had called himself General Egalite, 
and Duke of Orleans after the death of his 
father, the miserable libertine who had 
voted for the death of Louis XVI. As 

he had been supported by Dumouriez 
in his candidature for the throne, he was 
obliged to leave France after the flight of 
that leader. He had then been forced 
to lead a very wandering life, and even to 
earn his bread in Switzerland as a school- 
master. Forgiveness for his father's sins 
and for his own secession to the revolters 
had long been withheld by the royal house, 
until he was at length recognised as 
thfc head of the House of Orleans. He had 


would put up his umbrella and go to the 
market and talk with the saleswomen. 
He had become a very capable man of 
business, and was highly esteemed in 
the financial world. Complicity on his 
part in the overthrow of his relatives 
cannot be proved — such action was indeed 
unnecessary ; but there can be no doubt 
that he desired their fall, and turned it to 
his own advantage. In his retreat at 
Raincy at Neuilly he received the message 
of Laffitte and the information from 
Thiers in person that the Chamber would 
appoint him lieutenant-general to the 
king and invest him with full power. 



He then returned to Paris, and was there 
entrusted by Charles X. with that office 
in his own name and as representative 
of Henry V., who was still a minor. 
He conformed his further procedure to 

the spirit of these commands 
*„ °°" ° as long as he deemed this 
e our on ^^Qy^-gg ^f action favourable to 
Monarchy , • • . . a 

his own interests. As soon as 

he became convinced that the king's word 
was powerless, he announced the monarch's 
abdication, but kept silence upon the fact 
thatj|e had abdicated in favour of his 
grandson. No doubt the representations 
of his adherents that he alone could save 
France from a republic largely contributed 
to the determination of his decision. 

On July 31st it was definitely decided 
that France should be permanently re- 
lieved of the Bourbons who had been 
imposed upon her ; however, concerning 
the future constitution widely divergent 
opinions prevailed. The decision lay with 
the Marquess of Lafayette, the author of 

the " Rights of Man " theory, the patriarc 
of the Revolution, who had already take 
over the command of the National Guar 
on the 29th, at the request of the Chamb( 
of Deputies. The Republicans, who ha 
been responsible for all the work c 
slaughter, and had inspired the people t 
take up arras, reposed full confidence i 
him as a man after their own heart, an 
entrusted him with the office of dictato 
The rich bourgeoisie, and the journalisi 
in connection with them, were, howeve 
afraid of a Republican victory and of th 
political ideals and social questions whic 
this party might advance for solutioi 
That liberalism which firj 
became a political force i 
France is distinguished by 
tendency to regulate freedom i 
proportion to social rank, and to make th 
exercise of political rights condition; 
upon education and income. The financi; 
magnates of Paris expected to ente 
unhindered into the inheritance of th 

" Citizen 
King " 

Realising that the nation was at last tired of the Bourbon dynasty, Charles X. abdicated in favour of his j-oui 
gjandson Henry V. ; but France preferred Louis Philippe, and he was called to the throne. He naturally wished to ha' 
his inconvenient cousin out of the country, and to hasten his departure a march of the National Guard to Rambouillc 
where Charles was at that time residing, was organised. The march was more like a holiday procession than : 
intimidating movement, being joined by crowds of people, some on vehicles and others on foot, singling the Marseillai 
and shouting " Vive la liberty 1 " The movement, however, bad the desired result, Charles leaving France for Englcin 


Before a brilliant assembly of the Chambers, as shown in the above picture, Louis Philippe took the oath 
of the Constitution on August 9th, 1830, and from that time entitled himself "The King of the French." 

Legitimists, and permanently to secure 
the powers of government so soon as peace 
had l:)een restored. For this purpose they 
required a constitutional king of their 
own opinions, and Louis Philippe was 
their only choice. He probably had no 
difficulty in fathoming their designs, but he 
hoped when once established on the 
throne to be able to dictate his own terms 
and address himself forthwith to the task 
of reducing the Republican party to 
impotence. He proceeded in a solemn 
procession to the town hall, with the object 
of winning over Lafayette by receiving 
the supreme power from his hands. The 
old leader considered this procedure 
entirely natural, constituted himself pleni- 
potentiary of the French nation, and 
concluded an alliance with the " citizen- 
king," whom he introduced, tricolour in 
hand, to the people as his own candidate. 
In less than a week the new constitution 
had been drawn out in detail. It was to 
be " the direct expression of the rights 
, of the French nation " ; the 
France s ^-^^ became head of the state 
C*^ ... .. by the national will, and was to 
swear to observe the constitu- 
tion upon his accession. The two Chambers 
were retained ; an elected deputy was 
to sit for five years, and the limits of age 
for the passive and the active franchise 
were fixed respectively at thirty and 
twenty-five years. The right of giving 

effect to the different tendencies which 
were indispensable to the existence of a 
constitutional monarchy as conceived by 
liberalism was reserved for the legislature. 
Such were the provisions for trial by 
jury of offences against the Press laws, for 
the responsibility of Ministers, 
Ch It for full liberty to teachers, for 
*'*'.* compulsory education in the 

&□> oui e elementary schools, for the 
yearly vote of the conscription, and so 
forth. The deputies chosen at the last 
election passed the proposals by a large 
majority, 219 against 38. Of the peers, 
eighty-nine were won over to their side; 
eighteen alone, including Chateaubriand, 
the novelist of the romantic school, 
supported the rights of Henry V. 

In the meantime, Charles had retired 
from Saint Cloud to Rambouillet, retaining 
the Guards and certain regiments which 
had remained faithful; he once again 
announced his abdication, and that of 
Angouleme, to the Duke of Orleans, and 
ordered him to take up the government 
in the name of Henry V. To this demand 
Louis Philippe sent no answer ; he con- 
fined his efforts to getting his incon- 
venient cousin out of the country, which 
he already saw at his own feet. When his 
representations produced no effect in this 
direction, his adherents organised a march 
of the National Guard to Rambouillet, a 
movement which, though more like a 



holiday procession than an intimidating 
movement, brought about the desired 
result. The Bourbons and their parasites 
showed not a spark of knightly spirit ; 
not the smallest attempt was made to 
teach the insolent Parisians a lesson, or 
to let them feel the weight of the " Legiti- 
mist " sword. With ostentatious delibera- 
TK D tk ^^^^ ^ move was made from 
. * ** Rambouillet to Cherbourg 

Vt f V without awakening the smallest 
Ch&rles X. . r ,, ^ ^1 , V 

sign of sympathy. Charles X. 

betook himself for the moment to England. 
On November 6th, 1836, he died in Gorz, 
where the Duke of Angouleme also passed 
away on June 3rd, 1844. To the Duchess 
Marie Caroline of Berry, the daughter of 
Francis I. of Naples, remained the task of 
stirring up the loyalists of La Vendee 
against the government of the treacherous 
Duke of Orleans, and of weaving, at the 
risk of her life, intrigues for civil war in 
France. In spite of her capture, Novem- 
ber 7th, 1832, at Nantes, she might have 
been a source of serious embarrassment to 
Louis Philippe, and perhaps have turned 
his later difficulties to the advantage of 
her son, if she had not fallen into disfavour 
with her own family, and with the arrogant 
legitimists, on account of her secret mar- 
riage with a son of the Sicilian prince of 
Campofranco, the Conte Ettore Carlo 
Lucchesi Palli, to whom she bore a son, 
the later Duca della Grazia, while in 
captivity at Blaye, near Bordeaux. Her 
last son by her first marriage, the Count 
of Chambord, contented himself through- 
out his life with the proud consciousness 
of being the legal King of France ; 
however, the resources of the good Henry 
were too limited for him to become 
dangerous to any government. 

France had thus relieved herself of the 
Bourbons at little or no cost ; she was 
now to try the experiment of living under 
the House of Orleans, and under a con- 
stitutional monarchy. The Republicans 
_ were surprised at their deser- 

""." J. tion by Lafayette ; they could 
jj not but observe that the mass 

ynas y ^^ people who were insensible 
to political conviction, and accustomed to 
follow the influences of the moment, hailed 
with acclamation the new constitution 
adjusted by the prosperous Liberals. For 
the moment they retired into private life 
with ill-concealed expressions of dissatis- 
faction, and became the nucleus for a 
party of malcontents which was speedily 


reinforced by recruits from every direction. 
" The King of the French," as the Duke 
of Orleans entitled himself from August 
9th, 1830, at the very outset of his govern- 
ment stirred up a dangerous strife, and by 
doing so undermined his own position, 
which at first had seemed to be founded 
upon the national will. He ought to have 
honourably and openly enforced the 
"Republican institutions" which, upon 
Lafayette's theory, were meant to be the 
enviromnent of his royal power ; he ought 
to have appeared as representing the will 
of the nation, and should in any case have 
left his fate exclusively in the hands of 
the people. He attempted, however, to 
secure his recognition from the great 
Powers, to assert his claims to considera- 
tion among the other dynasties of Europe, 
and to gain their confidence for himself 
and France. Prince Metternich supported 
him in these attempts as soon as he ob- 
served that the influences of the Left had 
been nullified, and that the new king was 
i-iaking a serious effort to suppress that 
party. The Austrian chancellor fully re- 
cognised that Louis Philippe, in preventing 
the formation of a Republic 
oMhr""" by his intervention, had done 
« . good service to the cause of 

reaction ; he readily thanked 
him for his erection of a constitutional 
throne, whereby the monarchies had been 
spared the necessity of again taking the 
field against a Republican France. The 
Bonapartists had proposed to bring for- 
ward an opposition candidate to Louis 
Philippe in the person of the highly gifted 
and ambitious son of Napoleon L, "le fils 
de I'homme," and the Archduchess Marie 
Louise, who had been brought up under the 
care of his grandfather in Vienna. 

The untimely death of the excellent Duke 
of Reichstadt, who succumbed to a gallop- 
ing consumption on July 22nd, 1832, which 
was not, as often stated, the result of 
excessive self-indulgence , freed "the citizen- 
king " from a danger which had threatened 
to increase with every year. At the end 
of August England recognised uncon- 
ditionally and without reserve the new 
government in France ; her example was 
followed by Austria and Prussia, to the 
extreme vexation of the Tsar Nicholas L 
The House of Orleans might thus far con- 
sider itself at least tolerated as the successor 
of the French Bourbons. 

Hans von Zwiedineck-Sudenhorst 
Arthur Kleinschmidt 











THE. events of 1830 in Paris introduced 
a new revolutionary period in Europe 
which was to produce far more compre- 
hensive and permanent transformations 
than the Revolution of 1789. From that 
date was broken the spell of the reaction- 
ary theoiy which forbade all efforts for the 
identification of monarchical and popular 
rights, and demanded blind submission to 
the decrees of the government. 

This tyranny had been abolished by the 
will of a people which, notwithstanding 
internal dissensions, was united in its op- 
position to the Bourbons. Thirty or forty 
thousand men, with no military organisa- 
tion and without preparation of any kind, 
had defeated in street fighting twelve 
thousand troops of the line, under the 
command of an experienced general, a 
marshal of the Grand Army of Napoleon I. 
Though gained by bloodshed, the victory 
was not misused or stained by atrocities 
of any kind ; at no time was any 
attempt made to introduce 
a condition of anarchy. Upon 
the capture of the Louvre by 
bands of armed citizens, little damage had 
been done, and the artistic treasures of the 
palace had been safely removed from the 
advance of the attacking party. In the 
course of a fortnight a new constitution 
had been organised by the joint action of 
the leading citizens, a new regime had been 
established in every branch of the adminis- 
tration, and a new dynasty had been 
entrusted with supreme power. It had 
been shown that revolutions did not of 
necessity imply the destruction of social 
order, but might also become a means to 
the attainment of political rights. 

Proof had thus been given that it was 
possible for a people to impose its will 
upon selfish and misguided governments, 
even when protected by armed force. 
The so-called conservative Great Powers 
were not united among themselves, and 

Under a New 

were therefore too weak to exclude a 
nation from the exercise of its natural 
right of self-government when that nation 
was ready to stake its blood and treasure 
on the issue. Other peoples living under 
conditions apparently or actually intoler- 
able might be tempted to follow 
auses ^j^ig example and to revolt. 

of National t^, • if x t i 

P . . The weight of a foreign yoke, 

a term implying not only the 
rule of a conqueror king, but also that 
of a foreigner legally in possession of the 
throne, is more than ever galling if not 
supported upon a community of interests. 
The strong aversion which springs from 
the contact of characters fundamentally 
discordant can never be overcome even by 
consideration of the mutual advantages 
to be gained from the union, however great 
these advantages may be. Repugnance 
and animosity, purely sentimentaJ in their 
origin, and impossible of suppression by 
any process of intellectual exercise, are 
influences as important in national as in 
individual hfe. Irritated ambition, exag- 
gerated pride, the under and over estima- 
tion of defects and advantages, are so 
many causes of national friction, with 
tremendous struggles and political con- 
vulsions as their consequence. 

To prefer national sentiment to political 
necessity is naturally an erroneous doctrine, 
because contrary to the fundamental laws 
of civilisation, which define man's task as 
the conquest of natural forces by his in- 
tellectual power for his own good. Yet 
_, such a doctrine is based at 

lyi^rs^rr l^ast upon the ascertained 
fact that, notwithstanding 
ages of intellectual progress, 
instinct is more powerful than reason, and 
that the influences of instinct must be 
remembered both by nations and individuals 
in the pursuit of their several needs. 
In nineteenth-century Europe the de- 
velopment of inherent national powers was 


of Political 


entirely justified, if only because for 
centuries it had been neglected and 
thwarted, or had advanced, if at all, by a 
process highly irregular. Many European 
countries had developed a political vitality 
under, and as a consequence of, monarchical 
government ; and if this vitality was to 
become the realisation of the popular will 
_^ -, it must first gain assurance of 

e a ions .^^ ^^^ value and importance, 
n rocess o ^^^ acquire the right of self- 
government. It was to be 
tested in a series of trials which would prove 
its vital power and capacity, or would at least 
determine the degree of dependency which 
should govern it-s relations to other forces. 
Hence it is that national revolutions are 
the substratum of European political 
history after the Vienna Congress. Hence 
it is that cabinet governments were 
gradually forced to undertake tasks of 
national importance which had never 
before even attracted their notice. Hence, 
too, such nations as were vigorous and 
capable of development must be organised 
and tested before entering upon the 
struggle for the transformation of society — 
a struggle which ultimately overshadowed 
national aspirations and became itself the 
chief aim and object of civilised endeavour. 
The oppression of an alien rule to which 
Europe had been forced to submit was, 
if not entirely overthrown, at any rate 
shaken to its foundations. The tyranny 
under which the Christian inhabitants of 
the Balkan countries had groaned since 
the middle of the fifteenth century, and 
which had entirely checked every tendency 
to progress, was now in process of dissolu- 
tion. Among the Slav races of the Balkans 
the Servians had freed themselves by their 
own power, and had founded the begin- 
nings of a national community. With 
unexampled heroism, which had risen 
almost to the point of self-immolation, the 
Greeks had saved their nationality, and 
had imited a considerable portion of their 
jj numbers into a self-contained 

jij . J. state. In Germany and Italy the 
S 'ved** * ^ national movement, together 
with the political, had been 
crushed in the name of the conservative 
Great Powers and their " sacred " alliances ; 
in this case it was only to be expected that 
the influence of the French Revolution 
would produce some tangible effect. It was, 
however, in two countries, where systems 
unusually artificial had been created 
by the arbitrary action of dynasties 


and diplomatists, that these influences 
became earliest and most permanently 
operative : in the new kingdom of the 
United Netherlands, and in Poland under 
the Russian protectorate. 

In 1813 and 1815, the Dutch had taken 
an honourable share in the general struggle 
for liberation from the French yoke ; they 
had formed a constitution which, while 
providing a sufficient measure of self- 
government to the nine provinces of their 
kingdom, united those nine into a uniform 
body politic. They had abolished their 
aristocratic republic, which had been 
replaced by a limited monarchy ; the son 
of their last hereditary stadtholder. Prince 
William Frederic of Orange, had been 
made king, with the title of William I., 
and so far everything had been done that 
conservative diplomacy could possibly 
desire. Conservatism, however, declined 
to allow the Dutch constitution to continue 
its course of historical development, and 
proceeded to ruin it by the artificial 
addition of Belgium — a proceeding which 
may well serve as an example of the in- 
competent bureaucratic policy of Prince 
g . Metternich. The Orange king 

egian naturally regarded this unex- 
H 11 d pected accession of territory as 
a recognition of his own high 
capacity, and considered that he could best 
serve the interests of the Great Powers by 
treating the Belgians, whom he considered 
as Frenchmen, as subjects of inferior rank. 
Many disabilities were laid upon them by 
the administration, which was chiefly in 
the hands of Dutchmen. Dutch trade had 
begun to revive, and Belgian industries 
found no support in Holland. Day by day 
it became clearer to the Belgians that 
union with Holland was for them a disas- 
trous mistake, and they proceeded to 
demand separation. Not only by the 
Catholic Conservative party, but also by 
the Liberals, the difference of religious 
belief was thought to accentuate the opposi- 
tion of interests. The attitude of hostility 
to their Protestant neighbours which the 
Catholic provinces of the Netherlands had 
adopted during 150 years of Spanish 
government had never been entirely given 
up, and was now resumed, after a short 

Without any special preparation, the 
ferment became visible on the occasion of 
a performance of the " Revolution Opera " 
completed in 1828, " The Dumb Girl of 
Portici," byD.F.E. Auber, on August 25th, 


1830. Personal intervention might even 
then perhaps have saved the poUtical union 
of the Netherland countries. The king, 
however, made no honourable attempt to 
secure the confidence of the Belgians, and 
any possibility of agreement was removed 
by the attempt to seize Brussels, which he 
was persuaded to make through Prince 
Frederic, who had 10,000 men at his 
command. On November loth, 1830, the 
National Congress decided in favour of the 
introduction of a constitutional monarchy, 
and for the exclusion of the House of Orange 
in favour of a new dynasty. Here, also, the 
expression of popular will failed to coincide 
with the hopes of the Revolution leaders, 
who were inclined to republicanism. 

The Liberal coteries, who were forced 
in Belgium to act in concert with the 
Church, preferred government under a 
constitutional monarchy ; if 
a repubhc were formed, an 
ultramontane majority would 
inevitably secure tyrannical 
supremacy, and all freedom of 
thought would be impossible. 
A royal family, if not so intel- 
lectually incapable as thf 
Bourbons, would never consent 
to bind itself hand and foot to 
please any party, but, while 
respecting the rights of the 
minority, would unite with 
them in opposition to any at- 

The British proposal to call a conference 
at London for the adjustment of the 
Dutch-Belgian difficulty was received 
with general approbation. On December 
20th the independence of Belgium was 
recognised by this assembly, and the 
temporary government in Brussels was 
_ invited through ambassadors 

" "*. ^°^ to negotiate with the confer- 
o e gian gj^^e. The choice of the new 
Independence , . , . j.^^ ,^ 

kmg caused no great difficulty; 

the claims of Orange, Orleans, and 
Bavarian candidates were considered and 
rejected, and the general approval fell 
upon Prince Leopold George of Coburg, 
a widower, who had been previously 
married to Charlotte of England. On 
June 4th, 1831, the National Congress 
appointed him King of the Belgians, and 
he entered upon his dignity in July. 
It proved a more difficult 
task to induce the King 
of Holland to agree to an 
acceptable compromise with 
Belgium and to renounce his 
claims to Luxemburg. In 
the session of October 15th, 
1831, the conference passed 
twenty-four articles, propos- 
ing a partition of Luxemburg, 
and fixing Belgium's yearly 
contribution to the Nether- 
land national debt at 8,400,000 
gulden. On two occasions it 
became necessary to send 
HOLLAND French troops as far as Ant- 


tempted perversion of power 

The ready proposal of the william i. o 

Belgians to accept a monarch- fff,;,'; [^:f .S^re? tht^fTTf ^erp to protect Belgium, a 

ical government was received Napoleon, Belgium and Holland weak military power, from 

with satisfaction by the Great were united under one sovereign, recouqucst by Holland ; and 

Powers, who were reluctantly wuiiam i., who abdicated in i840. qj^ ^^^^i occasion diplomatic 

considering the necessity of opposing the 
Revolution by force. The Tsar Nicholas 
had already made up his mind to raise his 
arm against the West ; his attention, how- 
ever, was soon occupied by far more press- 
ing questions within his own dominions. 
Metternich and Frederic William IIL were 
disinclined, for financial reasons, to raise 
contingents of troops ; the 
scanty forces at the command 
of Austria were required in 
Italy, where the Carbonari 
were known to be in a state of ferment. 
Louis Philippe decided the general direction 
of his policy by declining to listen to the 
Radical proposals for a union of Belgium 
with France, and thereby strengthened 
that confidence which he had already 
won among the Conservative cabinets. 

Adjusting the 



negotiation induced the Dutch to retire 
from the land which they had occupied. 
It was not until 1838 that peace between 
Belgium and Holland was definitely 
concluded ; King William had fruitlessly 
strained the resources of his state to 
the utmost, and for the increased severity 
of the conditions imposed upon him he 
had merely his own obstinacy to thank. 
Belgium's share of the payment towards 
the interest due upon the common national 
debt was ultimately fixed at 5,000,000 
gulden. On August 9th, 1832, King 
Leopold married Louise of Orleans, the 
eldest daughter of Louis Philippe ; though 
not himself a Catholic, he had his sons 
baptised into that faith, and thus became 
the founder of a new Catholic dynasty in 
Europe, which rapidly acquired importance 



Poland under 



through the politic and dignified conduct 
of Leopold I. What the Belgians had 
gained without any unusual effort Poland 
was unable to attain in spite of the 
streams of blood which she poured forth 
in her struggle with Russia. She had 
been a nation on an equality with Russia, 
with a constitution of her own ; 
her resistance now reduced 
her to the position of a 
province of the empire, de- 
prived of all political rights, 
and subjected to a government aUke 
despotic and arbitrary. The popular will 
was unable to find expression, for the 
nation which it inspired had been warped 
and repressed by a wholly unnatural 
course of development ; there was no 
unity, no social organism, to support 
the expansion of classes and professions. 
Theie were only two classes struggling 
for definite aims — the great territorial 
nobility, who were attracted by the 
possibility of restoring their exaggerated 
powers, which had depended on the 
exclusion of their inferiors from legal 
rights ; and the small party of intelligent 
men among the Schlactha, the petty 
nobility, civil officials, military officers, 
teachers, etc., who had identified them- 
selves with the principles of democracy, 
and were attempting to secure their 
realisation. Though its purity of blood 
was almost indisputable, the Polish race 
had sunk so low that the manufacturing 
and productive element of the population, 
the craftsmen and agricultural workers, 
had lost all feeling of national union and 
had nothing to hope from a national state. 
Averse from exertion, incapable of 
achievement, and eaten up by preposter- 
ous self-conceit, Polish society, for centuries 
the sole exponent of national culture, was 
inaccessible to the effect of any deep moral 
awakening; hence national movement in 
the true sense of the term was impossible. 
At the outset the Polish Revolution was 
marked by some display of 
resolution and enthusiasm. It 

The Poles 
Strike for 

was, however, a movement 
animated rather by ill-feehng 
and injured pride than originating in the 
irritation caused by intolerable oppression. 
It is true that the government was for the 
most part in the hands of the Russians, 
but there is no reason to suppose that it 
was in any way more unjust or more cor- 
rupt than the monarchical republic that 
had passed away. It cannot be said that 


the Russian administration prevented the 
Poles from recognising the defective re- 
sults of their social development, from 
working to remove those defects, to relieve 
the burdens of the labouring classes, and 
to found a community endowed with some 
measure of vitality, the advantages of 
which were plainly to be seen in the neigh- 
bouring Prussian districts. The moderate 
independence which Alexander I. had 
left to the Polish National Assembly was 
greater than that possessed by the Prussian 
provincial assemblies. The Poles possessed 
the means for relieving the legislature 
of the arrogance of the nobles, whom no 
monarchy, however powerful, had been 
able to check, and thus freeing the people 
from the weight of an oppression far 
more intolerable than the arbitrary rule 
of individuals, officials, and commanders. 
Yet, was there ever a time when the much- 
lauded patriotism of the Poles attempted 
to deal with questions of this nature ? 
So long as they failed to recognise their 
duty in this respect, their patriotism, 
founded upon a vanity which had risen 
to the point of monomania, was valueless 
^^ f K ^^ ^^^ nation at large. Events 
J^*"j^°' *•'* proved that the struggle be- 

D , .. tween Poland and Russia 
Revolution , , ■, -i 1 

cannot be described as purpose- 
less. The revolutionary party had long 
been quietly working, and when the pro- 
gress of events in France became known, 
was immediately inflamed to action. Its 
first practical steps were generally attended 
with a high measure of success. 

After the storming of the Belvedere, 
November 29th, 1830, occupied by the 
governor, the Grand Duke Constantine, 
that personage was so far intimidated as 
to evacuate Warsaw with his troops. On 
December 5th, 1830, a provisional govern- 
ment was already in existence. On 
January 25th, 1831, the Assembly declared 
the deposition of the House of Romanoff, 
and in February a Polish army of 78,000 
men was confronting 100,000 Russians, 
who had been concentrated on the fron- 
tiers of Old Poland under Diebitsch- 
Sabalkanski, and his general staff officer, 
Karl Friedrich, Count of Toll. These 
achievements were the unaided work of 
the nobility ; their military organisation 
had been quickly and admirably successful. 

Their commander-in-chief , Prince Michael 
Radziwill, who had served under Thaddeus 
Kosciuszko and Napaleon, had several 
hold and capable leaders at his disposal. 


If at the same time a popular rising had 
taken place throughout the country, and 
a people's war in the true sense of the word 
had been begun, it is impossible to estimate 
the extent of the difficulties with which 
the Russian Government would have had 
to deal. Notwithstanding the victories of 
Bialolenka and Grochow, February 24th 
and 25th, 1831, Diebitsch did not dare to 
advance upon Warsaw, fearing to be 
blockaded in that town ; he waited for 
reinforcements, and even began negotia- 
tions, considering his position extremely 
unfavourable. However, Volhynia and 
Podolia took no serious part in the revolt. 
The deputies of the Warsaw government 
found scattered adherents in every place 
they visited ; but the spirit of enterprise 
and the capacity for struggle disappeared 
upon their departure. It 
was only in Lithuania 
that any public rising on an 
extensive scale took place. 
On May 26th, Diebitsch, 
in spite of a heroic defence, 
inflicted a severe defeat at 
Ostrolenka upon the main 
Polish army under Jan 
Boncza Skrzynecki. Hence- 
forward the military advan- 
tage was decidedly on the 
side of the Russians. The 
outbreak of cholera, to 
which Diebitsch succumbed 
on June loth, might perhaps 
have produced a turn of 
fortune favourable to the 
Poles. Count Ivan Feod- 
vitch Paskevitch-Erivanski, 
who now assumed the chief 
command, had but 50,000 
men at his disposal, and would hardly 
have dared to advance from Pultusk if 
the numerous guerrilla bands of the 
Poles had done their duty and had been 
properly supported by the population. 
Never, however, was there any general 
rising ; terrified by the ravages of the 
cholera, the mob declined 
° *" to obey the authorities, and 

avage y ^j^gjj. patriotism was not proof 
against their panic. Skrzynecki 
and his successor, Henry Dembinski, 
had 50,000 men under their colours 
when they attempted to resist the 
advance of Paskevitch upon Warsaw ; 
but within the capital itself a feud had 
broken out between the aristocrats and 
the democrats, who were represented 


When the independence of Belgium was 
recogrnised, the choice of a new king fell 
upon Prince Leopold George of Coburg, 
and on July 4th, 1831, the National Con- 
gress appointed him King of the Belgians. 

among the five members of the eivil 
government by the historian Joachim 
Lelevel, after the dictatorship of Joseph 
Chlopicki had not only abolished but 
utterly shattered the supremacy of the 
nobles. The government, at the head of 
which was the senatorial president. Prince 

End of the ^^^7 ^^^Jg^ Czartoryiski, 
n 1- 1. »» was forced to resign, and the 
Polish Dream i. j j.- j • • 

f F a purely democratic adminis- 

tration which succeeded fell 
into general disrepute. Military operations 
suffered from lack of concerted leadership. 
The storming of Warsaw on September 6th 
and yth, carried out by Paskevitch and 
Toll, with 70,000 Russians against 40,000 
Poles, decided the struggle. The smaller 
divisions still on foot, under the Genoese 
Girolamo Ramorino, Mathias Rybinski, 
Rozycki, and others, met 
with no support from the 
population, and were 
speedily forced to retreat 
beyond the frontier. 

The Polish dream of free- 
dom was at an end. The 
Kingdom of Poland, to 
which Alexander I. had 
granted nominal independ- 
ence, became a Russian 
province in 1832 by a 
constitutional edict of Feb- 
ruary 26th ; henceforward 
its history was a history of 
oppression and stern and 
cruel tyranny. However, 
the consequent suffering 
failed to produce any puri- 
fying effect upon the nation, 
though European liberal- 
ism, with extraordinary 
unanimity, manifested a sympathy which, 
in Germany, rose to the point of ridicu- 
lous and hysterical sentimentalism. 

It was by conspiracies, secret unions, and 
political intrigues of every kind, by degrad- 
ing mendicancy and sponging, that these 
" patriots " thought to recover freedom 
and independence for their native land. 
Careless of the consequences and untaught 
by suffering, in 1846 they instigated 
revolts in Posen and in the little free state 
of Cracow, which was occupied by Austria 
at the request of Russia, and eventually 
incorporated with the province of Galicia. 
The peasant revolt, which was charac- 
terised by unexampled ferocity and 
cruelty, made it plain to the world at 
large that it was not the Russian, the 





General Jan Boncza Skrzynecki was in command of the main Polish army at Ostrolenka, where it suffered defeat ; 
Count Ivan Feodvitch Paskevitch-Erivanski commanded the Russian troops opposed to Skrzynecki and Dembinski, 
crushing the Poles and taking Warsaw ; while the Grand Duke Constantine, brother of the'Tsar of Russia and governor 
of Warsaw, after the storming of the Belvedere on November 29th, 1830, was so far intimidated as to evacuate Warsaw. 

only SO far as it might be useful for the 
furtherance of his political objects. How- 
ever, under the government of Pope Leo 
XII., 1823-1829, the influence of the 
party increased considerably, and led the 
Cardinal Rivarola, the legate of Ravenna, 
to severely punish the Carbonari in 
Faenza, a policy which contributed to 
increase the general restlessness with 
which Italy rccjardcd the administration 
of the papacy. 
Pius VIII., 
1829-1830, and 
Cardinal Albani 
supported the 
union of the San- 
fedists ; their 
continued at- 
tempts at aggran- 
disement resulted 
in the temporary 
success of the 
revolution in 
Bologna. This 
movement had 
been long pre- 

the "SanfedistS," W>«" Charles, Duke of Brunswick, proved his incompetence, his pared, and broke 

, J V r J brother William, at the request of Prussia, offered himself for the high , t^ i_ 

had been formed, office and was received with acclamation. King of Hanover, Ernest OUt OU February 

with the COUnten- Augustus exhibited a weak narrow-mindedness by refusing the con- 4th, 183I, whcn 

of the stitution between the nobility and the representatives of the peasants. MenOtti in Parma 

The Duke of 

Austrian, or the Prussian whom the 
Polish peasant considered his deadly 
enemy and oppressor, but the Polish noble. 
The revolutionary party in connection 
with the Revolution of July brought 
little to pass in Italy except abortive 
conspiracies and a general state of disturb- 
ance. The nation as a whole was inspired 
by no feeling of nationalism ; the moderate 
party kept aloof from the intritrues of the 
Carbonari, who 
continued their 
activities in 
secret after the 
subjugation of 
Piedmont and 
Naples by the 
Austrians in 
1821. The chief 
Austrian adher- 
ents were to be 
found in the 
Church states ; 
there, however, 
an opposition 
union, that of duke of Brunswick 



papacy. While striving for the maintenance 
of the papal power and the strengthen- 
ing of religious feeling, the party occu- 
pied itself with the persecution of all 
Liberals, and rivalled the Carbonari in the 
use of poison and dagger for the attain- 
ment of its ends. Cardinal Consalvi had 
availed himself of the help of the Sanfe- 
dists ; but he allowed their power to extend 


gave the signal for action. 
Modena, Francis IV., imprisoned Menotti 
in his own house ; feeling himself, however, 
too weak to deal with the movement, he fled 
into Austrian territory with his battalion 
of soldiers, and hastened to Vienna to 
appeal to Mettemich for help. His example 
was followed by Pope Gregory XVI., 
elected on February 2nd, 1831, formerly 


Bartolommeo Cappelleri, general of the 
Camaldulensian Order, whose supremacy 
was no longer recognised by the Umbrian 
towns which had broken into revolt, by the 
legation, or by the Marks-. 

The Austrian chancellor thought it advis- 
able to maintain at any cost the protec- 
torate exercised by the emperor in Italy ; 
notwithstanding the threats of France, who 
declared that she would regard the advance 
of Austrian troops into the Church states 
as a casus belli, 
he occupied 
Bologna, March 
2ist, after seizing 
Ferrara and 
Parma in the 
first days of 
March. Ancona 
was also forced 
to surrender ; in 
this town the 
government of 
the R o m a g n a 
had taken refuge, 
together with 
Louis Napoleon 
Bonaparte, son 
of the King of 
Holland and of 
Hortense Beau- 
harnais, who first 
came into con- 
nection with the 
party at this 
date. The task 
of the Austrians 
was then brought 
to completion. 
On July 15th 
they retired from 

the papal states, During the restless period in the first half of last century, St. Peter's 

but were obliged chair was occupied in turn by the Popes whose portraits are given 

to return on above. Pius VII. died in 1S2;1, and was succeeded by Leo XII. At his 

Tiniiarv OAih death, Pius VIII. became Pope, ruling only from March, 1829, till 

J dnudry ^4111, November, 1830. He was followed by the reactionary Gregory XVI. 

Kns VII. 

Pius VIII. 


1832, m conse 
quence of the new revolt which had been 
brought about by the cruelties of the 
papalini, or papal soldiers. Louis Philippe 
attempted to lend some show of support 
to the Italian Liberal party by occupying 
Ancona at the same time, February 22nd. 
Neither France nor Austria could oblige 
the Pope to introduce the reforms which 
he had promised into his administration. 
The ruling powers of the Curia were appre- 
hensive of the reduction of their revenues, 

and steadily thwarted all measures of 
reorganisation. When Gregory XVI. en- 
listed two Swiss regiments for the main- 
tenance of peace and order, the foreign 
troops evacuated his district in 1838. 

In Germany the effects of the July 
Revolution varied according to differences 
of political condition, and fully represented 
the divergences of feehng and opinion 
prevailing in the separate provinces. 
There was no uniformity of thought, nor 
had any tendency 
to nationalist 
movement be- 
come apparent. 
Liberal and Radi- 
cal groups were 
to be found side 
by side, divided 
by no strict fron- 
tier line ; more- 
over, operations 
in common were 
inconceivable; for 
no common ob- 
ject of endeavour 
had yet been 
found. In par- 
ticular federal 
provinces special 
gave rise to re- 
volts intended to 
produce a change 
in the relations 
subsisting be- 
tween the rulers 
and the ruled. 

Brunswick was 
a scene of events 
as fortunate for 
that state as they 
were rapid in 
Charles, Duke of 
Brunswick, who 
had begun his 
rule in 1823 as 
years of age, 
incompetent to 

Leo X II. 

Gregory XVI. 

a youth of nineteen 
showed himself totally 
fulfil the duties of his high position. He 
conducted himself towards his relations 
of England and Hanover with an utter 
want of tact ; and towards his subjects, 
whose constitutional rights he declined 
to recognise, he was equally haughty and 
dictatorial. After the events of July he 
had returned home from Paris, where he 
had spent his time in the grossest pleasures, 



and immediately opposed the nobles and 
the citizens as ruthlessly as ever. Dis- 
turbances broke out in consequence on 
September 7th, 1830, and so frightened 
the cowardly libertine that he evacuated 
his capital with the utmost possible speed 
and deserted his province. At the request 
of Prussia, his brother WilUam, who had 
™. . taken over the principality of 

D k ' ^™ ^^^' o^^red himself to the people 
n • ^ oi Brunswick, who received 

him with acclamation. Not- 
withstanding the opposition of Mettemich 
in the diet, the joint action of Prussia and 
England secured William's recognition 
as duke on December 2nd, after Charles 
had made himself the laughing-stock of 
Europe by a desperate attempt to cross 
the frontier of Brunswick with a small 
body of armed ruffians. 

The people of Hesse forced their elector, 
Wilham II., to summon the representatives 
of the Orders in September, 1830, and to 
assent to the constitution which they 
speedily drew up. On January 8th, 1831, 
the elector, in the presence of the Crown 
Prince Frederic WilUam, signed the docu- 
ments and handed them to the Orders ; 
however, the people of Hesse were unable 
to secure constitutional government. They 
declined to allow the elector to reside 
among them in Cassel, with his mistress, 
Emilie Ortlopp, whom he made Countess 
of Reichenbach in 1821, and afterwards 
Countess of Lessonitz ; they forced him to 
withdraw to Hanover and to appoint the 
Crown Prince as co-regent, September 
30th, 1831, but found they had merely 
fallen out of the frying-pan into the fire. 

In August, 1831, Frederic WilUam I. 
married Gertrude Lehmann, nee Falken- 
stein, the wife of a lieutenant, who had 
been divorced by her husband in Bonn, 
made Countess of Schaumburg in 1831, 
and Princess of Hanau in 1853 ; as a 
result he quarreUed with his mother, the 
Princess Augusta of Prussia, and with 
—. _ the estates, who espoused the 

e yran ^^^^^ q£ ^j^g injured electress. 

^.jj. He was a maUcious and stub- 

bom tyrant, who broke his 
pUghted word, deUberately introduced 
changes into the constitution through his 
Minister, Hans Daniel von Hassenpflug, 
whom he supported in his struggle with 
the estates until the Minister also insulted 
him and opposed his efforts at unUmited 
despotism. Hassenpflug left the service 
of Hesse in July, 1837, ^^st entering the 


civil service in Sigmaringen, November, 

1838, then that of Luxemburg, June, 

1839, ultimately taking a high place in the 
pubUc administration of Prussia, 1841. 

The people of Hesse then became con- 
vinced that their position had rather 
deteriorated than otherwise ; the Landtag 
was continually at war with the govern- 
ment, and was repeatedly dissolved. The 
Liberals went to great trouble to claim their 
rights in endless appeals and proclamations 
to the Federal Council, but were naturally 
and invariably the losers in the struggle 
with the unscrupulous regent, who became 
elector and gained the enjoyment of the 
revenues from the demesnes and the trust 
property by the death of his father on 
November 20th, 1847. The Liberals were 
not anxious to resort to any violent 
steps which might have provoked the 
Federal Council to interference of an un- 
pleasant kind ; they were also unwilling 
to act in concert with the Radicals. 

Even more helpless and timorous 
was the behaviour of the Hanoverians 
when their king, Ernest Augustus, who 
had contracted debts amounting to 
several million thalers as Duke 
of Cumberland, was so 
narrow-minded as to reject 
the constitution which had 
been arranged after long and difficult 
negotiations between the nobility and the 
representatives of the peasants. Seven 
professors of Gottingen, Jakob and Wil- 
helm Grimm, Dahlmann, Weber and 
Gervinus, Ewald and Albrecht, protested 
against the patent of November ist, 1837, 
which absolved the state officials from 
their oaths of fidelity to the constitution. 

The state prosecution and merciless dis- 
missal of these professors aroused a general 
outcry throughout Germany against the 
effrontery and obstinacy of the Guelphs ; 
none the less, the estates, who had been 
deprived of their rights, were too timid 
to make a bold and honourable stand 
against the powers oppressing them. A 
number of the electors consented, in 
accordance with the decrees of 1819, which 
were revived by the king, to carry through 
the elections for the General Assembly of 
the estates, thereby enabUng the king to 
maintain that in form at least his state 
was constitutionally governed in the spirit 
of the Act of Federation. In vain did that 
indomitable champion of the popular 
rights, Johann Karl Tertern Stiive, burgo- 
master of Osnabriick, protest before the 

The br&ve 
Professors of 


Federal Council against the illegal imposi- 
tion of taxes by the Hanoverian govern- 
ment. The prevailing disunion enabled the 
faithless ruler to secure his victory ; the 
compliance of his subjects gave a fairly 
plausible colouring to his 
arbitrary explanation of 
these unconstitutional 
acts ; his policy was in- 
terpreted as a return to 
the old legal constitution, 
a return adopted, and 
therefore ratified, by the 
estates themselves. 
The Saxons had 
displayed far greater in- 
clination to riot and con- 
spiracy ; however, in that 
kingdom the transition 
from class privilege to 
constitutional govern- 
ment was completed 
without any serious rup- 
ture of the good relations 
between the people and 
the government ; both 
King Anthony and 
his nephew Frederic 
Augustus II., whom he 
had appointed co-regent, possessed suffi- 
cient insight to recognise the advantages 
of a constitution ; the co-operation of 
large sections of the community would 
define the distribution of those burdens 
which state ne- 
cessities inevit- 
ably laid upon 
the shoulders of 
They supported 
the Minister 
Bemhard August 
of Lindenau, one 
of the wisest 
statesmen in 
Gennany under 
the old reaction- 
ary regime, when 
he introduced the 
constitution of 
September 4th, 

tendencies proved incompatible with the 
favour which the Saxon Court attempted 
to show the Catholic Church, the two 
princes considered in 1843 that they were 
able to dispense with his services. The 
great rise in prosperity 
manifested in every de- 
partment of public life 
under his government was 
invariably ascribed to his 
wise statesmanship 
and his great capacity. 
Not entirely discon- 
nected are those political 
phenomena which 
occurred in Baden, Hesse- 
Darmstadt, and the 
Bavarian Palatinate, as 
results of the changes 
which had been brought 
to pass in France. In 
these provinces it became 
plain that liberalism, and 
the legislation itpromoted, 
THE BROTHERS GRIMM werc incapable of satisfy- 

Jakob and Wilhelm Grimm, two prominent mg the pCOplC aS a Whole, 

educationists of Gottingen, were among the qj- qJ creating 3. bodv 

professors dismissed in 1837 for protesting . re • ^i , 

against the absolution of state officials from politic SUtuCiently Strong 

their oaths of fidelity to the constitution. . seCUrC the PrOCTes«= 

of sound economic development. Nowhere 
throughout Germany was the parlia- 
mentary spirit so native to the soil 
as in Baden, where the democrats, under 
the leadership of the Freiburg professors 
Karl von Rotteck 
and Karl Theodor 
Welcker, the 
Heidelberg jurist 
Karl Joseph 
Mittermayer, and 
the Mannheim 
high j us tice 
Johann Adam 
von Itzstein, had 
become pre- 
dominant in the 
Second Chamber. 
The constitu- 
tions of Bavaria 
and Hesse-Darm- 
stadt gave full 
licence to the 
expression of 

"One of the wisest statesmen in Germany," Bemhard Augfust of 
Lindenau introduced the constitution of September 4th, 1831, which 
I03I) which pro- provided a sufficient measure of representation for the citizen classes, 
vided a sufficient *"d protected the peasants. Karl Theodor Welcker was one of the 

measure of repre- Preiburgprofessorswhobecamepredominant in the Second chamber, public Opinion in 

the Press and at public meetings. But liberal- 
ism was impressed with the insufficiency of 
the means provided for the expression and 
execution of the popular will ; it did not 
attempt to create an administrative policy 


sentation for the citizen classes, and 
protected the peasants from defraudation ; 
they continued their support as long 
as he possessed the confidence of the 
Second Chamber. \\Tien his progressive 


which might have brought it into Une 
with the practical needs of the poorer 
classes. It hoped to attain its political 
ends by unceasing efforts to hmit the 
power of the Crown and by extending the 
possibihties of popular representation. 
The result was distrust on the part of the 
_. dynasties, the government 

iscon en officials, and the classes in im- 
. "^""y*!® mediate connection with them, 

y e ress ^j^-j^ ^.j^^ discontented classes, 
who were invariably too numerous even 
in districts so blessed by Nature as these, 
were driven into the arms of the Radical 
agitators, who had immigrated from 
France, and in particular from Strassburg. 
The very considerable freedom allowed 
to the Press had fostered the growth of a 
large number of obscure publications, 
which existed only to preach the rejection 
of all governmental measures, to discredit 
the monarchical party, and to exasperate 
the working classes against their more 
prosperous superiors. The numerous 
Polish refugees who were looking for some 
convenient and exciting form of occupation 
requiring no great exj^nditure of labour 
were exactly the tools and emissaries 
required by the leaders of the revolutionary 
movement, and to them the general 
sympathy with the fate of Poland had 
opened every door. The first disturbances 
broke out in Hesse-Darmstadt at the end 
of September, 1830, as the result of incor- 
poration in the Prussian Customs Union, 
and were rapidly suppressed by force of 
arms ; the animosity of the mob was, how- 
ever, purposely fostered and exploited by 
the chiefs of a democratic conspiracy who 
_^ _ were preparing for a general 

The Germans • • ^y nn o ii_ t-> j- 

Preparing for "^/^S' InMay, 1832, theRadi- 
ReTolution 9^^ prepared a popular meet- 
ing at the castle of Hambach 
near Neustadt on the Hardt. No disguise 
was made of their intention to unite the 
people for the overthrow of the throne and 
the erection of a democratic republic. The 
unusual occurrence of a popular mani- 
festation proved a great attraction. The 
turgid outpourings, seasoned with violent 

invectives against every form of modera- 
tion, emanating from those crapulous 
scribblers who were transported with 
delight at finding in the works of Heinrich 
Heine and Lewis Baruch Bornes induce- 
ments to high treason and anti-monarch- 
ical feeling, inflamed minds only too 
accessible to passion and excitement. As 
vintage advanced feeling grew higher, and 
attracted the students, including the 
various student corps which had regained 
large numbers of adherents, the remem- 
brance of the persecutions of the 'twenties 
having been gradually obliterated. 

At Christmas- time, 1832, an assembly of 
the accredited representatives of these 
corps in Stuttgart was induced to accede 
to the proposal to share in the forthcoming 
popular rising. The result was that after 
the emeute set on foot by the democrats 
in Frankfort-on-Main on April 3rd, 1833, 
when an attempt was made to seize the 
federal palace and the bullion there stored, 

^ ^ ... it was the students who chiefly 

The Terrible 11. i i-x ■ ■ 

-, ^ . had to pay for their irrespon- 

Fate of ■^^■^■J. J 1 1 f 

th St a t sibility and lack of common 

sense ; the measures of intimi- 
dation and revenge undertaken by the 
German Government at the demand of 
Metternich fell chiefly and terribly on the 
heads of the German students. No dis- 
tinction was made between the youthful 
aberrations of these corps, which were 
inspired merely by an overpowering sense 
of national feeling, and the bloodthirsty 
designs of malevolent intriguers — for ex- 
ample, of the priest Friedrich Ludwig 
Weidig in Butzbach — or the unscrupulous 
foUy of revolutionary monomaniacs, such 
as the Gottingen privat-dozent Von 

Hundreds of young men were consigned 
for years to the tortures of horrible and 
pestilential dungeons by the cold-blooded 
cruelty of red-tape indifferentism. The 
punitive measures of justice then enforced, 
far from creating a salutary feeling of 
fear, increased the existing animosity, 
as is proved by the horrors of the Re- 
volution of 1848. 












P\URING the period subsequent to the 
'-^ Congress of Vienna a highly import- 
ant modification in the progress of German 
history took place, in spite of the fact 
that such expressions of popular feeling as 
had been manifested through the existing 
constitutional outlets had effected but 
little alterati on in social and political life. 
This modification was not due to the diet, 
which, properly speaking, existed to pro- 
tect the common interests of the German 
states collectively. It was the work of 
the Prussian Government, in which was 
concentrated the keenest insight into the 
various details of the public administration, 
and which had therefore become a centre 
of attraction for minds inclined to political 
thought and for statesmen of large ideals. 
In Germany the political movement had 
been preceded by a period of economic 
„ . progress : the necessary pre- 

p limmary to such a movement, 

rogress ^ certain level of prosperity 
ermany ^^^ financial power, had thus 
already been attained. This achievement 
was due to the excellent qualities of most 
of the German races, to their industry, 
their thrift, and their godliness. The capi- 
tal necessary to the economic development 
of a people could only be gradually re- 
covered and amassed after the enormous 
losses of the French war, by petty land- 
owners and the small handicraftsmen. 

However, this unconscious national co- 
operation would not have availed to break 
the fetters in which the economic life of 
the nation had been chained for 300 years 
by provincial separatism. Of this oppres- 
sion the disunited races were themselves 
largely unconscious ; what one considered 
a burden, his neighbour regarded as an 
advantage. Of constitutional forms, of the 
process of economic development, the 
nation severally and collectively had long 


since lost all understanding, and it was 
reserved for those to spread such know- 
ledge who had acquired it by experience 
and intellectual toil. These two qualifi- 
cations were wanting to the Austrian 
Government, which had formed the German 

_^ , Federation according to its 

The Ignorance ■ , ,- . , "^ , 

J p f own ideas. Even those who 

M 1 1 " h ^^"^^^6 ^^6 diplomatic skill of 
Prince Metternich must admit 
that the Austrian chancellor displayed sur- 
prising ignorance and ineptitude in dealing 
with questions of internal administration. 

His interest was entirely concentrated 
upon matters of immediate importance to 
the success of his foreign policy, upon the 
provision of money and recruits ; of the 
necessities, the merits, and the defects of 
the inhabitants of that empire to which 
he is thought to have rendered such 
signal service, of the forces dormant in 
the state over which he ruled, he had 
not the remotest idea. 

The members of the bureaucracy whom 
he had collected and employed were, with 
few exceptions, men of limited intelligence 
and poor education ; cowardly and subser- 
vient to authority, they were so incompe- 
tent to initiate any improvement of 
existing circumstances that the first pre- 
liminary to any work of a generally 
beneficial nature was the task of breaking 
down their opposition. The Archduke 
John, the brother of the Emperor Francis, 
. a man fully conscious of the 

.'^ " * forces at work beneath the sur- 
„ .^ ** face, a man of steady and persis- 

Reformer . , rt j 

tent energy, suftered many a 
bitter experience in his constant attempts 
to improve technical and scientific training, 
to benefit agriculture and the iron trades, 
co-operative enterprises, and savings banks. 
The Emperor Francis and his powerful 
Minister had one aversion in common, 



which implied unconditional opposition to 
every form of human endeavour — an 
aversion to pronounced ability. Metter- 
nich's long employment of Gentz is to be 
explained by the imperative need for an 
intellect so pliable and so reliable in its 
operations, and also by the fact that Gentz 
would do anything for money ; for a 
position of independent activity, for a 
chance of realismg his own 
views or aims, he never had 
any desire. Men of indepen- 
dent thought, such as Johann 
Philipp of Wessenberg, were 
never permanently retained, 
even for foreign service. This 
statesman belonged to the 
little band of Austrian officials 
who entertained theories and 
proffered suggestions upon the 
future and the tasks before 
the Hapsburg monarchy, its 
position within the Federation, 
and upon further federal 
developments. His opinion 
upon questions of federal 

Crowned King of Prussia at 
Konig-sberg- in 1840, he promised 

compared with the state governments, for 
increased severity in the censorship of the 
Press, and the surveillance of university 
students and their political activity. 

Student interference in political life 
is utterly unnecessary, and can only 
be a source of mischief ; but Metternich 
and his school were unable to grasp 
the fact that such interference ceases so 
soon as political action takes a 
practical turn. If Austria 
were disappointed in her ex- 
pectations of the German 
federal states, her feeUngs 
originated only in the fact that 
Prussia, together with Bava- 
ria, Wiirtemberg, Saxony, and 
Baden, entertained loftier 
views than she herself upon the 
nature of State existence and 
the duties attaching thereto. 
The kingdom of Prussia had 
by no means developed in 
accordance with the ex- 
pectations entertained by 
Metternich in 1813 and 

reform was disregarded, and thrrntrodu^ctroro7rVfwmsrwhich 1815 ; it was a mihtary 
he fell into bad odour at the werenot carried out. Becoming state, strong enough to 
London conference, when his '"^^"^ "* ^^^^' ^^ ^^^^ *" ^^^^- repel any possible Russian 


of the State 

convictions led him to take an independent 
position with reference to the quarrel 
between Belgium and Holland. 

The fate of the German Federation l^y 
entirely in the hands of Austria, and 
Austria is exclusively responsible for the 
ultimate fiasco of the Federa- 
tion, which she eventually de- 
serted. The form and character 
of this alliance, as also its after 
development, were the work of Metter- 
nich. People and Government asked for 
bread, and he gave them a stone. He 
conceived the state to be merely an insti- 
tution officered and governed by police. 
When more than twenty millions of 
Germans declared themselves a commercial 
corporation with reference to the world at 
large, with the object of equalising the 
conditions of commercial competition, of 
preventing an overwhelming influx of 
foreign goods, and of opening the markets 
of the world to their own producers — 
in that memorable year of 1834 the 
Austrian Government, after inviting the 
federal representatives to months of con- 
ferences in Vienna, could find nothing of 
more pressing importance to bring forward 
than proposals for limiting the effec- 
tiveness of the provincial constitutions as 


onslaught, but badly " rounded off," 
and composed of such heterogeneous 
fragments of territory that it could not 
in its existing form aspire to predominance 
in Germany. Prussia was as yet un- 
conscious of her high calling ; she was 
wholly spellbound by Austrian federal 
policy, but none the less she had com- 
pleted a task incomparably the most im- 
portant national achievement since the 
attainment of religious freedom — the foun- 
dation of the pan-Germanic Customs Union. 
Cotta, the greatest German book and 
newspaper publisher, and an able and 
important business man, had been able to 
shield the loyal and thoroughly patriotic 
views of Ludwig I. of Bavaria from the in- 
roads of his occasionally violent paroxysms 
of personal vanity, and had 
Inauguration ggj^^red the execution of the 
of a Federal ^^^ ^^ ^ j^ ^^ 

Customs Union . ,. r • i 

vidmg for a commercial 

treaty between Bavaria- Wiirtemberg and 
Prussia with Hesse-Darmstadt, the first 
twostates to joina federal customs union. 
The community of interests between North 
and South Germany, in which only far- 
seeing men, such as Friedrich List, the 
national economist, had believed, then 
became so incontestable a feet that the 


Collapse of 
the Central 
German Union 

commercial treaty took the form of a 
customs union, implying an area of uni- 
form economic interests. 

The "Central German Union," which was 
intended to dissolve the connection between 
Prussia and South Germany, and to neu- 
tralise the advantages thence 
derived, rapidly collapsed. It 
became clear that economic 
interests are stronger than 
political, and the dislike amounting to aver- 
sion of Prussia entertained by the Central 
German governments became friendliness 
as soon as anything was to be gained by a 
change of attitude — in other words, when 
it seemed possible to fill the state ex- 
chequers. The electorate of Hesse had 
taken the lead in opposing the Hohen- 
zoUern policy of customs federation ; as 
early as 1831 she recognised that her 
policy of commercial isolation spelt ruin. 
A similar process led to the dissolution of 
the so-called " Einbeck Convention " of 
March 27th, 1830, which had included 
Hanover, Brunswick, Oldenburg, and the 
electorate of Hesse. Saxony joined Prussia 
on March 30th, as did Thiiringen on May 
nth, 1833 ; on May 22nd, 1833, the 

Bavarian- Wiirtemberg and the Prussian 
groups were definitely united. On 
January ist, 1834, the union included 
eighteen German states, with 23,000.000 
inhabitants ; in 1840 these numbers had 
risen to twenty- three states with 27,000,000 
inhabitants. In 1841 the union was 
joined by Brunswick, and by Luxemburg 
in 1842 ; Hanover did not come in until 
September 7th, 1851, when she ceased to 
be an open market for British goods. The 
expenses of administration and of guard- 
ing the frontiers were met from a common 
fund. The profits were divided among the 
states within the union in proportion 
to their population. In 1834 the profits 
amounted to fifteen silver groschen, about 
thirty-six cents per head ; in 1840. to 
more than twenty silver groschen, about 
half a dollar. 

In the secondary and petty states 
pubUc opinion had been almost entirely 
opposed to such unions. Prussia was 
afraid of the Saxon manufacturing indus- 
tries, and Leipzig foresaw the decay of her 
great markets. The credit of completing 
this great national achievement belongs 
almost exclusively to the governments 


The foundations of this mag:nificent structure, regrarded as one of the finest examples of Gothic architecture eoctant were 
iaid in 124S ; the work wa<! rorcwed in l.S4'2, and in ISSOthe building: was completed according to the original plan. 



and to the expert advisers whom they 

called in. Austria now stood without 

the boundary of German economic unity. 

Mettemich recognised too late that he 

had mistaken the power of this union. 

Proposals were mooted for the junction of 

Austria with the allied German states, 

but met with no response from the 

TK Sk a industrial and manufacturing 

tt ••»* **7 interests. The people imagined 
of Political ,, . f J- • • 

B ^. that a process of division was 

even then beginning which 
was bound to end in poUtical separation ; 
but the importance of Prussia, which 
naturally took the lead in conducting the 
business of the union, notwithstanding 
the efforts of other members to preserve 
their own predominance and independence, 
became obvious even to those who had 
originally opposed the conclusion of the 
convention. The Wiirtemberg deputy 
and author, Paul Pfizer, recognised the 
necessity of a pohtical union of the 
German states under Prussian hegemony, 
and saw that the separation of Austria 
was inevitable. 

In 1845, in his " Thoughts upon Rights, 
State and Church," he expounded the 
programme which was eventually adopted 
by the whole nation, though only after 
long struggles and severe trials. " The 
conditions," he there said, " of German 
policy as a whole seem to point to a natioucJ 
alliance with Prussia and to an inter- 
national alliance with the neighbouring 
Germanic states and with Austria, which 
is a first-class Power even apart from 
Germany. There can be no question of 
abolishing all political connection between 
Germany and Austria. In view of the 
danger threatening Germany on the east 
and west, nothing would be more foolish ; 
no enemy or rival of Germany can be 
allowed to become paramount in Bohemia 
and Central Germany. But the complete 
incorporation of Bohemia, Moravia, and 
Austria, together with that of the Tyrol, 
p , , Carinthia, and Styria, would 

D I »• .^1. he less advantageous to Ger- 

Relations with ,, ii. j. x- r 

German many than the retention of 

riB ny these countries by a power 

connected with her by blood i"elationship 
and an offensive and defensive alliance, a 
power whose arm can reach beyond the 
Alps on the one hand, and to the Black 
Sea on the other." 

It was now necessary for Prussia to come 
to some agreement with the German 
people and the State of the Hapsburgs. 


For more than three centuries the latter 
had, in virtue of their dynastic power, 
become the representatives of the Romano- 
German Empire. Their historical position 
enabled them to lay claim to the leader- 
ship of the federation, though their power 
in this respect was purely external. 
Certain obstacles, however, lay in the way 
of any settlement. It was difficult to 
secure any feeling of personal friendship 
between the South Germans and the 
Prussians of the old province. Some 
measure of political reform was needed, as 
well for the consolidation of existing powers 
of defence as for the provision of security 
to the individual states which might then 
form some check upon the severity of 
Prussian administration. 

Finally, there was the peculiar tempera- 
ment of Frederic William IV., who had 
succeeded to the government of Prussia 
upon the death of his father, Frederic 
William III., on June 7th, 1840. In 
respect of creative power, artistic sense, 
and warm, deep feeling, his character 
can only be described as brilliant. He 
was of the ripe age of forty-five, and his 
first measures evoked general astonish- 
ment and enthusiasm. But he 
The Brilliant ^-^ ^^^ possess the Strong grasp 

W*U*''**^IV °^ ^^^ great ancestors and 
lam . ^j^gjj. po^ej- of guiding the 

ship through critical dangers unaided. 
He had not that inward consciousness of 
strength and that decisiveness which 
shrink from no responsibility ; least of all 
had he a true appreciation of the time and 
the forces at work. 

Prussia's great need was a constitution 
which would enable her to send up to 
the central government a representative 
assembly from all the provinces, such 
assembly to have the power of voting taxes 
and conscriptions, of supervising the 
fijiances, and of legislating in conjunction 
with the Crown. On May 22nd, 1815, 
Frederic William III. had made some 
promises in this direction ; but these 
remained unfulfilled, as the government 
could not agree upon the amount of power 
which might be delegated to an imperial 
parliament' without endangering the posi- 
tion of the executive. Such danger un- 
doubtedly existed. 

The organisation of the newly- formed 
provincial federation was a process 
which necessarily affected private interests 
and customs peculiar to the individual 
areas which had formerly been indepen- 


dent sections of the empire, and 
were now forced into alliance with other 
districts with which little or no connection 
had previously existed. The conflicting 
views and the partisanship inseparable 
from parliamentary institutions would 
have checked the quiet, steady work of the 
Prussian bureaucracy, and would in any 
case have produced a continual and un- 
necessary agitation. The improvements in 
the financial condition created by the 
better regulation of the national debt, by 
the limitation of military expenditure, and 
the introduction of a graduated system of 
taxation, could not have been more 
successfully or expeditiously carried out 
than they were by such Ministers as 
Billow and Klewitz. 

So soon as the main part of this trans- 
formation of the Prussian state had been 
accomplished, prosperity began to return 
to the peasant and citizen classes, and the 
result of the customs regulations and the 
consequent extension of the market began 
to be felt. The citizens then began to feel 
their power and joined the inheritors of 
the rights formerly possessed by the 
numerous imperial and provincial orders in 
_ ♦ ■ ^ demand for some share in 

P,°'°''*.'°'* the administration. It was 
tc ges o found possible to emphasise 
russian mg ^ j^g^ demands by reference to 
the example of the constitutional govern- 
ments existing in neighbouring territories. 
The speeches delivered by Frederic William 
IV. at his coronation in Konigsberg on Sep- 
tember loth, 1840, and at his reception of 
homage in Berlin on October 15th, 1840, in 
which he displayed oratorical powers 
unequalled by any previous prince, 
appeared to point to an immediate fulfil- 
ment of these desires. 

The king was deeply moved by the out- 
burst of national enthusiasm in Germany 
which was evoked by the unjustifiable 
menaces directed against Germany by 
France in the autumn of 1840 during the 
Eastern complications. The Minister, 
Thiers, who had been in office since March 
1st, suddenly broke away from the Great 
Powers during the Turco-Egyptian war, 
and initiated a policy of his own in favour 
of Egypt — a short-sighted departure which 
obliged Great Britain, Russia, Austria, and 
Prussia to conclude the quadruple alliance 
of July 15th, 1840, with the object of com- 
pelling Mehemet AU to accept the con- 
ditions of peace which they had arranged. 
With a logic peculiarly their own, the 

French considered themselves justified 

in securing their immunity on the 

Continent, as they were powerless against 

England by sea. The old nonsensical 

argument of their right to the Rhine 

frontier was revived and they proceeded to 

mobilise their forces. The German nation 

made no attempt to disguise their anger at 

iM. D • >• so insolent an act of aggres- 
The Relations • •, , j n 5- 

J -J sion, and showed all readmess 

and France *® support the proposals for 

armed resistance. Nikolaus 

Becker composed a song against the 

French which became extremely popular : 

For free and German is the Rhine, 

And German shall remain, 

Until its waters overwhelm 

The last of German name. 
The nation were united in support of 
their princes, most of whom adopted a 
dignified and determined attitude towards 
France. Then was the time for Frederic 
William IV. to step forward. Supported 
by the warlike temper of every German 
race, with the exception of the Austrians, 
who were in financial difficulties, and by the 
popularity which his speeches had gained 
for him, he might have intimidated 
France both at the moment and for the 
future. However, he confined himself 
to the introduction of reforms in the 
federal military constitution at Vienna, 
and thus spared Austria the humiliation 
of openly confessing her weakness. The 
result of his efforts was the introduction 
of a regular inspection of the federal' 
contingents and the occupation of Ulm 
and Rastatt as bases for the concentration 
and movements of future federal armies. 

Thus was lost a most favourable op- 
portunity for securing the federal pre- 
dominance of Prussia by means of her 
military power, for she could have con- 
centrated a respectable force upon the 
German frontier more quickly than any 
other member of the Federation. More- 
over, the attitude of Prussia at the London 
conference was distinctly modest and in no 
. way such as a Great Power 
fj.'f.*"*' should have adopted. The king's 

Failu'r * ^°^*y ^^^^^ ^* *^^ ^^^^^ °^ *^^ 
foundation stone of Cologne 

Cathedral on September 4th, 1842, produced 

no deception as to his lack of political 

decision. Whenever a special .effort was 

expected or demanded in an hour of crisis, 

Frederic William's powers proved unequal 

to the occasion, and the confidence which 

the nation reposed in him was deceived. 

Hans von Zwiedineck-Sudenhorst 



From the painting by Bida in the Metropolitan Mu$eum p( A,n. New yofk 













AFTER the Porte had given its consent 
to the protocol of February 3rd, 1830, 
the Great Powers of Europe addressed 
themselves to the task of reorganising the 
Greek kingdom. Thessaly, Epirus, Mace- 
donia, even Acarnania, remained under 
Turkish supremacy ; but a considerable 
portion of the Greek people, forming a 
national entity, though limited in extent, 
was now able to begin a new and free 
existence as a completely independent state. 
This success had been attained by 
the remarkable tenacity of the Greek 
nation, by the continued support of 
Great Britain, and, above all, by the 
.pressure which the Russian co-religionists 
of the Greeks had brought to bear upon 
the Turkish military power. The work 
of liberation was greatly hindered by the 
diplomacy of the other Great Powers, and 
particularly by the support given to the 
. , Turks, the old arch enemies of 
sT"rt of Christendom, by Catholic Aus- 
"'*£.°'^ ° tria. To Austria it is due that 
* "*" ' the Greek question remained so 
long unsolved ; that instead of develop- 
ing its inherent strength the Greek nation 
occupied itself with the unification of 
its different tribes, and that the Turkish 
state, which was hostile to civilisation, 
justified its existence only by means of 
the bayonets of Anatolian regiments, 
and existed only on sufferance as a 
foreign body within the political system 
of Europe. Once again the obstacle to 
a thorough and comprehensive reform 
of the political conditions within the 
Balkan Peninsula was the puerile fear 
of the power inherent in a self-determining 
nation, and, in a secondary degree, a desire 
for the maintenance or extension of influ- 
ence which might be useful in the peninsula. 
The true basis of such influence was not 
as yet understood. It is not the states- 
manship of ambassadors and attaches 
which gives a nation influence abroad, but 
its power to assert its will when its interest 

so demands. National influence rests 
upon the forces which the state can com- 
mand, upon the industry of its traders, 
the value and utihty of its products, the 
creative power of its labour and capital. 
The Greeks were now confronted with 
_ the difficult task of concen- 

. J . trating their forces, accommo- 
y^ dating themselves to a new 

political system, and making 
their independence a practical reahty ; for 
this purpose it was necessary to create 
new administrative machinery, and for 
this there was an entire dearth of the 
necessary material. The problem was 
further complicated by the fact that a 
desperately contested war had not only un- 
settled the country, but reduced it almost 
to desolation. The noblest and the bravest 
of the nation had fallen upon the battle- 
fields or under the attacks of the Janissaries 
and Albanians, or had been slaughtered 
and hurled into the flam^es of burning 
towns and villages, after the extortion 
of their money, the destruction of their 
property, and the ruin of their prosperity. 
The contribution of the European 
Powers to facilitate the work of recon- 
struction consisted of a king under age 
and twelve million dollars at a high rate 
of interest. Prince Leopold of Coburg, 
the first candidate for the Greek throne, 
had unfortunately renounced his project ; 
he would have proved a capable and 
benevolent ruler, and would perhaps have 
adapted himself to the peculiar character- 
istics of Greek life and thought, with the 
eventual result of providing a 
starting-point for the introduc- 
tion of more civilised and more 
modern methods. In conse- 
quence of his retirement, the presidency 
of Capodistrias continued for some time, 
until the murder of this statesman, who 
had deserved well of his people, on October 
9th, 1831 ; then followed the short reign 
of his brother Augustine, who did not enjoy 


Problem of 
the Greek 


the recognition of the constitutional party, 
the Syntagmatikoi. Ultimately, by work- 
ing on the vanity of King Ludwig of 
Bavaria, European diplomacy persuaded 
this monarch to authorise his son Otto, 
bom on June ist, 1815, to accept the 
Greek throne. The government was to 
be carried on by three Bavarian officials 
until the youth attained his 
^!*° , majority. This settlement was 
J;'"*** brought about by the London 
ureeee «< Quadruple Convention" on 
May 7th, 1832, and is one of the most 
ill-considered pieces of work ever per- 
formed by the statesmen of the old school. 

Of the young prince's capacity as a 
ruler not even his father can have had 
the smallest idea ; yet he was handed 
over to fate, to sacrifice the best years of 
his life in a hopeless struggle for power 
and recognition. The Greeks were fooled 
with promises impossible of fulfilment, 
and inspired with mistrust and hatred 
for their " benefactors." King Otto and 
his councillors had not the patience to 
secure through the National Assembly a 
gradual development of such conditions 
as would have made constitutional 
government possible ; they wovild not 
devote themselves to the task of superin- 
tendence, of pacification, of disentangling 
the various complications, and restraining 
party action within the bounds of legality. 

The Bavarian officials, who might 
perhaps have done good service in 
Wiirzburg or Amberg, were unable to 
accommodate themselves to their Greek 
environment ; their mistakes aroused a 
passionate animosity against the Germans, 
resulting in their complete expulsion from 
Hellas in 1843. On March i6th, 1844, 
King Otto was obliged to agree to the in- 
troduction of a new constitutional scheme, 
the advantages of which were hidden to 
him by the fact that it merely aroused 
new party struggles and parliamentary 
discord. Consequently he did not observe 
Tk G k ^^^^ constitution with sufficient 
_. . conscientiousness to regain the 

Th ' K* national respect. Disturbances 
"** in the East and the Crimean 
War proved so many additional obstacles 
to his efforts, which were ended by a 
revolt in October, 1862, when the Greeks 
declined to admit their king within the 
Piraeus as he was returning from the 
Morea, and thus unceremoniously dis- 
missed him from their service. In 1830, 
Greece was definitively separated from 


Turkey ; and at the same time the 
insolence of the Dey of Algiers, hitherto 
under the Ottoman suzerainty, gave the 
Bourbon monarchy the chance of trying 
to recover its prestige with the nation 
by the seizure of Algeria. The piratical 
activity of the Barbary States was brought 
to an end. In Turkey also that move- 
ment was now beginning, which will be 
considered later, the literary and political 
revolution of the Young Turkish party. 

The indefatigable Mahmud, however, 
again resumed his efforts to secure the 
unity of the empire. But he was forced 
to give way to his Pasha of Egypt, Mehe- 
met Ali, one of the most important rulers 
whom the East had produced for a long 
time. He was born in 1769 at Kavala, in 
Roumelia, opposite the island of Thasos. 
He had gone to Egypt in 1800 with some 
Albanian mercenaries ; in the struggle 
with the French, English, and Majnelukes 
he had raised himself to supremacy, had 
conquered the Wahabites, subjugated 
Arabia and Nubia, and created a highly 
competent army by means of military 
reform upon a large scale. When Mahmud 
II. declined to meet his extensive demands 
_ . in return for the help he had 
ussian rendered against the Greeks, 
th T °k Ibrahim, an adopted son of Me- 
hemet, a general of the highest 
class, invaded Syria in 1831, defeated the 
Turks on three occasions, conquered Akka, 
1832, and advanced to Kiutahia, in Asia 
Minor, in 1833. Mahmud appealed to 
Russia for help. Russia forthwith sent 
15,000 men to the Bosphorus, whilst the 
fleets of France and England jealously 
watched the Dardanelles. Mehemet Ali was 
obliged to make peace on May 4th, 1833, 
and was driven back behind the Taurus. 

The most important result of these 
events, however, was the recompense 
which the Sultan was induced to give 
to the Russians for their help. He had 
been shown the letters of the French 
Ambassador, which revealed the intention 
of the Cabinet of the Tuileries to replace 
the Ottoman dynasty by that of Mehemet. 
The result was the convention of Hunkyar- 
Skalessi, the imperial stairs on the Bos- 
phorus, July 8th, or May 26th, 1833. In 
this agreement the terrified Sultan made 
a supplementary promise to close the 
Dardanelles in future against every Power 
that was hostile to Russia. When this 
one-sided convention, concluded in defi- 
ance of all international rights, became 



known, the Western Powers were naturally 
irritated, and Prince Metternich wittily 
designated the sultan as " le sublime 
portier des Dardenelles au service du 
tsar." The naval Powers withdrew their 
fleets from the Dardanelles, after entering 
a protest against this embargo. Mean- 
while, the will of the tsar was supreme 
both in Athens and Stamboul. 
Where the Qbeying his instructions. 
Tsar was ^^hmud refused to allow the 
Supreme ^^g^j-i^j^g ^o blast the rocks 
on the Danube at Orsova, or to permit 
his subjects to make use of the ships of 
the Austria-Hungarian Lloyd Company, 
founded in Trieste in 1836 ; notwith- 
standing this prohibition the company 
was able to resume with success the old 
commercial relations of the Venetians 
with the Levant. The Russian ambas- 
sador discountenanced the wishes of the 
grand vizir and of the seraskier, who 
applied to the Prussian ambassador. 
Count Konigsmark, with a request for 
Prussian officers to be sent out, in view of 
a reorganisation of the army, which was in 
fact carried out under the advice of Moltke. 
In 1837 the first bridge over the Golden 
Horn was built, between Unkapau and 
Asabkapusi ; not until 1845 and 1877 was 
the new bridge constructed which is 
known as the Valide, after the mother of 
Abd ul-Mejid. On August i6th, 1838, 
the British ambassador Ponsonby secured 
the completion, in the house of Reshid 
Pasha -at Balta-Nin on the Bosphorus, of 
that treaty respecting trade and customs 
duties, which has remained the model of 
all succeeding agreements. By way of 
recompense the British fleet accompanied 
the Turkish fleet during all its manoeu- 
vres in the Mediterranean, until its seces- 
sion to Mehemet Ali. War was declared 
upon him by Sultan Mahmud in May, 
1839, when the Druses had revolted against 
the Syrian authorities in the Hauran. 
However, the sultan died on July ist, 
-J . before he could receive the 
g . news of the total defeat of his 

Mah "^ d ^''"^y ^* Nisib on June 24th, 
and the desertion of his fleet in 
Alexandria on July 14th. At a later period, 
after his return to the Sublime Porte, 
Moltke vindicated the capacity which Hafiz 
Pasha had shown in face of the lack of dis- 
cipline prevailing in his army, although 
the seraskier had treated the suggestions 
of the Prussian officers with contempt. 
Ibrahim did not pursue his master's troops, 


as his own soldiers were too exhausted 
to undertake any further movements. 
Mahmud IL died a martyr to his own 
ideas and plans ; even his greatest reforms 
remained in embryo. However, his work 
lives after him ; he was the founder of a 
new period for Turkey, as Peter the Great, 
with whom he liked to be compared, had 
been for Russia. The difficulty of the 
political situation, the incapacity of his 
predecessors, the slavery imposed by the 
domestic government and court etiquette, 
were the real source of those obstacles which 
often caused him such despondency that 
he sought consolation in drunkenness, to 
the utter destruction of his powers. 

Abd ul-Mejid, 1 839-1 861, the son of 
Mahmud, undertook at the age of sixteen 
the government of a state which would 
irrevocably have fallen into the power of 
the Pasha of Egypt had not the ambitious 
plans of France been thwarted by the 
conclusion of the Quadruple Alliance on 
July 15th, 1840, between England, Russia, 
Austria, and Prussia. The interference of the 
alliance forced the victorious Pasha Mehemet 
Ali to evacuate Sjoia ; after the conclusion 
of peace he obtained the Island of Thasos, 
the cradle of his race, from the 
sultan, as an appanage of the 
viceroys of Egypt, in whose 
possession it still remains. 
An important advance is denoted by the 
Hatti-sherif of Giilhane on November 3rd, 
1839, which laid down certain principles, 
on which were to be based further special 
decrees. The reformation proclaimed as 
law what had in fact long been customary, 
the theoretical equality of the subjects of 
every nation, race, and religion before the 
law. It must be said that in the execution 
of this praiseworthy decree certain prac- 
tical difficulties came to light. Reshid 
Pasha, the creator of the " hat," was not 
inspired by any real zeal for reform, but 
was anxious simply to use it as a means for 
gaining the favour of the Christian Powers. 
As early as 1830, for example, a census 
had been undertaken, the first throughout 
the whole Turkish Empire, the results of 
which were valueless.. No official would 
venture to search the interior of a Moslem 
house inhabited by women and children. 
It was, moreover, to the profit of the 
revenue officials to represent the number 
of houses and families in their district as 
lower than it really was, with the object 
of filling their pockets with the excess. 
The Porte, unable to secure the obedience 

The Sultan's 
Gift to 
the Pasha 


of the Syrians by a strong government 
like the military despotism of Ibrahim, 
was equally unable to win over the 
country by justice and good administra- 
tion, for lack of one necessary condition, 
an honest official service. It was not to the 
" hat " of Giilhane of 1856, nor yet to the 
later Hatti-humayun, that reform was 
due, but to the European Powers associ- 
ated to save the crescent. These Powers 
suggested the only permanent solution 
by supplying the watchword "A la 
franca" ; and urged the Turks to acquire 
a completer knowledge of the West, to 
learn European languages and sciences, 
to introduce the institutions of the West. 

Literature also had to follow this 
intellectual change. Towards the end of 
the eighteenth century, a poet endowed 
with the powers of the ancient East had 
appeared in Ghalib, and a 
court poet in the unfortunate 
Selim-III. Heibet uUah Sul- 
tana, a sister of the Sultan 
Mahmud II., and aunt of the 
reforming Minister Fuad, also 
secured a measure of popu- 
larity. These writers were, 
however, unable to hinder the 
decay of old forms, or rather 
the dawn of a new period, 
the Turkish " modern age." 
The study of the languages of 
Eastern civilisation became 
neglected in \aew of the need 
of the study of the West. 

of Protest&nt 

Shah into the Arabian Irak, Suleimanieh, 
Bagdad, Kerbela, and Armenia, a war 
with Persia was threatened, and the dis- 
pute was only composed with difficulty by 
a peace commission summoned to meet 
at Erzeroum. Within the Danubian 
principaUties the sovereign rights of 
the Porte were often in conflict with 
the protectorate powers of 
Russia. In Servia, Alexan- 
der Karageorgevitch was 
solemnly appointed bashbeg, 
or high prince of Servia, by the Porte on 
November 14th, 1842 ; Russia, however, 
succeeded in persuading Alexander 
voluntarily to abdicate his position, 
which was not confirmed until 1843 by 
Russia, after his re-election at Topchider, 
near Belgrade. The Roman Catholic 
— uniate — Armenians, who had already 
endured a cruel persecution in 
1828, secured toleration for 
their independent Chifrch in 
1835 and a representative of 
their own. A similar per- 
secution, supported by Russia 
from Etshmiadsin, also broke 
out against the Protestant 
Armenians in 1845. It was 
not until November, 1850, 
that their liberation was 
secured by the energetic am- 
bassador, Stratford Canning. 
Even more dangerous was the 

,.,.,.,..., .„,x .TT ..T^T.rx diplomatic breach between the 

SULTAN ABD UL-MEJID -r,^ . , >- ^o.» ti,- 

In 1841 he concluded peace with Porte and Greece, 1847. This 

The new generation knew Mehemet au of Egypt, and in young state had grown insolent; 

J. T T^ j_ • ■»«■ i 1853 his resistance to Russia s •' jjuxi. -o 

more of La rontame, Mont- claims to a protectorate over his supported by the Russian 

esquieu, and Victor Hugo subjects led to the Crimean war. party which dominated the 

The political Chamber of Deputies, Greece had availed 

than of the Moslem classics, 
need of reform made men ambitious to 
secure recognition for the drafting of a 
diplomatic note rather than for the com- 
position of a Kassited, or of a poem with 
a purpose. In the East as well as in the 
West mediaeval poetry became a lost art. 
By the Dardanelles Convention, which 
was concluded with the Great 
Powers in London on July 
13th, 1841, the Porte consented 
to keep the Dardanelles and the 
Bosphorus closed to foreign ships of war 
in the time of peace. By this act the 
Turkish Government gave a much desired 
support to Russian aims at predominance 
in the Black Sea. In the same year it was 
necessary to suppress revolts which had 
broken out in Crete and Bulgaria. In 
consequence of the incursions of Mehmet- 


Plans in the 
Black Sea 

herself of the helplessness of the Porte 
against Mehemet AH, at the time when Abd 
ul-Mejid began his reign, to send help to 
the Cretans. The Prime Minister, Kolettis, 
1844-1847, had repeatedly demanded the 
union of the Greeks. Continued friction 
ended in 1846 with a collision between 
the Turkish ambassador and the Greek 
king, with the breaking off of diplomatic 
relations, and with a revenge taken by 
the sultan upon bis Greek subjects, which 
might almost have ended in war between 
Greece and Turkey, England and France. 
Not until September, 1847, was an under- 
standing between the two neighbours 
secured, by the intervention of the tsar 
on the personal appeal of King Otto. 
Hans von Zwiedineck-SUdenhorst 
Heinrich Zimmerer 












THE great revolutions which had taken 
place in the political world since 1789 
were not calculated to produce satisfac- 
tion either among contemporaries or 
posterity. Disillusionment and fear of 
the degeneration of human nature, distrust 
of the capacity and the value of civic and 
poUtical institutions, were the legacy from 
these movements. As men lost faith in 
political movement as a means of amelior- 
ating the conditions of life or improving 
morality, so did they yearn for the con- 
tentments and the consolations of religion. 
" Many believe; all would hke to believe," 
said Alexis de Tocqueville of France 
after the July Revolution. However, 
the germs of piety, " which, though un- 
certain in its objects, is powerful enough 
in its effects," had already sprung to life 
during the Napoleonic period. Through- 
out the nineteenth century there was a 
general yearning for the restoration of true 
Christian feeling. It was a desire that 
p evoked attempts at the. for- 

f* tK**^* °^^^ mation of religious societies, 

^ *v I- r»t «. often of a very extraordin- 
Cathohc Church , -i, , , , . 

ary nature, without attam- 

ingany definite object ; on the other hand, 
it opened the possibility of a magnificent 
development of the power of Catholicism. 

The progress of the movement had made 
it plain that only a Church of this nature 
can be of vital importance to the history 
of the world, and that the revival of 
Christianity can be brought about upon no 
smaller basis than that which is held by 
this Church. The force of the movement 
which resulted in the intensification of 
papal supremacy enables us to estimate the 
power of reaction which was bound to 
occur, though the oppression of this 
supremacy may in turn become intolerable 
and the foundations of ultramontanism 
and of its successes be shattered. 

The restoration of power to the Catholic 
Church was partly due to the Jesuit Order, 
which had gradually acquired considerable 
and potent influence over the papacy ; 
and the success it attained was by no 



Policy of 
the Jesuits 

means artificial. Jesuitism has ideals ; 
for it, religion is more than a department 
of politics. By the creation of a hierarchy 
witliin a temporal state it hopes to secure 
full scope for the beneficent activity of 
Christian doctrine confined within the 
discipline of the Church. For this purpose 
Jesuitism can employ any and every form 
of pohtical government. It 
has no special preference for 
monarchy, though it simu- 
lates such a preference for 
dynasties which it can use for its own pur- 
poses ; it is equally ready to accommodate 
itself to the conditions of republican and 
parliamentary government. Materialism is 
no hindrance to the fulfilment of its task, 
the steady increase of the priestly power ; 
for the grossest materialism may be accom- 
panied by the most sincere faith, and 
this latter is one of its most valuable 
weapons. While fostering education and 
devotion, it shcires in the hobbies of science, 
criticism and research. One maiden marked 
with the stigmata may seem of greater 
value to society than the well-meaning 
efforts of a hundred learned fathers. 

On August 7th, 1814, Pope Pius VII. 
issued the encyclical Sollicitudo omnium^ 
reconstituting the Society of Jesus, which 
retained its original constitution and 
those privileges which it had acquired 
since its foundation. At the Congress of 
Vienna Cardinal Consalvi had succeeded 
in convincing the Catholic and Protestant 
princes that the Jesuit Order would prove 
a means of support to the Legitimists, and 
• /\ J would, in close connection 
Jesuit Order ^^^^ ^^^ papacy, undertake 

theTa fc *^^ interests of the royal 
* * ** ^ houses — a device successfully 
employed even at the present day. This 
action of the papacy, a step as portentous 
for the destinies of Europe as any of those 
taken during the unhappy years of the 
first Peace of Paris, appeared at first com- 
paratively unimportant. The new world 
power escaped notice until the highly gifted 
Dutchman, Johann Philip of Roothaan, 


took over the direction on July gth, 1829, 
and won the Germans over to the Order. 
The complaisance with which the French 
and the Italians lent their services for the 
attainment of specific objects deserves ac- 
knowledgment. But even more valuable 
than their diplomatic astuteness in the 
struggle against liberal free thought were 
the bUnd unreasoning obedience and the 
strong arms of Flanders, Westphalia, the 
Rhine districts and Bavaria. At the 
outset of the thirties the society possessed, 
in the persons of numerous young priests, 
the implements requisite for disturbing 
that harmony of the Churches which was 
founded upon religious toleration, and 
mutual forbearance. By the same means 
the struggle against secular governments 
could be begun, where such powers had 
not already submitted by concordat to 
the Curia, as Bavaria had done in 1817. 

The struggle raged with 
special fury in Prussia, though 
this state, considering its 
very modest pecuniary re- 
sources, had endowed the 
new-created Catholic bishop- 
rics very handsomely. The 
Jesuits declined to tolerate 
a friendly agreement in things 
spiritual between the Catholics 
and Protestants in the 
Rhine territories, to allow 
the celebration of mixed 
marriages with the "passive 

arranged by his predecessor. His repeated 
transgression of his powers and his treat- 
ment of the Bonn professors obliged the 
Prussian Government to pronounce his 
deposition on November 14th, 1837, ^^^ 
forcibly to remove him from Cologne. 

The Curia now protested in no measured 
terms against Prussia, and displayed 
Catholic ^ g^P^^g contempt for the 
Prelate Prussian ambassador, Bunsen, 
Punished ^^° ^^^ exchanged the profes- 
sion of archaeology for that of 
diplomacy. Prince Metternich had for- 
merly been ready enough to claim the 
good services of the Berlin Cabinet when- 
ever he required their support ; his 
instructive diplomatic communications 
were now withheld, and with some secret 
satisfaction he observed the humiliation 
of his ally by Roman statecraft. The 
embarrassment of the Prussian adminis- 
tration was increased both by 
the attitude of the Liberals, 
who, with doctrinaire short- 
sightedness, disputed the 
right of the government to 
arrest the bishop, and by the 
extension of the Catholic 
opposition to the ecclesiast- 
ical province of Posen-Gnesen, 
where the insubordination and 
disloyalty of the archbishop, 
Martin von Dunin, necessi- 
tated the imprisonment of 
that prelate also. Those 

assistance'' of the Catholic 2^;;ws*i;;;'7erdrnanr' worthily ecclesiastical dignitaries who 
pastor; they objected to the fulfilled the duties of his high were under Jesuit mfluence 
teaching of George Hermes, office and died on Augrust 2nd, 1 835. proceeded to oppose such 

professor in the Catholic faculty at the 
new-created university of Bonn, who 
propounded to his numerous pupils the 
doctrine that belief in revelation neces- 
sarily implied the exercise of reason, and 
that the dictates of reason can not therefore 
be contradicted by dogma. 

After the death of the excellent Arch- 
bishop Ferdinand of Cologne on August 2nd, 

-TV n f » 1835, the blind confidence of 
The Defiant -1 . , . j .1. 

Archbish government elevated the 

o/cologne Prebendary Klemens August 
rreiherr von Droste-Vischer- 
ing to the Rhenish archbishopric. He 
had been removed from the general vicar- 
iate at Miinster as a punishment for his 
firmness. In defiance of his previous 
promises, the ambiguity of which had 
passed unnoticed by the Minister Alten- 
stein, the archbishop arbitrarily broke off 
the agreement concerning mixed marriages 

supporters of peace as the prince-bishop 
of Breslau, Count Leopold of Sedlnitzky, 
in 1840, employing every form of inter- 
collegiate pressure which the labours of 
centuries had been able to excogitate. 
In many cases congregations were ordered 
to submit to tests of faith, with which 
they eventually declined compliance. 

A more vigorous, and in its early 
stages a more promising, resistance 
arose within tiie bosom of the Church 
itself. This movement was aroused by 
the exhibition in October, 1844, of the 
" holy coat " in Treves, a relic sup- 
posed to be one of Christ's garments, 
an imposture which had long before 
been demonstrated ; an additional cause 
was the disorderly pilgrimage thereto 
promoted by Bishop Arnoldi. The 
chaplain, Ronge, characterised the 
exhibition as a scandal, and denounced 



the " idolatrous worship of relics " as one 
of the causes of the spiritual and political 
humiliation of Germany. He thereby 
became the founder of a reform move- 
ment, which at once assumed a character 
serious enough to arouse hopes that the 
Catholic Church would now undergo the 
necessciry process of reorganisation and 
Tt c • separation, and would break 

The Serious ^^^^ ^ ^.^^ ^-^^ prevalent in- 
innuence fluence of Jesuitism. About 
ofJes«ti.m ^^^ hundred "German 
Catholic " congregations were formed in- 
the year 1845, and a Church council was 
held at Leipzig from March 23rd to 26th, 
with the object of finding a common basis 
for the constitution of the new Church. 

However, it proved impossible to 
arrange a compromise between the 
insistence upon free thought of the one 
party and the desire lor Catholic dogma 
manifested by the other. What was 
wanted by the freethinkers was a new 
idea, brilliant enough to attract the uni- 
versal gaze and to distract attention from 
established custom and its separatist 
consequences. Great and strong characters 
were wanting, though these were indispen- 
sable for the direction and organisation of 
the different bodies who were attempting 
to secure their liberation from one of the 
most powerful influences that has ever 
imposed disciplinary authority upon an 
intellectually dormant humanity. As long 
as each party went its own way, pro- 
claimed its own war-cry to be the only 
talisman of victory, and adopted new 
idols as its ensign, so long were they over- 
powered by the determined persistency of 
the Society of Jesus. 

Within the Protestant Churches also a 
movement for intellectual independence 
arose, directed against the suppression of 
independent judgment, and the subjuga- 
tion of thought to the decrees of the 
" Superiors." The movement was based 
upon the conviction that belief should be 
controlled by the dictates of 
reason and not by ecclesiast- 
ical councils. The Prussian 
Government limited the new 
movement to the utmost of its power ; at 
the same time it was so far successful that 
the authorities avoided the promulgation 
of decrees likely to excite disturbance and 
practised a certain measure of toleration. 
The discoveries made by the sclentifir 
criticism of the evangelical school gave a 
further impulse in this direction, as these 



of Scientific 

results were utilised by Strauss in his " Life 
of Jesus," 1835, and his "Christian Dogma, 
explained in its Historical Development 
and in Conflict with Modern Science," 
i840-x84i, works which made an epoch 
in the literary world, and the importance of 
which remained undiminished by any 
measures of ecclesiastical repression. 

Among the Romance peoples religious 
questions were of less importance than 
among the Germans. In Spain, such ques- 
tions were treated purely as political 
matters ; the foundation of a few Protest- 
ant congregations by Manuel Mat amor os 
exercised no appreciable influence upon 
the intellectual development of the Span- 
iards. The apostacy of the Roman prelate 
Luigi Desancti to the Waldenses and the 
appearance of scattered evangelical socie- 
ties produced no effect upon the position 
of the Catholic Church in Italy. In France, 
the liberal tendencies introduced by La- 
martine and Victor Hugo remained a 
literary fashion ; the efforts of Lacordaire 
and Montalembert to found national free- 
dom upon papal absolutism were nullified 
by the general direction of Roman policy. 
There was, however, one phenomenon 
deserving a closer attention 
— a phenomenon of higher 

Lamennais the 
Fiery Champion 

- ^. „ importance than any dis- 

of the Papacy 1 j 1 x u / • 

played by the various 

attempts at religious reform during the 

nineteenth century, for the reason that its 

evolution displays the stages which mark 

the process of separation from Jesuitism. 

Lamennais began his priestly career 
as the fiery champion of the papacy, 
to which he ascribed infallibility. He 
hoped to secure the recognition of its 
practical supremacy over all Christian 
governments. Claimed by Leo X. as the 
" last father of the Church," he furiously 
opposed the separatism of the French 
clergy, which was based on the " Gallican 
articles " ; he attacked the government 
of Charles X. as being " a horrible 
despotism," and founded after the July 
Revolution a Christian- revolutionary 
periodical, " L'Avenir," with the motto, 
" Dieu et Liberte — le Pape et le Peuple." 
By his theory, not only was the Church 
to be independent of the State ; it was also 
to be independent of State support, and 
the clergy were to be maintained by the 
voluntary offerings of the faithful. 

This demand for the separation of Church 
and State necessarily brought Lamennais 
into connection with political democracy ; 


hence it was but a step to the position that 
the Church should be reconstructed upon 
a democratic basis. This fact was patent 
not only to the French episcopate, but 
also to Pope Gregory XVI., who con- 
demned the doctrines of the " father of 
the Church," and, upon his formal sub- 
mission, interdicted him from issuing any 
_ ,. . . further publications. Lamen- 

p ,* _j nais, like Arnold of Brescia or 

Girolamo Savonarola in earlier 
times, now recognised that this 
papacy needed help to fulfil the lofty 
aims with which he had credited it ; he 
rejected it in his famous "Paroles d'un 
Croyant " in 1834, and found his way to 
that form of Christianity which is based 
upon brotherly love and philanthropy 
and aims at procuring an equal share for 

and Scotland 

greatly prized possession was, however, 
threatened by the system of the EstabUshed 
Church, which forced upon the congrega- 
tions ministers who were not to their 
liking ; but this was in itself merely 
incidental to the more important and 
comprehensive fact that the " establish- 
ment " was subject to civil control, and 
that questions affecting it might be 
carried for decision to a court which was 
Scottish only in the sense that it contained 
a Scottish element — the House of Peers. 
The view rapidly gained ground that in 
matters regarded as spiritual the Church 
ought to be subject to no authority save 
its own ; in other words, that it ought to 
be free from state control. But that view 
was not general, nor was the state pre- 
pared to recognise it. It only remained, 




Inspired by the desire to "awaken into new life a Church which was becoming torpid by a revival of mediaeval ideals 
and mediaeval devotion." and with the aim of counteracting the " danger to religion arising from a sceptical criticism," 
the Tractarian movement in England had as its most notable champions Newman, Keble, and Pusey. Their 
teachings were in many quarters regarded as nothing but barely veiled " Popery," a view that was strengthened 
when Cardinal Newman went over to the Church of Rome, whither he was followed by many of his disciples. 

men in the enjoyment of this world's goods. 
But in England and in Scotland there 
was considerable ferment on religious 
questions during the 'thirties and 'forties. 
German rationalism indeed would hardly 
have been permitted to obtain a foothold 
in either country ; when respectability 
was at its zenith, German rationalism 
was not regarded as respectable. In 
Scotland the crucial question was not one 
of theology, but of Church government ; 
in that country the national system of 
education combined with the national 
combativeness of character to make every 
cottar prepared to support his own religi- 
ous tenets with a surprising wealth of 
scriptural erudition; and "spiritual inde- 
pendence " was fervently cherished. That 

therefore, for the protesting portion of the 
community to sever itself from the state 
by departing from the Establishment and 
sacrificing its share in the endowments 
and privileges thereto pertaining. In the 
great Disruption of 1843 hundreds of 
ministers resigned their manses and 
churches rather than their principles ; 
and the Free Church took its place side 
by side with the Established Church as a 
self-supporting religious body, although in 
point of doctrine there was no distinction 
between the two communities,^which were 
both alike Calvinist in theology and 
Presbyterian in system. 

The Tractarian movement in England 
was of a different type. On the one side, 
it was inspired by the desire to awaken 



into new life a Church which was becoming 
torpid, by a revival of mediaeval ideals and 
mediaeval devotion, to be attained through 
insistence on mystical doctrines, on the 
apostolic character of the priesthood, on 
the authority of the fathers of the Church 
as against the miscellaneous unauthorised 
and Ignorant interpretations of the Scrip- 
tures, and on the 
historic and 
aesthetic attrac- 
tions of elaborate 
ceremonial. On 
another side it 
sought especially 
to counteract 
the danger to 
religion arising 
from a sceptical 
criticism, and 
from the attacks 
of the scientific 
spirit which de- 
clined to regard 
adopted on 

and resulting in a movement which soon 
affected every nation. The great revolu- 
tion had accomplished nothing in this 
direction. The sum total of achievement 
hitherto was represented by certain dismal 
experiences of " State help " in the dis- 
tribution of bread and the subsidising of 
bakers. The phrase inscribed in the 
deputies of the 
Third Estate in 
1789 had now 
been realised in 
fact : "The voice 
of freedom has 
no message for 
the heart of the 
]wor who die of 
hunger." Babeuf, 
the only French 
democrat who 
professed com- 
munistic views, 
was not under- 

In the large spinning-works at New Lanark in Scotland, of which he StOOCl Dy 

but his experiment was not permanently successful. Equall; 
and unsatisfactory was Charles Fourier's project o" 
ina Irnnwlprlcrp stfere," a new social community having all things in comnon, 

The "Tracts for the Times," from which 

was manager, Robert Owen put into practice his socialistic theorif s, j-nasses and his 
- . but his experiment was not permanently successful. Equally 'utile ' 

authority as be- and unsatisfactory was Charles Fourier's project of the " P'-alan- mart^Tdom, OUC 

"' ' ^" *" "" **■■""" ■" of the most un- 

necessary political murders of the Direc- 
tory, had aroused no movement among 
those for whom it was undergone. 

The general introduction of machinery 
in many manufactures, together with the 
more distant relations subsisting between 
employer and workman, had resulted in 
an astounding increase of misery among 
the journeymen labourers. The working 
classes, condemned to hopeless poverty 
and want, and threatened with the de- 
privation of the very necessaries of exist- 
ence, broke into riot and insurrection ; 
factories were repeatedly destroyed in 
England at the beginning of the 
century ; the silk weavers of 
Lyons in 1831 and the weavers 
of Silesia in 1844 rose against 
their masters. These facts aroused the 
consideration of the means by which 
the appalUng miseries of a fate wholly 
undeserved could be obviated. 

Among the wild theories and fantastic 
aberrations of Saint-Simon were to be 
found many ideas well worth considera- 
tion which could not fail to act as a 
stimulus to further thought. The 
pamphlet of 1814, " Reorganisation de 
la Society Europeenne," had received no 
consideration from the Congress of Vienna, 
for it maintained that congresses were not 

the movement took its name, the teaching 
of John Henry Newman, of Keble, and of 
Pusey, who were its most notable cham- 
pions, alarmed the popular Protestantism 
— the more when Newman himself went 
over to the Church of Rome, whither he 
was followed by many of his disciples ; 
and " Puseyism " was commonly regarded 
as nothing but barely veiled " Popery." 
Newman would have had many more 
imitators if the greatest of his colleagues 
had not maintained their view that the 
doctrines of " The Church " are those of 
the Anglican Church, and refused to sever 
themselves from her. They remained, 
and it will probably be admitted that while 
their movement inspired the clerical body 
— not only their adherents, but their 
opponents also — to a renewed activity at 
the time, it had the further effect ulti- 
mately, though not till after a consider- 
able lapse of time, of attaching to itself a 
majority of the most energetic and the 
most intellectual of the clergy. 

That Christian socialism to which 
Lamennais had been led by reason and 
experience was a by-product of the 
numerous attempts to settle the pressing 
question of social reform, attempts begun 
simultaneously in France and England, 


Riots ia 


the proper instrument for the permanent 
restoration of social peace and order. 
It was, however, plainly obvious that 
even after the much- vaunted " Restora- 
tion " the lines of social cleavage had 
rapidly widened and that the majority 
were oppressed with crying injustice. 

Not wholly in vain did Saint-Simon 
repeatedly appeal to manufacturers, in- 
dustrial potentates, business men, and 
financiers, with warnings against the 
prevailing sweating system ; not in vain 
did he assert in his " Nouveau Chris- 
tianisme," 1825, that every Church in exist- 
, ence had stultified its Chris- 

V r o p s tianity by suppressing the 

_, , . loftiest teaching of Christ, the 

Development j . ■ r vP .1 1 i 

doctrme of brotherly love. 
No immediate influence was exerted upon 
the social development of Europe by 
Barthelemy Prosper Constantin's pro- 
posals for the emancipation of the flesh, 
and for the foundation of a new "theo- 
cratic-industrial state," or by Charles 
Fourier's project of the " Phalanstere," a 
new social community having all things in 
common, or by the Utopian dreams of 
communism expounded by Etienne Cabet 
in his " Voyage en Icarie." Such theorising 
merely cleared the way for more far-seeing 
thinkfers, who, from their knowledge of 
existing institu- 
tions, could de- 
monstrate their 
capacity of trans- 

In Britain, 
Robert Owen, 
the manager of 
the great spin- 
ning-w o r k s at 
New Lanark, in 
Scotland, was the 
first to attempt 
the practical 
realisation of a 
social system. 
Owen's theories 
may be pro- 
nounced a de- 
finite advance, 

capitalism as a basis of economics was 
not founded upon any law of Nature, 
but must be considered as the result of 
historical development, and that 

facts thus ascertained were worked into 
a socialist system by the efforts of 
a German Jew, Karl Marx, born in 1818 
at Treves, a man fully equipped with 
Hegelian criticism, and possessed by an 
extraordinary yearning to discover the 
causes which had brought existing con- 
ditions of life to pass, a characteristic 
due, according to Werner Sombart, to 
" hypertrophy of intellectual energy." 

He freed the social movement from the 
revolutionary spirit which had been its 
leading characteristic hitherto. He placed 
one definite object before the movement, 
the " nationalisation of means of pro- 
duction," the method of attaining this end 
being a vigorous class struggle. Expelled 
from German soil by the Prussian police, 
he was forced to take up residence in 
Paris, and afterwards in London. There 
he gained an accurate knowledge of the 
social conditions of Western Europe, de- 
voting special attention to the important 
developments of the English trades-union 
struggles, and thus became specially 
quaUfied as the founder and guide of an 
international organisation of the prole- 
tariat, an indispensable condition of victory 
in the class struggle he had proclaimed. 
In collaboration with Friedrich Engel of 
Elberfcld he created the doctrine of 
socialism, which 
remained the 
basis of the 
socialist move- 
ment to the end 
of the nineteenth 
century. That 
movement chief- 
ly centred in 
Germany, after 
Ferdinand Las- 
salle had assured 
its triumph in 
the sixties. The 
social movement 
exerted but Uttle 
political in 


Marx Lassalle 


The founder and guide of an international organisation of the pro- 

letariat, Karl Marx, a German Jew, freed the social movement flucnce Upon the 
from its revolutionary spirit and placed before it the definite object p.,„„fc aricino' 

of nationalisation of means of production. Ferdinand Lassalle was cveillb ariblllg 

aiso a prominent worker in the cause of social democracy in Germany, out of the Tuly 

demonstrating that Revolution ; its influence, again, upon the 
revolutions of the year 1848 was almost 
inappreciable. It became, however, a 
modifying factor among the democratic 
parties, who were looking to political 
revolution for some transformation of ex- 
isting public rights, and for some alteration 
of the proprietary system in their favour. 


competition is not an indispensable 
stimulus to production, but is an obstacle 
to the true utilisation of labour. The 












"PHE lack of initiative displayed by the 
■■• King of Prussia was a valuable help to 
Metternich in carrying out his independent 
policy. The old chancellor in Vienna had 
become ever more profoundly impressed 
with the insane idea that Providence had 
specially deputed him to crush revolutions, 
to support the sacred thrones 
sL..- u' of Europe, Turkey included, 

of Metternich s j -i ^ v, j-u a:^ 

, „ and that he was the dis- 

lAiluence r i-^.- i j. 

coverer of a political system 

by which alone civilisation, morality, and 

religion could be secured. The great 

achievement of his better years was one 

never to be forgotten by Germany — the 

conversion of Austria to the alliance 

formed against the great Napoleon, and 

the alienation of the Emperor Francis 

from the son-in-law whose power was 

almost invincible when united with that 

of the Hapsburg emperor. At that time, 

however, Metternich was not the slave of 

a system ; his action was the expression 

of his will, and he relied upon an accurate 

judgment of the personalities he employed, 

and an accurate estimation of the forces 

at his disposal. 

As he grew old his self-conceit and 
an exaggerated estimate of his own 
powers led him blindly to follow those 
principles which had apparently deter- 
mined his earlier policy in every 
political question which arose during the 
European supremacy which he was able 
to claim for a full decade after the Vienna 
Congress. His belief in the system — a 
belief of deep import to the destinies 
_. _ of Austria — was materially 

-J ' strengthened by the fact that 

Metteraich Alexander L, who had long 
been an opponent of the 
system, came over to its support before 
his death and recognised it as the 
principle of the Holy Alliance. The 
consequence was a degeneration of the 
qualities which Metternich had formerly 
developed in himself. His clear appre- 
ciation of the situation and of the main 


interests of Europe in the summer of 
1813 had raised Austria to the most 
favourable position which she had occupied 
for centuries. Her decision determined 
the fate of Europe, and so she acquired 
power as great as it was unexpected. 

This predominance was the work of 
Metternich, and so long as it endured 
the prince was able to maintain his 
influence. He, however, ascribed that 
influence to the superiority of his own 
intellect and to his incomparable system, 
neglecting the task of consolidating and 
securing the power already gained. Those 
acquisitions of territory which Metternich 
had obliged Austria to make were a source 
of mischief and weakness from the very 
outset. The Lombard- Venetian kingdom 
implied no increase of power, and its 
administration involved a constant drain 
of money and troops. The troops, again, 
which were drawn from an unwarlike 
w> 1 , population, proved unreliable. 

Death of nni • -L ir 

-, The possession itself neces- 

e mperor gj^g^^g^ interference in Italian 
affairs, and became a constant 
source of embarrassment and of useless 
expense. Valuable possessions, moreover, 
in South Germany already in the hands of 
the nation were abandoned out of con- 
sideration for this kingdom, and acquisi- 
tions likely to beCome highly profitable 
were declined. Within the kingdom a 
state of utter supineness prevailed in 
spite of the supervision bestowed upon it, 
and the incompetence of the administra- 
tion condemned the state and its great 
natural advantages to impotence. 

Far from producing any improvement, 
the death of the Emperor Francis L, on 
March ist, 1835, caused a marked dete- 
rioration in the condition of the country. 
The Archdukes Charles and John were 
unable to override the supremacy of 
Metternich. As hitherto, they were unable 
to exercise any influence upon the govern- 
ment, which the ill- health and vacillation 
of Ferdinand L, the successor, had 


practically reduced to a regency. Franz 
Anton, Count of Kolowrat-Liebsteinsky, 
attempted to breathe some life into the 
Council of State, but his efforts were 
thwarted by Metternich, who feared the 
forfeiture of his own power. 

The Tsar Nicholas upon his visit to 
Toplitz and Vienna, in 1835, had remarked 
ihat Austria was no longer capable of 
guaranteeing a successful policy, and that 
her "system" could not be maintained in 
practice, remarks which had done no good. 
It was impossible to convince Metternich 
that the source of this weakness lay in 
himself and his determination to repress 
the very forces which should have been 
developed. The Archduke Lewis, the 
emperor's youngest uncle and a member 
of the State Conference, was averse to 
any innovation, and therefore inclined to 
uphold that convenient system which laid 
down the maintenance of existing institu- 
tions as the first principle of statesmanship. . 

Within Austria herself, however, the 
state of affairs had become intolerable. 
The government had so far decayed as to 
be incapable of putting forth that energy, 
, the absence of which the Tsar 

w"' "* , had observed. The exchequer 

Roused to X I- i J 1 

. . accounts betrayed an annual 

deficit of thirty million gulden, 
and the government was forced to claim 
the good offices of the class representa- 
tives, and, what was of capital importance, 
to summon the Hungarian Reichstag on 
different occasions. In that assembly the 
slumbering national life had been aroused 
to consciousness, and proceeded to supply 
the deficiencies of the government by 
acting in its own behalf. Count Szechenyi 
gave an impetus to science and art and 
to other movements generally beneficial. 
Louis Kossuth, Franz Pulszky, and 
Franz Deak espoused the cause of con- 
stitutional reform. 

A flood of political pamphlets pub- 
lished abroad, chiefly in Germany, ex- 
posed in full detail the misgovernment 
prevailing in Austria and the Crown 
territories. European attention was 
attracted to the instability of the 
conditions obtaining there, which seemed 
to betoken either the downfall of the 
state or a great popular rising. Austria's 
prestige among the other Great Powers had 
suffered a heavy blow by the Peace of 
Adrianople, and now sank yet lower. 
Metternich was forced to behold the growth 
of events, and the accomplishment of 

Times in 

deeds utterly incompatible with the 
fundamental principles of conservative 
statesmanship as laid down by the Con- 
gresses of Vienna, Carlsbad, Troppau, 
Laibach, and Verona. 

The J uly Revolution and the triumph of 
liberalism in England under William IV. 
caused the downfall of Dom Miguel, " king" 
of Portugal, who had been 
induced by conservative diplo- 
macy to abolish the constitu- 
tional measures introduced by 
his brother, Dom Pedro of Brazil. To 
this policy he devoted himself, to his own 
complete satisfaction. The revolts which 
broke out against him were ruthlessly 
suppressed, and thousands of Liberals 
were imprisoned, banished, or brought 
to the scaffold. Presuming upon his 
success and relying upon the favour of 
the Austrian court, he carried his aggran- 
disements so far as to oblige Britain and 
France to use force and to support the 
cause of Pedro, who had abdicated the 
throne of Brazil in favour of his son, Dom 
Pedro II., then six years of age, and was 
now asserting his claims to Portugal. 

Pedro I. adhered to the constitutionalism 
which he had recognised over-seas as 
well as in Portugal, thus securing the 
support not only of all Portuguese Liberals, 
but also of European opinion, which had 
been aroused by the bloodthirsty tyranny 
of Miguel. The help of the British 
admiral, Charles Napier, who annihilated 
the Portuguese fleet at Cape San Vincent 
on July 5th, 1833, enabled Pedro to gain a 
decisive victory over Miguel, which the 
latter's allies among the French legitimists 
were unable to avert, though they hurried 
to his aid. His military and political 
confederate, Don Carlos of Spain, was 
equally powerless to help him. 

In Spain, also, the struggle broke out 
between liberalism and the despotism 
which was supported by an uneducated 
and degenerate populace, and enjoyed 
the favour of the Great Powers 
T^ . of Eastern Europe. The con- 

struggle in flagration began upon the death 
*•'*"' of King Ferdinand VIL, on 

September 29th, 1833, the material cause 
being a dispute about the hereditary right 
to the throne resulting from the introduc- 
tion of a new order of succession. The 
decree of 1713 had limited the succession 
to heirs in the male line ; but the Prag- 
matic Sanction of March 2^th, 1830, trans- 
ferred the right to the kmg's daughters, 



Isabella and Louise, by his marriage with 
Maria Christina of Naples. Don Carlos 
declined to recognise this arrangement, 
and on his brother's death attempted to 
secure his own recognition as king. 

After the overthrow of Dom Miguel 
and his consequent retirement from 
Portugal, Don Carlos entered Spain in 
person with his adherents, 
* * who were chiefly composed of 

i T^r ^^^ Basques fighting for their 
»n pa»tt special rights, " fueros," and 
the populations of Catalonia and Old 
Castile, who were under clerical influence. 
The Liberals gathered round the queen 
regent, Maria Christina, whose cause was 
adroitly and successfully upheld by the 
Minister, Martinez de la Rosa. The forces 
at the disposal of the government were 
utterly inadequate, and their fleet and 
army were in so impoverished a condition 
that they could make no head against the 
rebel movement. Under the leadership 
of Thomas Zumala-Carregui the Carlists 
won victory after victory, and would 
probably have secured possession of the 
capital had not the Basque general 
received a mortal wound before Bilbao. 

Even then the victory of the " Cristinos " 
was by no means secure. The Radicals 
had seceded from the Liberals upon the 
question of the reintroduction of the 
constitution of 1812. The revolution of 
La Granja gave the Radicals complete 
influence over the queen regent ; they 
obliged her to accept their own nominees, 
the Ministry of Calatrava, and to recognise 
the democratic constitution of June 8th, 
1837. Their power was overthrown by 
Don Baldomero Espartero, who com- 
manded the queen's troops in the Basque 
provinces. After a series of successful 
movements he forced the Basque general, 
Maroto, to conclude the capitulation of 
Vergara on August 29th, 1839. The party 
of Don Carlos had lost greatly both in 
numbers and strength, owing to the care- 

lessness and pettifogging 
Queen Regent • j.- ^ ^ ^ ^ j^^ pretender and the 
Forced j^ j j • 

A At J- * dissensions and domineering 
to Abdicate ... r i.- j- j. j 

spirit of his immediate ad- 
herents, who seemed the very incarnation 
of all the legitimist foolishness in Europe. 
When Carlos abandoned the country on 
September 15th, 1839, General Cabrera 
continued fighting in his behalf ; however, 
he also retired to French territory in July, 
1840. The queen regent had lost all claims 
to respect by her intrigues with one of 


her body-guard, and was forced to abdicate 
on October 12th. Espartero, who had 
been made Duke of Vittoria, was then 
entrusted by the Cortes with the regency. 
The extreme progressive party, the 
Exaltados, failed to support him, although 
he had attempted to fall in with their views. 
They joined the Moderados, or moderate 
party, with the object of bringing about 
his fall. Queen Isabella was then de- 
clared of age, and ascended the throne. 
Under the Ministry of Don Ramon Maria 
Narvaez, Duke of Valencia, the constitu- 
tion was changed in 1837 to meet the 
wishes of the Moderados, and constitutional 
government in Spain was thus abolished. 
Though his tenure of office was repeatedly 
interrupted, Narvaez succeeded in main- 
taining peace and order in Spain, even 
during the years of revolution, 1848-1849. 
The moral support of the Great Powers 
and the invasion of the French army 
under the Duke of Angouleme had been 
powerless to check the arbitrary action of 
the Bourbons and clergy in Spain. No 
less transitory was the effect of the 
Austrian victories in Italy ; the Italian- 
, people had now risen to full 
* T * consciousness of the disgrace 
a lona j^ipiigfi j^ the burden of a 
isgrace f^j-gj^j^ yoke. The burden, 
indeed, had been lighter under Napoleon 
and his representatives than under the 
Austrians. The governments of Murat and 
Eugene had been careful to preserve at least 
a show of national feeling ; their military 
power was drawn from the country itself, 
and consisted of Italian regiments officered 
with French, or with Italians who had 
served in French regiments. The French 
had been highly successful in their efforts 
to accommodate themselves to Italian 
manners and customs, and were largely 
helped by their common origin as Romance 
peoples. The Germans, on the other 
hand, with the Czechs, Magyars, and Croa- 
tians, who formed the sole support of 
the Austrian supremacy in the Lombard- 
Venetian kingdom, knew but one mode of 
intercourse with the Italians — .that of 
master and servant ; any feeling of mutual 
respect or attempt at mutual accommo- 
dation was impossible. 

A small number of better-educated 
Austrian officers and of better-class in- 
dividuals in the rank and file, who were 
preferably composed of Slav regiments, 
found it to their advantage to maintain 
good relations with the native population ; 


but the domineering and occasionally 
brutal behaviour of the troops as a whole 
was not calculated to conciliate the 
Italians. The very difference of their 
uniforms from all styles previously known 
served to emphasise the foreign origin 
of these armed strangers. Ineradicable 
was the impression made by their language, 
which incessantly outraged the delicate 
Itahan ear and its love of harmony. 

Of any exchange of commodities, of any 
trade worth mentioning between the 
Italian provinces and the Austrian Crown 
lands, there was not a trace. The newly 
acquired land received nothing from its 
masters but their money. Italian con- 
sumption was confined to the limits of the 
national area of production ; day by day 
it became clearer that Italy had nothing 
whatever in common with 
Austria, and was without 
inclination to enter into 
economic or intellectual rela- 
tions with her, The sense of 
nationalism was strengthened 
by a growing irritation against 
the foreign rule ; this feeling 
penetrated every class, and 
inspired the intellectual life 
and the national literature. 

Vittorio Alfieri, the con- 
temporary of Napoleon, was 
roused against the French 
yoke by the movement for 
liberation. His 


to the papacy its duty of founding the 
unity of the Italian nation. Mastai 
Ferretti, Bishop of Imola, now Pope 
Pius IX., the successor of Gregory XVI., 
who died June ist, 1846, was in full 
sympathy with these views. To the 
ItaUans he was already known as a zealous 
A , . patriot, and his intentions 

Austria ^ , ^ r -^ i 

n. ' , A • were yet more definitely 

Disappointed m j 1. ^i 1 -v 

the P a announced by the decree of 

apacy amnesty issued July 17th, 
X846, recalling 4,000 political exiles to the 
Church states. Conservative statesmen 
in general, and the Austrian Government 
in particular, had granted the Catholic 
Church high privileges within the state, 
and had looked to her for vigorous support 
in their suppression of all movement 
towards freedom. What more mortifying 
situation for them than the 
state of war now subsisting 
between Austria and papal 
Italy ! The Cabinet of Vienna 
was compelled to despatch 
reinforcements for service 
against the citizen guards 
which Pius IX. had called 
into existence in his towns, 
and therefore in Ferrara, 
which was in the occupation 
of Austrian troops. 

When Christ's vicegerent 
upon earth took part in the 
revolt against the legitimist" 

UgO FoSCOlo, Silvio PeuiCO, Sardinia, he pursued a policy of felt at the aCtlOU Ot that 

Giacomo Leopardi, created Tgalnst A°usiria"n isSX^^^ repentant sinner, Charles 
a purely nationalist enthusi- »ngr year he abdicated the throne. Albert of Sardinia. Formerly 

asm. Their works gave passionate expres- 
sion to the deep-rooted force of the desire 
for independence and for equality with 
other free peoples, to the shame felt by 
an oppressed nation, which was groaning 
under a yoke unv/orthy of so brilliantly 
gifted a people, and could not tear itself 
free. Every educated man felt and wept 
with them, and was touched with the 
purest sympathy for the. unfortunate 
. , victims of policy, for the con- 

G^^d w k spirators who were languishing 
f °°it I °' ^^ ^^^ Austrian fortresses. 
ay Highly valuable to the import- 
ance of the movement was the share taken 
by the priests, who zealously devoted 
themselves to the work of rousing the 
national spirit, and promised the support 
and practical help of the Catholic Church 
for the realisation of these ideals. It was 
Vincenzo Gioberti who first demonstrated 

involved with the Carbonari, he had grown 
sceptical upon the advantages of liberalism 
after the sad experiences of 1821. He 
now renounced that goodwill for Austria 
which he had hypocritically simulated 
since the beginning of his reign in 1831. 
Turin had also become a centre of revo- 
lutionary intrigue. Opinion in that town 
pointed to Sardinia and its miUtary 
strength as a better nucleus than the 
ruling papal government for a nation 
resolved to enter upon a war of liberation. 
Count Camillo Benso di Cavour, born 
August loth, i8io, the editor of the 
journal " II Risorgimento," strongly re- 
commended the investment of Charles 
Albert and his army with the military 
guidance of the revolt. The Milan no- 
bility were influenced by the court of 
Turin, as were the more youthful nation- 
alists and the numerous secret societies 



'Arhich the July Revolution had brought 
into existence throughout Italy, by 
Giuseppe Mazzini, one of the most highly 
gifted and most dangerous leaders of 
the democratic party in Europe. 

Austria was therefore obliged to make 
preparations for defending her Italian 
possessions by force of arms. The ad- 
ministration as conducted by 
Austria ^•^^ amiable Archduke Rainer 
'*^'^"** was without power or influence. 
**' *' On the other hand, Count 
Radetzky had been at the head of the 
Austrian forces in the Lombard- Venetian 
kingdom since 1831. He was one of the 
first strategists of Europe, and no less 
distinguished for his powers of organisa- 
tion ; in short, he fully deserved the 
high confidence which the court and the 
whole army reposed in him. He was 
more than eighty years of age, for he had 
been born on November 4th, 1766, and 
had been present at the deliberations of 
the allies upon their movements in 1813 ; 
yet the time was drawing near when this 
aged general was to be the mainstay of the 
Austrian body politic, and the immutable 
corner-stone of that tottering structure. 

A very appreciable danger menacing 
the progress of nations toward self-govern- 
ment had arisen within the Swiss Con- 
federation, where the Jesuit Order had 
obtained much influence upon the govern- 
ment in several cantons. By the con- 
stitution of 1815 the federal members had 
acquired a considerable measure of inde- 
pendence, sufficient to permit the adoption 
of wholly discordant policies by the 
different governments. The J esuits aimed 
at the revival of denominational institu- 
tions to be employed for far-reaching 
political objects, a movement which 
increased the difficulty of maintaining 
peace between the Catholic and the 
reformed congregations. Toleration in 
this matter was provided by the consti- 
tution, but its continuance 

. ?i * o"* * naturally depended upon the 
m the Swiss , , ,-•' ^r •,, ^ , 

-, , . ^. abstention of either party 
Confederation , ,, , , *^ 1'' 

from attempts at encroach- 
ment upon the territory of the other. In 
1833 an unsuccessful attempt had been 
made to reform the principles of the 
federation and to introduce a uniform 
legal code and system of elementary 
education. The political movement then 
spread throughout the cantons, where the 
most manifold party subdivisions, ranging 
from conservative uitramontanists to 


radical revolutionaries, were struggling for 
majorities and predominance. In Aargau 
a peasant revolt led by the monks against 
the liberal government was defeated, and 
the Church property was sold in X841, while 
in Ziirich the Conservatives were upper- 
most, and prevented the appointment of 
David Frederic Strauss to a professorship 
at the university. 

In Lucerne the uitramontanists stretched 
their power to most inconsiderate extremes, 
calling in the Jesuits, who had established 
themselves in Freiburg, Schwyz, and 
Wallis, and placing the educational system 
in their care, October 24th, 1844. Two 
democratic assaults upon the government 
were unsuccessful, December 8th, 1844, and 
March 30th, 1845, but served to increase the 
excitement in the neighbouring cantons, 
where thousands of fugitives were nursing 
their hatred against ithe ultramontanes, 
who were led by the energetic peasant Peter 
Leu. The murder of Leu intensified the 
existing ill-feeling and ultimately led to 
the formation of a separate confederacy, 
composed of the cantons of Lucerne, 
Schwyz, Uri, Unterwalden, Zug, Freiburg, 

_ ., , ., and Wallis, the policy being 
Switzerland s j t m. j. 1 t^l- 

-. under Jesuit control. This 

, „ , Catholic federation raised 

of Refuge , , 

great hopes among conserva- 
tive diplomatists. Could it be strengthened, 
it would probably become a permanent 
counterpoise to the liberal cantons, which 
had hitherto been a highly objectionable 
place of refuge to those peace-breakers 
who were hunted by the police of the Great 
Powers. At the Federal Assembly the 
liberal cantons were in the majority, and 
voted on July 20th, 1847, for the dissolu- 
tion of the separate federation, and on Sep- 
tember 3rd for the expulsion of the Jesuits 
from the area of the new federation. 

At Metternich's proposal, the Great 
Powers demanded the appointment of a 
congress to deal with the situation. 
However, the diet, distrusting foreign 
interference, and with good reason, de- 
clined to accede to these demands, and 
proceeded to put the federal decision into 
execution against the disobedient can- 
tons. Thanks to the careful forethought 
of the commander-in-chief, William Henry 
Dufour, the famous cartographer, who 
raised the federal military school at Thun 
to high distinction, and also to the 
rapidity with which the overwhelming 
numbers of the federal troops, 30,000 
men, were mobilised, the " Sonderbund 


war " was speedily brought to a close 
without bloodshed. Austrian help proved 
unavailing, and the cantons were eventu- 
ally reduced to a state of impotence. 

The new federal constitution of Septem- 
ber I2th, 1848, then met with unanimous 
acceptance. The central power, which was 
considerably strengthened, now decided 
the foreign policy of the country, peace 
and war, and the conclusion of treaties, 
controlling also the coinage, and the postal 
and customs organisation, and maintaining 
the cantonal constitutions. The theories 
upon the nature of the Federal State pro- 
pounded by the jurist professor. Dr. J ohann 
Kaspar Bluntschli, were examined and 
adopted with advantageous results by the 
radical-liberal party, which possessed a 
majority in the constitutional diet. 

Bluntschli had himself espoused the 
conservative-liberal cause after the war 
of the separate federation, which he had 
vainly tried to prevent. Forced to retire 
from the public life of his native town, he 
transferred his professional activities to 
Munich and Heidelberg. The develop- 
ments of his political philosophy were not 
. , without their influence upon 
e ernic s ^^i^^q fundamental principles 
f*c which have given its special 

ourage pQ^^^jf^jj character to the con- 
stitution of the North German Federation 
and of the modern German Empire. The 
Swiss Confederation provided a working 
example of the unification of special 
administrative forms, of specisil govern- 
mental rights, and of a legislature limited 
in respect of its sphere of action, in 
conjunction with a uniform system of 
conducting foreign policy. Only such a 
government can prefer an unchallenged 
claim to represent the state as a whole 
and to comprehend its different forces. 

Metternich and the King of Prussia were 
neither of them courageous enough to 
support the exponents of their own prin- 
ciples in Switzerland. Prussia had a special 
inducement to such action in the fact of 
her sovereignty over the principality of 
Neuenburg, which had been occupied by 
the Liberals in connection with the move- 
ment against the separate federation, and 
had been received into the confederation 
as an independent canton. In the aris- 
tocracy and upper classes of the population 
Frederic William IV. had many faithful 
and devoted adherents, but he failed to 
seize so favourable an opportunity of 
defending his indisputable rights by occu- 

pying his principality with a sufficient 
force of Prussian troops. His vacillation 
in the Neuenburg question was of a piece 
with the general uneasiness of his temper, 
which had begun with the rejection of his 
draft of a constitution for Prussia and the 
demands of the representatives of the 
estates for the institution of some form of 
Va illaf constitution more honourable 
^aci a ing ^^^ -^ consonance with the 

of'^Prussia "ghts of the people. But rarely 
have the preparations for im- 
perial constitution been so thoroughly made 
or so protracted as they were in Prussia. 

From the date of his accession the 
king had been occupied without cessa- 
tion upon this question. The expert 
opinion of every adviser worth trusting 
was called in, and from 1844 commission 
meetings and negotiations continued un- 
interruptedly. The proposals submitted to 
the king emanated, in full accordance with 
conservative spirit, from the estates as 
constituted ; they provided for the reten- 
tion of such estates as were competent, 
and for the extension of their representa- 
tion and sphere of action in conjunction 
with the citizen class ; but this would not 
satisfy Frederic William. 

The constitution drafted in 1842 by 
the Minister of the Interior, Count 
Arnim, was rejected by the king in con- 
sequence of the clauses providing for 
the legal and regular convocation of the 
constitutional estates. The king abso- 
lutely declined to recognise any rights 
appertaining to the subject as against the 
majesty of the ruler ; he was therefore by 
no means inclined to make such rights a 
leading principle of the constitution. By 
the favour of the ruler, exerted by him in 
virtue of his divine right, the representa- 
tives of the original constitutional estates 
might from time to time receive a sum- 
mons to tender their advice upon questions 
of public interest. As the people had 
every confidence in the wisdom and con- 
. scientiousness of their ruler, 
" .*"*^„ agreenjents providing for their 

„.* '^™ , co-operation were wholly super- 
nis People ri ^ ,, x- Zu " 

fluous. No power on earth, 

he announced in his speech from the 

throne on April nth, 1847, " would ever 

induce him to substitute a contractual 

form of constitution for those natural 

relations between king and people, which 

were strong, above all in Prussia, by reason 

of their inherent reality. Never under any 

circumstances would he allow a written 



paper, a kind of second providence, 
governing by paragraphs and ousting the 
old sacred faith, to intervene between 
God and his country." 

Such was the residuum of all the dis- 
cussion upon the Christian state and the 
" hierarchical feudal monarchy of the 
Middle Ages," which had been the work of 
. the Swiss Lewis von Haller 
1^.* ™"'" and his successors, the Berlin 

ing a ic im g^^^j^Qj. Adam Miiller, the Halle 

of Delttsion r tt ■ i. t j 

professor Hiennch Leo, and 

Frederic Julius Stahl, a Jew converted to 
Protestantism, whom Frederic William IV. 
had summoned from Erlangen to Berlin in 
1840. By a wilful abuse of history the 
wild conceptions of these theorists were 
explained to be the proven facts of the 
feudal period and of feudal society. Con- 
stitutional systems were propounded as 
actual historical precedents which had 
never existed anywhere at any time. 

The object of these efforts as declared 
by Stahl was the subjection of reason to 
revelation, the reintroduction of the Jewish 
theocracy into modern political life. 
Frederic William had allowed himself to be 
convinced that such was the Germanic 
theory of existence, and that he was for- 
warding the national movement by making 
his object the application of this theory to 
the government and administration of his 
state. He was a victim of the delusion 
that the source of national strength is 
to be found in the admiration of the 
intangible precedents of past ages, whereas 
the truth is that national strength must at 
every moment be employed to cope with 
fresh tasks, unknown to tradition and 
unprecedented. Notwithstanding the 
emphatic protest of the heir presumptive 
to the throne, Prince William of Prussia, 
to the Ministry, at the head of which was 
Ernest von Bodelschwingh, and though no 
single Minister gave an unquaUiied assent 
to the project, the king summoned the 
eight provincial Landtags to meet at Berlin 
as a united Landtag for April 

..**,."'.*[ ° nth, 1847. Even before the open- 
the United • r T< 1,1 x i_ ^ 

Lftndt& ^^^ assembly it became 

manifest that this constitutional 
concession, which the king considered 
a brilliant discovery, pleased nobody. The 
old Orders, which retained their previous 
rights, were as dissatisfied as the citizens 
outside the Orders, who wanted a share in 
the legislature and administration. The 
speech from the throne, a long-winded 
piece of conventional oratory, was marked 


in part by a distinctly uncompromising 
tone. Instead of returning thanks for the 
concessions which had been made, the 
Landtag proceeded to draw up an address 
demanding the recognition of their rights. 

The wording of the address was extremely 
moderate in tone, and so far mollified the 
king as to induce him to promise the 
convocation of another Landtag within 
the next four years ; but further negotia- 
tions made it plain that both the represen- 
tatives of the nobility and the city deputies, 
especially those from the industrial Rhine 
towns, were entirely convinced that the 
Landtag must persevere in demanding 
further constitutional concessions. 

The value to the state of the citizen class 
was emphasised by Vincke of Westphalia, 
Beckerath of Krefeld, Camphausen of 
Cologne, and Hansemann of Aix-la- 
Chapelle. These were capitalists and em- 
ployers of labour, and had therefore every 
right to speak. They were at the head of 
a majority which declined to assent to the 
formation of an annuity bank for relieving 
the peasants of forced labour, and to the 
proposal for a railway from Berlin to 
, Konigsberg, the ground of 
""th?"°'' refusal being that their assent 
^ . was not recognised by the Crown 

**^ Ministers as necessary for the 
ratification of the royal proposals, but was 
regarded merely as advice requested by 
the government on its own initiative. 

The Landtag was then requested to pro- 
ceed with the election of a committee to deal 
with the national debt. Such a committee 
would have been superfluous if financial 
authority had been vested in a Landtag 
meeting at regular intervals, and on this 
question the liberal majority split asunder. 
The party of Vincke-Hansemann declined 
to vote, the party of Camphausen-Becke- 
rath voted under protest against this en- 
croachment upon the rights of the Landtag, 
while the remainder, 284 timorous Liberals 
and Conservatives, voted unconditionally. 

The conviction was thus forced upon 
Liberal Germany that the King of Prussia 
would not voluntarily concede any measure 
of constitutional reform, for the reason that 
he was resolved not to recognise the rights 
of the people. Prussia was not as yet 
capable of mastering that popular upheaval, 
the beginnings of which could be felt, and 
using its strength for the creation of a Ger- 
man Constitution to take the place of the 
incompetent and discredited Federation. 
Hans von Zwiedineck-Sudenhorst 




nPHE monarchy of Louis Philippe of 
*■ Orleans had become intolerable by 
reason of its dishonesty. The French can- 
not be blamed for considering the Orleans 
rulers as Bourbons in disguise. This scion 
of the old royal family was not a flourishing 
offshoot ; rather was it an excrescence, 
with all the family failings and with none 
of its nobler qualities. Enthusiasm for 
guch prudential, calculating, and unim- 
passioned rulers was impossible, whatever 
their education or their claims. Their bad 
taste and parsimony destroyed their credit 
as princes in France, and elsewhere their 
position was acknowledged rather out of 
politeness than from any sense of respect. 
The " citizen- king " certainly made 
every effort to make his government 
popular and national. He showed both 
jealousy for French interests and gratitude 
to the Liberals who had placed him on the 
throne ; he sent troops unsparingly to 
save the honour of France in Algiers. 
After seven years' warfare a completion 
was made of the conquest, which the 
French regarded as an extension of their 
power. The bold Bedouin sheikh, Abd el 
Kader, whose career has been described 
elsewhere, was forced to surrender to La- 
moriciere on December 22nd, 1847. Louis 
_.__,. Philippe imprisoned this 

risoner o France, although his son 
I ippe jjgj^j-y^ Duke of Aumale, had 
promised, as Governor-general of Algiers, 
that he should have his choice of residence 
on Mohammedan territory. The king also 
despatched his son, the Due de Joinville, 
to take part in the war against Morocco, 
and gave him a naval position of equal 

importance to that which Aumale held in 
the army. He swallowed the insults of 
Lord Palmerston in order to maintain the 
" entente cordiale " among the Western 
Powers. He calmly accepted the defeat of 
his diplomacy in the Turco-Egyptian 
„ ^ quarrel, and surrendered such 

Honour to • ri i u j • j 

... mfluence as he had acquired 
J.* . with Mehemet Ali in return 

ap eoa ^^^ paramountcy in the Mar- 
quesas Islands and Tahiti. He married 
his son Anton, Duke of Montpensier, 
to the Infanta Louise of Spain, with 
some idea of reviving the dynastic con- 
nection between France and Spain. 

While thus resuming the policy of Louis 
XIV., he was also at some pains to con- 
ciliate the Bonapartists, and by careful 
respect to the memory of Napoleon to 
give his government a national character. 
The remains of the great emperor were 
removed from St. Helena by permission of 
Britain and interred with great solemnity 
in the Church of the Invalides on 
December 15th, 1840. Louis Bonaparte, 
the nephew, had contrived to avoid cap- 
ture by the Austrians at Ancona, and had 
proposed to seize his inheritance ; twice 
he appeared within the French frontiers, 
at Strassburg on October 30th, 1836, and 
at Boulogne on August 6th, 1840, in 
readiness to ascend the throne of France. 

He only succeeded in making himself 
ridiculous, and eventually paid for his 
temerity by imprisonment in the fortress 
of Ham. There he remained, condemned 
to occupy himself with writing articles 
upon the solution of the social question, 
the proposed Nicaraguan canal, etc., until 
his faithful follower, Dr. Conneau, 



sjnuggled him into 
England under the name 
of Maurer Badinguet. 
Thus far the reign of 
Louis Phihppe had been 
fairly successful ; but the 
French were growing 
weary of it. They were 
not entirely without sym- 
pathy for the family to 
which they had given the 
throne, and showed some 
interest in the princes, 
who were usually to be 
found wherever any small 
success might be achieved. 
The public sorrow was 
unfeigned at the death 
of the eldest prince, 
Louis, Duke of Orleans, 
who WcLS killed by a fall 
from a carriage on July 

The daughter of Ferdinand I., King- of Naples 
and later of the Two Sicilies, Marie Amelie 
was married to Louis Philippe in the year 1809. 

13th, 1842. These facts, 
however, did not produce 
any closer ties between 
the dynasty and the 
nation. Parliamentary 
life was restless and 
Ministries were constantly 
changing. Majorities in 
the Chambers were se- 
cured by artificial means, 
and by bribery in its 
most reprehensible forms. 
Conspiracies were dis- 
covered and suppressed, 
and plots for murder were 
made the occasion of the 
harshest measures against 
the Radicals ; but no one 
of the great social groups 
could be induced to link 
its fortunes permanently 
with those of the House 


Inrtiispicture. from the paintingr by Horace Vemet, Louis Philippe is shown with his sons, the Duke of Orleans, the Duke 

of Nemours, the Duke of JomviUe, the Duke of AumAle, and the Duke of Montpensier, leaving the Palace of VersaUles. 



of Orleans. Unfortunately for himself, the 
king had reposed special confidence in the 
historian Guizot, the author of histories of 
the English revolution and of the French 
civilisation, who had occupied high offices 
in the state since the Restoration. He had 
belonged to the first Ministry of Louis 
Philippe, together with the Due de 
Broglie ; afterwards, he had several times 
held the post of Minister of Education, 
and had been in London during the quarrel 
with the British ambassador. After this 
affair, which brought him no credit, he 
returned to 
France, and on 
the fall of Thiers 
in October, 1840. 
became Minister 
of Foreign Affairs, 
with practical 
control of the 
foreign and dom- 
estic policy of 
France, subject 
to the king's 
personal inter- 
vent i o n. His 
doctrinaire ten- 
dencies had grad- 
ual 1 y brought 
him over from 
the liberal to the 
conservative side 
and thrown him 
into violent op- 
position to his 
former col- 
leagues, Thiers in 
particular. The 
acerbity of his 
character was 
not redeemed by 
his learning and 
his personal up- 
rightness ; his 
intellectual arro- 
gance alienated 
the literary and political leaders of Parisian 
society. The Republican party had under- 
gone many changes since the establishment 
of the July monarchy ; it now exercised a 
greater power of attraction upon youthful 
talent, a quality which made it an even 
more dangerous force than did the revolts 
and conspiracies which it fostered from 
1831 to 1838. These latter severely tested 
the capacity of the army for street warfare 
on several occasions. It was twice 
necessary to subdue Lyons, in November, 


1831, and July, 1834, and the barricades 
erected in Paris in 1834 repelled the 
National Guards, and only fell before the 
regiments of the line under General Bu- 
geaud. The Communist revolts in Paris 
under Armand Barbes and Louis Augusta 
Blanqui, in May, 1839, were more easily 
suppressed, though the Hotel de Ville and 
the Palais de Justice had already fallen 
into the hands of the rebels. 

These events confirmed Louis PhiUppe 
in his intention to erect a circle of fortifi- 
cations round Paris, for protection against 
enemies from 
within rather 
than from with- 
out. Homicidal 
attempts were 
no longer perpe- 
trated by indivi- 
dual desperadoes 
or bloodthirsty 
such as the Corsi- 
can Joseph 
Fieschi, on July 
28th, 1835, whose 
infernal machine 
killed eighteen 
people, including 
Marshal Mortier. 
They were under- 
taken in the 
service of repub- 
lican propa- 
gandism, and 
were repeated 
with the object 
of terrorising the 
ruling classes, 
and so providing 
an occasion for 
the abolition of 
the monarchy. 
The doctrines 
of communism 
were then being 
disseminated ihroughout France and 
attracted the more interest as stock- 
exchange speculation increased; fortuhes 
were made with incredible rapidity, and 
expenditure rose to the point of prodi- 
gality. Louis Blanc, nephew of the Cor- 
sican statesman Pozzo di Borgo, went a 
step further towards the transformation 
of social and economic life in his treatise 
" L' Organisation du Travail," which urged 
that collectivist manufactures in national 
factories should be substituted for the 




efforts of the individual employer. The 
rise of communistic societies among the 
Republicans obliged the old-fashioned 
Democrats to organise in their turn ; they 
attempted and easily secured an under- 
standing with the advanced Liberals. 

The " dynastic opposition," led by 
Odilon Barrot, to which Thiers occasionally 
gave a helping hand when he was out of 
office, strained every nerve to shake the 
public faith in the permanence of the July 
dynasty. The republican party in the 
Second Chamber 
was led by Alex- 
andre R o 1 1 i n 
after the death of 
Etienne Garnier- 
Pages and of 
Armand Carrel, 
the leaders dur- 
ing the first 
decade of the 
Orleans m o n - 
archy. A dis- 
tinguished law- 
yer and brilliant 
orator, R o 1 1 i n 
soon over- 
shadowed all 
other politicians 
who had aroused 
any enthusiasm 
in the Parisians. 
His comparative 
wealth enabled 
him to embark 
i n journalistic 
ventures; his 
paper " La Re- 
forme " pointed 
consistently and 
unhesitatingly to 
republicanism as 
the only possible 
form of govern- 
ment after the 
now imminent 
downfall of the 
July monarchy. The action of the majority 
now destroyed such credit as the Chamber 
had possessed ; they rejected proposals 
from the opposition forbidding deputies to 
accept posts or preferment from the 
Government, or to have an interest in 
manufacturing or commercial companies, 
the object being to put a stop to the un- 
disguised corruption then rife. Constitu- 
tional members united with Republicans 
in demanding a fundamental reform of the 


the sons of Louis Philippe, they held commands in the army, and, 
like their brothers, "were usually to be found wherever any small 
success might be achieved." There was much public sorrow when 
the Duke of Orleans was killed by a fall from a carriage in 1842. 

electoral system. Louis Blanc and RoUin 
raised the cry for universal suffrage. Ban- 
quets, where vigorous speeches were made 
in favour of electoral reform, were ar- 
ranged in the autumn of 1847, and con- 
tinued until the Government prohibited 
the banquet organised for February 22nd, 
1848, in the Champs Elysees. However, 
Ch. M. Tannegui, Count Duchatel, was 
induced to refrain from ordering the 
forcible dispersion of the meeting, the 
liberal opposition on their side giving up 
the projected 
banquet. A great 
crowd collected 
on the appointed 
day in the Place 
whence it had 
been arranged 
that a procession 
should march to 
the Champs 
Elysees. The re- 
publican leaders 
invited the crowd 
to march to the 
Houses of Par- 
liament, and it 
became neces- 
ary to call out 
a regiment of 
cavalry for the 
dispersion of the 
rioters. This task 
was successfully 
but on the 23rd 
the disturbances 
were renewed. 
Students and 
workmen pa- 
raded the streets 
arm in arm, 
shouting not only 
"Reform!" but 
also "Down with 
Guizot ! " These 
cries were taken up by the National 
Guard, and the king, who had hitherto 
disregarded the movement, began to con- 
sider the outlook as serious ; he dismissed 
Guizot and began to confer with Count 
Louis Matthieu Mole, a leader of the mod- 
erate Liberals, on the formation of a new 
Ministry. Thus far the anti -dynastic party 
had been successful, and now began to 
hope for an upright government on a purely 
constitutional basis. In this they would 

0iJ< O 




have been entirely deceived, for upright- 
ness was not one of the king's attributes. 
But on this point he was not to be tested. 
On the evening of February 23rd the 
crowds which thronged the boulevards 
gave loud expression to their delight at 
the dismissal of Guizot. Meanwhile, the 
republican agents were busily collecting 
the inhabitants of the suburbs, who had 
been long prepared for a rising, and 
sending them forward to the more excited 
quarters of the rity. They would not, in 

of those incidents which ai"e always possible 
when troops are subjected to the threats 
and taunts of the people, and in such a 
case attempts to apportion the blame are 
futile. The thing was done, and Paris 
rang with cries of " Murder ! To arms ! " 
About midnight the alarm bells of Notre 
Dame began to ring, and thousands flocked 
to raise the barricades. The morning of 
February 24th found Paris in revolution, 
ready to begin the struggle against the 
people's king. " Louis Philippe orders his 

^^i*'?, ^u^"""? *^ of the Invalides the body of Napoleon was received by Louis Philippe, the royal family, the archbishop 
and all the clergy of Pans. The sword and the hat of the emperor were laid on the coffin, which was then placed 
on a magnificent altar in the centre of the church, and after an impressive funeral service was lowered into the tomJx 

all probability, have been able to trans- 
form the good-tempered and characteristic 
cheerfulness which now filled the streets of 
Paris to a more serious temper had not an 
unexpected occurrence filled the mob with 
horror and rage. A crowd of people had 
come in contact with the soldiers stationed 
before Guizot's house. Certain insolent 
youths proceeded to taunt the officer in 
command ; a shot rang out, a volley 
followed, and numbers of the mockers lay 
weltering in their blood. It was but one 


troops to fire on the people, like Charles X. 
Send him after his predecessor ! " This 
proposal of the " Reforme " became the 
republican solution of the question. 

The monarchy was now irrevocably 
lost ; the man who should have saved it 
was asking help from the Liberals, who 
were as powerless as himself. A would-be 
ruler must know how to use his power, 
and must believe that his will is force in 
itself. When, at his wife's desire, the 
king appeared on horseback before his 

The magrnificent tomb erected to Napoleon at the H6teldes Invalides is a fitting memorial of the man who made Europe 
tremble and whose genius raised him to the pinnacle of power. A circular crjrpt, surrounded by twelve colossal figures 
symbolising his victories, contains the sarcophagus, which was hewn out of a single block of Siberian porphyry. 


"&* ... 

Events in Paris had again been leading up to a revolution, and on February 24th, 1848, the capital of France was once 
more the scene of a people's rising against the monarchy. Alarmed at the course of affairs, the king abdicated in 
favour of his grandson, the Count of Paris, and went off to St. Cloud with the queen, afterwards escaping to England. 

regiments and the National Guard, he knew 
within himself that he was not capable of 
lousing the enthusiasm of his troops. 
Civilian clothes and an umbrella would 
have suited him better than sword and 
epaulettes. Louis Philippe thus abdicated 
in favour of his grandson, the Count of 
Paris, whom he left to the 
care of Charles, Duke of 
Nemours, took a portfolio of 
such papers as were valuable, 
and went away to St. Cloud 
with his wife. The bold 
daughter of Mecklenburg, 
Henriette of Orleans, brought 
her son, Louis Philippe, who 
was now the rightful king, 
into the Chamber of Deputies, 
where Odilon Barrot, in true 
knightly fashion, broke a 
lance on behalf of the king's 
rights and of constitutional- 
ism. But the victors in the -. . . . . ^ 

_. , c I , • , J J . 1 ■ tminent as an historian, Guizot 

street nghting had made their became chief adviser to Louis Phi- 

WaV into the hall their rnm- J'PPe on the dismissalof Thiers, and 
wcty lULU LUC iidU, Uieil com his reactionary policy did much to 

raueS were at that moment bring about the revolution of 1848. 

invading the Tuileries, and Legitimists and 
Democrats joined in deposing the House 
of Orleans and demanding the appoint- 
ment of a provisional government. The 
question was dealt with by the "Chris- 
tian moralist," poet, and diplomatist, 


Alphonse de Lamartine, whose " His- 
tory of the Girondists " in eight volumes 
with its glorification of political murder 
had largely contributed to advance the 
revolutionary spirit in France. Though 
the electoral tickets had fallen into the 
greatest confusion, he contrived to produce 
a list of names which were 
backed by a strong body of 
supporters ; these included 
Louis Garnier-Pages, half- 
brother of the deceased 
Etienne, Ledru-Rollin, the 
astronomer Dominique Fran- 
cois Arago, the Jewish lawyer 
Isak Cremieux, who was 
largely responsible for the 
abdication of Louis Philippe, 
and Lamartine himself. The 
list was approved. The body 
thus elected effected a timely 
junction with the party of 
Louis Blanc, who was given 
a place in the government 
with four republican consulta- 
tive members. They then took 
possession of the Hotel de Ville, filled up 
the official posts, and with the concurrence 
of the people declared France a republic on 
February 25th. The dethroned king and 
the members of his house were able, if not 
unmenaced, at any rate without danger, 




to reach the coasts of England and 
safety, or to cross the German frontier. 
The new government failed to satisfy 
the Socialists, who were determined, after 
definitely establishing the " right of la- 
bour," to insist upon the right of the wage 
they desired. The installation of state 
factories and navvy labour at two francs 
a day was not enough for 

oMh'e ^^^^ ' *^^y formed hundreds 

g . * . of clubs under the direction of 
a central bureau, with the 
object of replacing the government for the 
time being by a committee of public safety, 
which should proceed to a general redis- 
tribution of property. Ledru-RoUin was 
not inclined to accept the offer of the presi- 
dency of such an extraordinary body ; he 
and Lamartine, with the help of General 
Changarnier and the National Guards, 
entirely outmanoeuvred the hordes which 
had made a premature attempt to stormthe 
town hall, and forced them to surrender. 

Peace was thus assured to Paris for 
the moment. The emissaries of the revolu- 
tionaries could not gain a hearing, and it 
was possible to go on with the elections, 
which were conducted on the principle of 
universal suffrage. Every 40,000 inhabi- 
tants elected a deputy ; every department 
formed a uniform electorate. Lamartine, 
one of the 900 chosen, obtained 2,300,000 
votes in ten departments. The Assembly 
was opened on May 4th. 

To the organised enemies of monarchy 
the February Revolution was a call to 
undisguised activity ; to the world at 
large it was a token that the times of peace 
were over, and that the long-expected 
movement would now inevitably break 
out. It is not always an easy matter to 
decide whether these several events ori- 
ginated in the inflammatory labours of 
revolutionaries designedly working in 
secret, or in some sudden outburst of 
feeling, some stimulus to action hitherto 
unknown. No less difficult is the task of 
. . deciding how far the conspira- 

-, * *.^ * - tors were able personally to 
y. . influence others of radical ten- 
^ dencies but outside their own 
organisations. These organisations were 
most important to France, Italy, Germany, 
and Poland. The central bureaus were in, 
Paris and Switzerland, and the noble 
Giuseppe Mazzini, indisputably one of the 
purest and most devoted of Italian patriots, 
held most of the strings of this somewhat 
clumsy network. His journals " La 


Giovine Europa " and " La Jeune Suisse " 
were as short-lived as the " Giovine Italia," 
published at Marseilles in 1831 ; but they 
incessantly urged the duty of union upon 
all those friends of humanity who were 
willing to share in the task of liberating 
peoples from the tyranny of monarchs. 

From 1834 a special " union of exiles " 
had existed at Paris, which declared " the 
deposition and expulsion of monarchs an 
inevitable necessity," and looked for a 
revolution to break out in France or 
Germany, or a war between France and 
Germany or Russia, in the hope of assisting 
France in the attack upon the German 
rulers. Its organisation was as extra- 
ordinary as it was secret ; there were 
" mountains," " national huts," " focal 
points," " circles," wherein preparation 
was to be made for the transformation of 
Germany in the interests of humanity. 

The " righteous " had diverged from the 
" outlaws," and from 1840 were reunited 
with the " German union," which aimed at 
" the formation of a free state embracing 
the whole of Germany." The persecutions 
and continual " investigations " which 
the German Federation had carried on 

_ ,. since the riots at Frankfort 

Persecutions 1 j • j j j.v 1 . 

,^. _ had impeded, though not 

of the German .■ ^ ■> ^ rr 

„ . ^. entirely broken oii, com- 

Federation . •',. , , ', 

mumcations between the cen- 
tral officials in Paris and their associates 
residing in Germany. From Switzerland 
came a continual stream of craftsmen, 
teachers, and authors, who were sworn in 
by the united Republicans. Karl Mathy, 
afterwards Minister of State for Baden, who 
had been Mazzini's colleague in Solothurn, 
was one of their members in 1840, when he 
was called to Carlsruhe to take up the 
post of editor of the " Landtagszeitung." 
The deliberations of the united Landtag 
at Berlin had attracted the attention of 
the South German Liberals to the highly 
talented politicians in Prussia, on whose 
help they could rely in the event of a 
rearrangement of the relative positions of 
the German states. The idea of some 
common movement towards this end was 
mooted at a gathering of politicians at 
Heppenheim on October i6th, 1847, and it 
was determined to lay proposals for some 
change in the federal constitution before 
the assemblies of the individual states* 

In the grand • duchy of Baden the 
Democrats went even further at a meeting 
held at Orenburg on September 12th. 
Proceedings, were conducted by a certain 


lawyer of Mannheim, one Gustav von 
Stnive, an overbearing individual of a 
Livonian family, and by Friedrich Hecker, 
an empty-headed prater, also an attorney, 
who had already displayed his incapacity 
for political action in the Baden Landtag. 
To justifiable demands for the repeal of 
the decrees of Carlsbad, for national 
representation within the German Federa- 
tion, for freedom of the Press, religious 
toleration, and full liberty to teachers, 
they added immature proposals, as to the 
practicable working of which no one had 
the smallest conception. They looked not 
only for a national system of defence and 

members of the state. The king and 
poet, Ludwig I., had conceived a blind in- 
fatuation for the dancer Lola Montez, 
an Irish adventuress— -Rosanna Gilbert — 
who masqueraded under a Spanish name. 
This fact led to the downfall of the 
Ministry, which was clerical without 
exception ; further consequences were 
street riots, unjustifiable measures against 
the students who declined to show respect 
to the dancing-woman, and finally bloody 
conflicts. It was not until the troops dis- 
played entire indifference to the tyrannical 
orders which had been issued that the 
king yielded to the entreaties of the 


fair taxation, but also for " the removal 
of the inequalities existing between capital 
and labour and the abolition of all privi- 
leges." Radicalism thus plumed itself 
upon its own veracity, and pointed out 
the path which the masses who listened 
to its allurements would take — a result of 
radical incapacity to distinguish between 
the practicable and the unattainable. 

Immediately before the events of Feb- 
ruary in Paris were made known, the 
kingdom of Bavaria, and its capital in 
particular, were in a state of revolt and 
open war between the authorities and the 

citizens, on February nth, 1848, and 
removed from Munich this impossible 
beauty, who had been made a countess. 

The first of those surprising phenomena 
in Germany which sprang from the im- 
pression created by the February Revolu- 
tion was the session of the Federal Assembly 
on March ist, 1848. EarUer occurrences 
in the immediate neighbourhood of Frank- 
fort no doubt materially influenced the 
course of events. In Baden, before his 
fate had fallen upon the July king, Karl 
Mathy had addressed the nation from the 
Chamber on February 23rd : " For thirty 



years the Germans have tried moderation 
and in vain ; they must now see whether 
violence will enable them to advance, 
and such violence is not to be limited to 
the states meeting-hall ! " At a meet- 
ing of citizens at Mannheim on the 27th, 
an address was carried by Struve which 
thus formulated the most pressing ques- 
A c 11 tions : Universal military ser- 

, ^ vice with power to elect the 

to German „~ , ■ ■, i- 1 

jj .. omcers, unrestramed freedom 

of the Press, trial by jury after 

the English model, and the immediate 

constitution of a German Parliament. 

In Hesse-Darmstadt, a popular deputy 
in the Landtag, one Gagern, the second 
son of the former statesman of Nassau 
and the Netherlands, demanded that 
the Government should not only call a 
Parliament, but also create a central 
governing power for Germany. The re- 
quest was inspired by the fear of an 
approaching war with France, which was 
then considered inevitable. It was fear 
of this war which suddenly convinced the 
high Federal Council at Frankfort-on- 
Main that the people were indispensable 
to their existence. On March ist they 
issued " a federal decree to the German 
people," whose existence they had dis- 
regarded for three centuries, emphasising 
the need for unity between all the German 
races, and asserting their conviction that 
Germany must be raised to her due 
position among the nations of Europe. 

On March ist Herr von Struve led a gang 
of low-class followers in the pay of the 
Republicans, together with the deputies 
of the Baden towns, into the federal 
Chamber. Ejected thence, he turned upon 
the castle in Carlsruhe, his aim being to 
foment disturbances and bloody conflict, 
and so to intimidate the moderately 
minded majority. His plan was foiled 
by the firm attitude of the troops. But the 
abandonment of the project was not to be 
expected, and it was clear that the 
nationalist movement in Ger- 

the Che"k°to ^^^y ^°^^^ ^^^^ ^^*^ ^^^ 
„ ^. *,. most dangerous check in Radi- 

calism. Telegrams from Pans 

and West Germany reached Munich, when 

the newly restored peace was again broken. 

The new Minister, State Councillor von 

Berks, was denounced as a tool of Lola 

Montez, and his dismissal was enforced. 

On March 6th, King Ludwig, in his usual 

poetical style, declared his readiness to 

satisfy the popular demands. However, 


fresh disturbance was excited by the 
rumour that Lola Montez was anxious t« 
return. Ludwig, who declined to be forced 
into the concession of any constitution 
upon liberal principles, lost heart and 
abdicated in favour of his son Maximilian 
II. He saw clearly that he could no 
longer resist the strength of the movement 
for the recognition of the people's rights. 
The political storm would unchain the 
potent forces of stupidity and folly which 
the interference of short-sighted majorities 
had created. When Ludwig retired into 
private life, Metternich had already fallen. 
The first act of the Viennese, horrified 
at the victory of the Republicans in Paris, 
was to provide for the safety of their 
money-bags. The general mistrust of the 
Government was shown in the haste with 
which accounts were withdrawn from 
the public savings banks. It was not, 
however, the Austrians who pointed the 
moral to the authorities. On March 3rd, 
in the Hungarian Reichstag, Kossuth 
proposed that the emperor should be 
requested to introduce constitutional gov- 
ernment into his provinces, and to grant 
Hungary the national self-government 
which was hers by right. In 
Vienna similar demands were 
advanced by the industrial 
unions, the legal and political 
reading clubs, and the students. It 
was hoped that a bold attitude would 
be taken by the provincial Landtag, 
which met on March 13th. When the 
anxious crowds promenading the streets 
learned that the representatives proposed 
to confine themselves to a demand for 
the formation of a committee of deputies 
from all the Crown provinces, they invaded 
the council chamber and forced the meeting 
to consent to the despatch of a deputation 
to lay the national desire for a free con- 
stitution before the emperor. 

While the deputation was proceeding to 
the Hofburg the soldiers posted before the 
council chamber, including the Archduke 
Albert, eldest son of the Archduke Charles, 
who died in 1847, were insulted and pelted 
with stones. They replied with a volley. 
It was the loss of life thereby caused which 
made the movement a serious reality. 
The citizens of Vienna, startled out of 
their complacency, vied with the mob 
in the loudness of their cries against 
this " firing on defenceless men." Their 
behaviour was explained to Count 
Metternich in the Hofburg, not as an 

Riots in 

the Streets of 



From the drawing by Weg«er 



ordinary riot capable of suppression by 
a handful of police, but as a revolution 
with which he had now to deal. Nowhere 
would such a task have been easier than in 
Vienna had there been any corporation or 
individual capable of immediate action, 
and able to make some short and definite 
promise of change in the 
government system. There 
was, however, no nucleus 
round which a new govern- 
ment could be formed, Prince 
Metternich being wholly im- 
practicable for such a purpose. 
All the state councillors, 
the court dignitaries, and 
generally those whom chance 
or curiosity rather than 
definite purpose had gathered 
in the corridors and ante- 
chambers of the imperial 
castle, were unanimous in the 
opinion that the Chancellor 
of State must be sacrificed. 

to draw up any programme for the 
introduction of constitutional principles. 
Even on March 14th they demurred to 
the word " constitution," and thought it 
possible to effect some compromise with 
the provincial deputations. Finally, on 
March 15th, the news of fresh scenes 
induced the privy councillor 
of the royal family to issue 
the following declaration : 
" Provision has been made 
for summoning the deputies 
of all provincial estates in 
the shortest possible period, 
for the purpose of con- 
sidering the constitution of 
the country, with increased 
representation of the citizen 
class and with due regard to 
tht existing constitutions of 
the several estates." The 
responsible Ministry of Kolo- 

LUDWiG I. OF BAVARIA wrat-Ficquelmout, formed on 

Ascending the throne in 1825, he March l8th, iucludcd amOUg 

„ \^^ .y'^..y ^^i^^^J^. worn-out tools 

isolated amid the surrounding and in the yearTsis abdicated in one man only possessed of 
turmoil, unable to help him-. '^^°"^°'^*^'°"'^^'''""'"" "• the knowledge requisite for 

This empty figure-head stood ^^S^iel to'°Sic"'diJcontrt; Metternich's 

self or his perplexed advisers ; he emitted 
a few sentences upon the last sacrifice 
that he could make for the monarchy 
and disappeared. He left no one to take 
up his power ; no one able to represent 
him, able calmly and confidently to ex- 
amine and decide upon the demands 
transmitted from the stieet 
to the council chamber. The 
Emperor Ferdinand was 
himself wholly incapable of 
grasping the real meaning 
of the events which had 
taken place in his immediate 
neighbourhood. The Arch- 
duke Ludwig, one of Metter- 
nich's now useless tools, was 
utterly perplexed by the con- 
flict of voices and opinions. 
In his fear of the excesses 
that the " Reds " might be 
expected to perpetrate, he 

the drafting of a constitution in detail ; 
this was the Minister of the Interior, 
Pillersdorf, who was as weak and feeble 
in character as in bodily health. 

In Hungary the destructive process was 
far more comprehensive and imposing. 
On March 14th Louis Kossuth in the 
Reichstag at Pressburg se- 
cured the announcement of 
the freedom of the Press, and 
called for a system of national 
defence for Hungary, to be 
based upon the general duty 
of military service. Mean- 
while, his adherents, con- 
sisting of students, authors, 
4 and "jurats" — idle lawyers — 
seized the reins of govern- 
ment in Ofenpest, and 
replaced the town council by 
a committee of public safety, 

THE KING'S FAVOURITE composcd of radical members 
lost sight of the means which with this Irish adventuress, who by preference. On the 15th 
might have been used to Cia%'o\tel"Ludwfg\"be"imJ the State Assembly of the 
pacify the moderate party infatuated, but was compeUed Reichstag was transformed 
and induce them to maintain *** '^"°^^ ^^' ^'■°'° '^""•'=^- " " 

law and order. The authorisation for the 
arming of the students and citizens was 
extorted from him perforce, and he would 
hear nothing of concessions to be made by 
the dynasty to the people. Neither he 
nor Count Kolowrat Liebsteinsky ventured 


into a National Assembly. 
Henceforward its conclusions were to be 
communicated to the magnates, whose 
consent was to be unnecessary. 

On the same day a deputation of the 
Hungarian Reichstag, accompanied by 
jurats, arrived at Vienna, where Magyars 


and Germans swore to the fellowship with 
all pomp and enthusiasm. The deputation 
secured the concession of an independent 
and responsible Ministry for Hungary. 

This was installed on March 23rd by the 
Archduke Palatine Stephen, and united 
the popular representatives among Hun- 
garian politicians, such as Batthyany and 
Szechenyi, with Prince Paul Eszterhazy, 
Josef von Eotvos, Franz von Deak, and 
Louis Kossuth. After a few days' delibera- 
tion the Reichstag practically abolished the 
old constitution. The rights of the lords 
were abrogated, and equality of political 
rights given to citizens of towns ; the right 
of electing to the Reichstag was con- 
ceded to " the adherents of legally 
recognised religions " ; laws were passed 
regulating the Press and the National 
Guards. The country was almost in a state 
of anarchy, as the old pro- 
vincial administrations and 
local authorities had been 
abolished and replaced by 
committees of public safety, 
according to the precedent 
set at Pest. The example of 
Austria influenced the course 
of events throughout Ger- 
many ; there the desire for a 
free constitution grew hotter, 
and especially so in Berlin. 

The taxation committees 
were assembled in that 
town when the results of 
the February 
became known 

the excitement prevailing among the 
population of the Rhine province would 
only be increased by the appearance of 
the prince. Despatches from Vienna 
further announced the fall of Metternich. 
The king now resolved to summon the 
united Landtag to Berlin on April 17th ; 
Mobs at the ^^ considered, no doubt, 
Royal Palace ^^^^ ^^^f ^^ ^ould Very well 
in Berlin exercise her patience for a 
month. On March 15th the 
first of many riotous crowds assembled 
before the royal castle, much excited 
by the news from Vienna. Deputations 
constantly arrived from the provinces 
to give expression to the desire of 
the population for some constitutional 
definition of their rights. The king went 
a step further and altered the date of the 
meeting of the Landtag to April 2nd ; 
but in the patent of March 
l8th he explained his action 
by reference only to his duties 
as federal ruler, and to his 
intention of proposing a 
federal reform, to include 
" temporary federal repre- 
sentation of all German 
countries." He even recog- 
nised that " such federal 
representation implies a form 
of constitution applicable to 
all German countries," but 
made no definite promise as 
MAXIMILIAN II.-BAVARIA ^o any form hi constitution 
Revolution He ascended the throne on his for Prussia. Nevertheless, in 


the afternoon he was cheered 

kinp' father's abdication in 1848. Anoble- 

o minded man, he made an excellent 

dismissed them on March 7th, king, ruling his people on the ideal by the crowd before the 

^„„1„„:„„ u: ir :„„k„„^ .„ grounds of" Christian philosophy." ^^^^^^^ g^^ ^^^ j^^^^^.^ ^j 

declaring himself inchned to ^'■°""'*^' 
summon the united Landtag at regular 
intervals. The declaration failed to give 
satisfaction. On the same day a popular 
meeting had resolved to request the king 
forthwith to convoke the Assembly. In the 
quiet town public life became more than 
usually lively. The working classes were 
excited by the agitators sent down to 
them ; in inns and cafes newspapers 
were read aloud and speeches 
made. The king was expecting 
an outbreak of war with France. 
He sent his confidential mili- 
tary adviser, Radowitz, at full . speed 
to Vienna to arrange measures of defence 
with Metternich. He proposed tempo- 
rarily to entrust the command of the 
Prussian troops upon the Rhine to the 
somewhat unpopular Prince William of 
Prussia. However, he was warned that 

for War 

the mob, who desired a rising to secure 
their own criminal objects, turned grati- 
tude into uproar and bloodshed. The 
troops concentrated in the castle under 
General von Prittwitz were busy until 
midnight clearing the streets. 

The authorities had 12,000 men at their 
disposal, and could easily have stormed 
the barricades next morning; but the 
king's military advisers were unable to 
agree upon their action, and his anxiety 
and nervousness were increased by the 
invited and uninvited citizens who made 
their way into the castle. He therefore 
ordered the troops to cease firing, and the 
next day, after receiving a deputation of 
citizens, commanded the troops to concen- 
trate upon the castle, and finally to retire 
to barracks. The arguments of such 
Liberals as Vincke, and of the Berlin town 



councillors, induced the king to this 
ill-advised step, the full importance of 
which he failed to recognise. It implied 
the retreat of the monarchical power 
before a riotous mob inspired only by 
blind antipathy to law and order, who, 
far from thanking the king for sparing 
their guilt, proclaimed the 

J* " K** '^^ victory for themselves, and 
"^*^ continued to heap scorn and 
insult upon king and troops ahke. A 
new Ministry was formed on March 
19th, the leadership being taken by 
Arnim. On the 29th his place was taken 
by Ludolf Camphausen, president of the 
Cologne Chamber of Commerce, who was 
joined by Hanseman and the leaders of 
the liberal nobility, Alfred von Auerswald, 
Count Maximilian of Schwerin, and Hein- 
rich Alexander of Arnim. 
The Ministry would have 
had no difficulty in forming a 
constitution for the state had 
not the king reduced the 
monarchy to helplessness by 
his display of ineptitude. 
That honest enthusiasm for 
the national cause which 
had led him on March 21st 
to escort the banner of black, 
red, and gold on horseback 
through the streets of Berlin, 
far from winning the popular 
favour for him, was' scorned .^"'^."!^"'"^ i^AriL^mAiNiN grnment by their own energy, 

J a . 1 1 .1 T-, 1 This distingruished German his- , ,, •' c ^^ i i 

and flouted by the Repub- t^Han was appointed Professor of by the use of accomplished 
licans. The energy displayed History at Bonn in 1842, and was facts, and by specific demands, 
in summoning the Parliament ** ^^^ ^^^'^ °^ ^^^ constitutional a committee of seven mem- 
was too rapid a change, made ^'''*'^'' '° ^^^ movement of i848. ^^^^ ^^^ appointed to invite 
the German states distrustful, and exposed a conference on March 30th, at Frankfort- 


overshadowed by the struggle for 
supremacy waged by the masses under 
the guidance of ambitious agitators. 

On March 5th, 1848, fifty-one of the 
better known German politicians met at 
Heidelberg upon their own initiative by 
invitation ; their object was to discuss 
what common action they should take to 
guide a general national movement in 
Germany. Most of them belonged to the 
Rhine states ; but Prussia, Wiirtemberg, 
and Bavaria were represented, and an 
Austrian writer who happened to be on the 
spot joined the meeting in order to place 
it in relation with Austria. The twenty 
representatives from Baden included the 
radical democrat Hecker, who even then 
spoke of the introduction of a republican 
constitution as a wish of the German 
people. He, however, was obliged to 
support the resolution of the 
majority, to the effect that 
the German nation must 
first have the opportunity 
of making its voice heard, for 
which purpose preparation 
must be made for the con- 
vocation of a German National 
Assembly. All were agreed 
upon the futility of waiting 
for the Federal Council to take 
action ; they must bring their 
influence to bear upon the 
council and the German gov- 

him to degrading refusals, which em- 
bittered his mind and lowered his dignity 
in the eyes of his own people. 

The united Landtag met on April 2nd, 
1848, and determined upon the convoca- 
tion of a National Assembly, for the pur- 
pose of forming a constitution upon the 
basis of universal suffrage. To this the 
Government agreed, at the same time 
insisting that the Prussian constitution 
was a matter for arrangement between 
themselves and the Assembly. During the 
elections, which took place simultaneously 
with those to the German Parliament, the 
democrats uttered their war-cry, to the 
effect that the resolutions of the Prussian 
National Assembly required no ratification. 
Thus the popular claim to a share in the 
administration disappeared, and was 


on-Main, " of all past or present mem^bers 
of provincial councils and members of 
legislative assemblies in all German 
countries," together with other public men 
of special influence. This "preliminary 
conference " was then to arrive at some 
resolutions for the election of the German 
National Assembly. Both the Federal 
Assembly and the majority 
of the German governments 
viewed these proceedings with 
favourable eyes ; they saw 
that the nation was at the highest pitch 
of excitement, and would be prevented 
from rushing into violence by occupation 
in political matters. The results of 
the Parisian revolution led them to 
think the overthrow of every existing 
form of government perfectly possible. 

The Saving 


of Politics 

From the drawing by C. Becker 



The only remaining course was to treat 
with the Liberals and enlist their support 
for the existing states and dynasties by the 
concession of constitutional rights. Only 
in Hanover and in the electorate of Hesse 
were there difficulties at the outset. 
However, the fall of Metternich shattered 
even the pride of Ernest Augustus and of 
the Elector Frederic WiUiam. 
Liberal ^ Baden sent the Freiburg pro- 
Movements in fessorKarlWelckertoFrank- 

aaxony ^^^^ ^ ^^^^^ ^^^ ^^ ^^^_ 

posed on behalf of his Government the 
convocation of a German Parliament to 
discuss and carry out the reform of the 
federal constitution in conjunction with 
the representatives of the Government. In 
Hesse-Darmstadt, Gagern made a similar 
proposal in the Chamber. The King of 
Wiirtemberg called one of the members 
of the Heidelberg conference, Friedrich 
Romer, to the head of a new Ministry, 
to which Paul Pfizer also belonged. 

In Saxony, Frederic Augustus, after 
unnecessarily alarming the inhabitants of 
Leipzig by the concentration of troops, 
was obliged to give way, to dissolve 
the Ministry of Konneritz, and to entrust 
the conduct of government business 
to the leader of the Progressive Party 
in the Second Chamber, Alexander Braun, 
Of the Liberals in Saxony, the largest 
following was that of Robert Blum, 
formerly theatre secretary, bookseller, and 
town councillor of Leip^'g. He was one of 
those trusted public characters who were 
summoned to the preliminary conference, 
and directed the attention of his associates 
to the national tasks immediately con- 
fronting the German people. In the patent 
convoking the united Landtag for March 
i8th, even the King of Prussia had declared 
the formation of a " temporary federal 
representation of the states of all German 
countries " to be a pressing necessity ; 
hence from that quarter no opposition to 
the national undertaking of the Heidel- 
_ berg meeting was to be ex- 

Mh**^*"*^* pected. Five hundred repre- 

^ e* * sentatives from all parts of 

German States ^ ^ . t- i r ^ 

Germany met at rrankfort- 

on-Main for the conference in the last days 

of March ; they were received with every 

manifestation of delight and respect. The 

first general session was held in the Church 

of St. Paul, under the presidency of the 

Heidelberg jurist, Anton Mittermayer, a 

Bavarian by birth ; the conference was 

then invited to come to a decision upon one 


of the most important questions of German 
politics. The committee of seven had 
drawn up a programme dealing with the 
mode of election to the German National 
Assembly, and formulating a number of 
fundamental principles for adoption in the 
forthcoming federal constitution. These 
demanded a federal chief with responsible 
Ministers, a senate of the individual states, 
a popular representative house with one 
deputy to every 70,000 inhabitants of a 
German federal state, a united army, and 
representation abroad ; a uniformity in the 
customs systems, in the means of communi- 
cation, in civil and criminal legislation. 

This premature haste is to be ascribed 
to the scanty political experience of the 
German and his love for the cut and 
dried ; it gave the Radicals, who had 
assembled in force from Baden, Darm- 
stadt, Frankfort, and Nassau, under Struve 
and Hecker, an opportunity of demanding 
similar resolutions upon the future con- 
stitution of Germany. Hecker gave an 
explanation of the so-called " principles " 
propounded by Struve, demanding the 
disbanding of the standing army, the 
abolition of officials, taxation, and the here- 
ditary monarchy, and the 
institution of a Parliament 
elected without restriction 
under a president similarly 
elected, all to be united by a federal consti- 
tution on the model of the Free States of 
North Amehca. Until the German demo- 
cracy had secured legislation upon these and 
many other points, the Frankfort conference 
should be kept on foot, and the government 
of Germany continued by an executive 
committee elected by universal suffrage. 

Instead of receiving these delectable 
puerilities with the proper amount of 
amusement, or satirising them as they 
deserved, the moderdte Democrats and 
Liberals were inveigled into seriouL dis- 
cussion with the Radicals. Reports of an 
insignificant street fight aroused theii fears 
and forebodings, and both sides conde- 
scended to abuse and personal violence. 
Finally, the clearer-sighted members of 
the conference succeeded in confining 
the debate to the subjects preliminary 
to the convocation of the parliament. 
The programme of the committee of seven 
and the " principles " of the Radicals were 
alike excluded from discussion. Hecker's 
proposition for the permanent constitution 
of the conference was rejected by 368 votes 
to 143, and it was decided to elect a 

of tbe Frankfort 


committee of fifty members to continue the 
business of the prehminary parliament. 

On the question of this business great 
divergence of opinion prevailed. The 
majority of the members were convinced 
that the people should now be left to decide 
its own fate, and to determine the legisla- 
ture which was to secure the recognition of 
its rights. A small minority were agreed 
with Gagern upon the necessity of keeping 
in touch with the Government and the 
Federal Council, and constructing the new 
constitution by some form of union 
between the national representatives and 
the existing executive officials. This was 
the first serious misconception of the Liberal 
party upon the sphere of action within 
which the Parliament would operate. They 
discussed the " purification " of the Federal 
Council and its "aversion to special reso- 
lutions of an unconstitutional nature ; " 
they should have united themselves firmly 
to the federal authorities, and carried 
them to the necessary resolutions. 

The mistrust of the liberals for the 
government was greater than their disgust 
at radical imbecility, a fact as obvious in 
the preliminary conference as in the National 
• Assembly which it called into 

. -J ™ probably the sole cause of the 

ermaay |^^j]j^y qJ ^^le efforts made 

by upright and disinterested representative 
men to guide the national movement in 
Germany. Franz von Soiron of Mannheim 
proposed that the decision upon the future 
German constitution should be left entirely 
in the hands of the National Assembly, to 
be elected by the people ; with this excep- 
tion, the constitutional ideal was aban- 
doned and a Utopia set up in its place not 
utterly dissimilar to the dream of " the 
republic with a doge at its head." Soiron, 
who propounded this absurdity, became 
president of the cormnittee of fifty. 

The mode of election to the National Con- 
stituent Assembly realised the most extreme 
demands of the Democrats. Every 50,000 
inhabitants in a German federal province, 
East and West Prussia included, had to 
send up a deputy " directly " — that is to 
say, appointment was not made by any 
existing constitutional corporation. The 
Czechs of Bohemia were included without 
cavil among the electors of the German 
Parhament, no regard being given to the 
scornful refusal which they would probably 
return. The question of including the 
Poles of the Prussian Baltic provinces was 

left to the decision of the parliament itself. 
The Federal Council, in which Karl Welcker 
had already become influential, prudently 
accepted the resolutions of the preliminary 
conference and communicated them to the 
individual states, whose business it was to 
carry them out. Feeling in the different 
governments had undergone a rapid 
_ , transformation, and in Prussia 

Prussia ., , , 

■^ , . even more than elsewhere. 
erge in q^ March 2ist, after parad- 
ermany .^^ Berlin with the German 
colours, Frederic William IV. had made 
a public declaration, expressing his readi- 
ness to undertake the direction of German 
affairs. His exuberance led him to the 
following pronouncement : "I have to-day 
asumed the ancient German colours and 
placed myself and my people under the hon- 
ourable banner of the German Empire. Prus- 
sia is henceforward merged in Germany." 

These words would have created a great 
effect had the king been possessed of the 
power which was his by right, or had 
he given any proof of capacity to rule his 
own people or to defend his capital from 
the outrages of a misled and passionately 
excited mob. But the occurrences at Berlin 
during March had impaired his prestige 
with every class ; he was despised by the 
Radicals, and the patriotic party mistrusted 
his energy and his capacity for maintaining 
his dignity in a difficult situation. 

Moreover, the German governments 
had lost confidence in the power of the 
Prussian state. Hesse-Darmstadt, Baden, 
Nassau, and Wiirtemberg had shown them- 
selves ready to confer full powers upon the 
King of Prussia for the formation, in their 
name, of a new federal constitution with 
provision for the popular rights. They 
were also willing to accept him as head of 
the federation, a position which he desired, 
while declining the imperial title with 
which the cheers of the Berlin population 
had greeted him. When, however, Max 
von Gagern arrived in Berlin at the head of 
an embassy from the above- 
mentioned states, the time for 
the enterprise had gone by ; a 
king who gave way to rebels 
and did obeisance to the corpses of mob 
leaders was not the man for the dictator- 
ship of Germany at so troublous a time. 

Notwithstanding their own difficulties, 
the Vienna government had derived some 
advantage from the events at BerUn ; 
there was no reason for them to resign 
their position in Germany. The Emperor 


William not a 


Ferdinand need never yield to Frederic 
William IV. The Austrian statesmen were 
sure of the approval of the German people, 
even of the national and progressive parties, 
if they straightway opposed Prussian 
interference in German politics. Relying 
upon nationalist sentiment and appealing 
to national sovereignty, they might play 
Th p A ^^ *^® German parliament 
^.^ '°^ against the King of Prussia. 
J . . Austria was, upon the showing 
of the government and the 
popular leaders, the real Germany. Austria 
claimed the precedence of all German 
races, and therefore the black, red, and 
gold banner flew on the Tower of 
Stephan, and the kindl)^ emperor waved 
it before the students, who cheered him 
in the castle. The offer of Prussian 
leadership was declined ; the German 
constitution was to be arranged by the 
federal council and the parliament, and 
Austria would there be able to retain 
the leading position which was her right. 

The case of the King of Prussia was suffi- 
ciently disheartening ; but no less serious 
for the development of the German move- 
ment was the , attitude of the Liberals 
towards the Republicans. The professions 
and avowals of the latter had not been 
declined with the decisiveness that belong 
to honest monarchical conviction. Even 
before the meeting of Parliament dis- 
turbances had been set on foot by the 
Baden Radicals, and it became obvious 
that Radicalism could result only in civil 
war and would imperil the national welfare. 

The Struve-Hecker party was deeply 
disappointed with the results of the pre- 
liminary conference. It had not taken 
over the government of Germany ; no 
princes had been deposed, and even the 
federal council had been left untouched, 
The leaders, impelled thereto by their 
French associates, accordingly resolved to 
initiate an armed revolt in favour of the 
republic. The " moderate " party had 

fu \M a cleared the way by assenting 
The Mad j. .1 i / a ,■ ^ 

Schemes of proposal of national 

AgitMors armament." Under the pretext 
of initiating a scheme of public 
defence, arms for the destruction of con- 
stitutional order were placed in the hands 
of the ruffians who had been wandering 
about the Rhineland for weeks in the hope 
of robbery and inlander, posing as the 
retinue of the great " friends of the people." 
Acuter politicians, like Karl Mathy, dis- 
covered too late that it was now necessary 

to stake their whole personal influence in 

the struggle against radical insanity and 

the madness of popular agitators. In 

person he arrested the agitator Joseph 

Fickler, when starting from Karlsruhe to 

Constance to stir up insurrection ; but his 

bold example found few imitators. The 

evil was not thoroughly extirpated, as the 

" people's men " could not refrain from 

repeating meaningless promises of popular 

supremacy and the downfall of tyrants at 

every public-house and platform where 

they thought they could secure the applause 

for which they thirsted like actors. 

Hecker had maintained communications 

with other countries from Karlsruhe, and 

had been negotiating for the advance of 

contingents from Paris, to be paid from 

the resources of Ledru-Rollin. After 

Fickler's imprisonment on April 8th he 

became alarmed for his own safety, and 

fled to Constance. There, in conjunction 

with Struve and his subordinates, Doll, 

Willich, formerly a Prussian lieutenant, 

Mogling of Wiirtemberg, and Bruhe of 

Holstein, he issued an appeal to all who 

were capable of bearing arms to concen- 

trate at Donaueschingen on 

e ea o ^pril i2th, for the purpose of 

„ ... founding the German republic. 
Republicans ,,t-,v '^ , i- r rirj. 

With a republican army of ntty 
men he marched on the 13th from Con- 
stance, where the republic had maintained 
its existence for a whole day. In the plains 
of the Rhine a junction was to be effected 
with the " legion of the noble Franks," 
led by the poet George Herwegh and his 
Jewish wife. In vain did two deputies 
from the committee of fifty in Frankfort 
advise the Republicans to lay down their 
arms. Their overtures were rejected with 
contumely. The eighth federal army corps 
had been rapidly mobilised, and the troops 
of Hesse and Wiirtemberg brought this 
insane enterprise to an end in the almost 
bloodless conflicts of Kandern on April 20th , 
and Giintersthal at Freiburg on April 23rd, 
The Republicans were given neither time 
nor opportunity for any display of their 
Teutonic heroism. Their sole exploit was 
the shooting of the general Friedrich von 
Gagem from an ambush as he was return- 
ing to his troops from an unsuccessful 
conference with Hecker. Herwegh' s French 
legion was dispersed at Dossenbach on 
April 26th by a company of Wiirtemberg 
troops. These warriors took refuge for the 
time being in Switzerland with the "gen- 
erals" Hecker, Struve, and Franz Siegl. 











AS early as January, 1848, the popula- 
^^ tion of the Lombard States had begun 
openly to display their animosity to the 
Austrians. The secret revolutionary com- 
mittees, who took their instructions from 
Rome and Turin, organised demonstra- 
tions, and forbade the purchase oi Aus- 
trian cigars and lottery tickets, the profits 
of which went to the Austrian exchequer. 
Threats and calls for blood and vengeance 
upon the troops were placarded upon the 
walls, and cases of assassination occurred. 
Field-Marshal Count Radetzky had felt 
certain that the national movement, begun 
in the Church States, would extend 
throughout Italy, and oblige Austria to 
defend her territory by force of arms. 

He was also informed of the warlike feeling 
in Piedmont and of the secret prepara- 
tions which were in progress there. This 
view was well founded. Any dispassionate 
judgment of the political situation in the 
peninsula showed that the 
governments of the individual 

A Nation's 
Yearning for 

states were in a dilemma ; either 
they must join the national 
yearning for liberation from the foreign rule 
and help their subjects in the struggle, or 
they would be forced to yield to the victor- 
ious advance of republicanism. The Savoy 
family of Carignan, the only ruling house 
of national origin, found no difficulty in 
deciding the question. As leaders of the 
patriotic party they might attain a highly 
important position, and at least become 
the leaders of a Federal Italy ; while they 
were forced to endanger their kingdom, 
whatever side they took. 

Radetzky was indefatigable in his 
efforts to keep the Vienna government 
informed of the approaching danger, but 
his demands for reinforcements to the 
troops serving in the Lombard- Venetian 
provinces were disregarded. The old War 
Minister, Count H. Hardegg, who sup- 
ported Radetzky, was harshly dismissed 
from his position in the exchequer, and 
died of vexation at the affront. Not all 

the obt-useness and vacillation of the 

Vienna bureaucracy could shake the old 

field-marshal — on August ist, 1847, he 

began his sixty -fourth year of service in 

the imperial army — from his conviction 

that the Austrian house meant to defend 

its Italian possessions. He was well aware 

that the very existence of the monarchy 

. ^ , , was involved in this question 
Austria s r 1 • t^ 1 a 

r^ 1- i J of predommance m Italy. A 

Complicated ^ , , .• i-i 

p ... moment when every nationality 

united under the Hapsburg 
rule was making the most extravagant 
demands upon the state was not the 
moment voluntarilj^ to abandon a position 
of the greatest moral value. 

After the outbreak of the revolt many 
voices recommended an Austrian retreat 
from Lombardy to Venice. It was thought 
impossible that these two countries, with 
independent governments of their own, 
could be incorporated in so loosely 
articulated a federation as the Austrian 
Empire seemed likely to become. Such 
counsels were not inconceivable in view 
of the zeal with which kings and ministers, 
professors, lawyers, and authors plunged 
into the elaboration of political blunders 
and misleading theories ; but to follow them 
would have been to increase rather than to 
diminish the difficulties of Austrian politics, 
which grew daily more complicated. 

In the turmoil of national and demo- 
cratic aspirations and programmes the 
idea of the Austrian state was for- 
gotten ; its strength and dignity depended 
upon the inflexibility and upon 
the ultimate victory of Rad- 

Y . etzky and his army. The war in 
* ^ Italy was a national war, more 
especially for the Austro-Germans ; for 
passion, even for an ideal, cannot impress 
the German and arouse his admiration to 
the same extent as the heroic fulfilment of 
duty. Additional influences upon the 
Austrians were the military assessment, 
their delight in proved military supe- 
riority, and their military traditions. 




Nationalism was indisputably an animat- 
ing force among the Germans of the 
Alpine districts. Never did Franz Grill- 
parzer so faithfully represent the Austrian 
spiiit as in the oft-repeated words which 
he ascribed to the old field-marshal, 
upholding the ancient imperial banner 
upon Guelf soil : " In thy camp is Austria ; 
we are but single fragments." 
It is not difficult to imagine 

The Vanished 
Power of 
the Hapsburgs 

that a statesman of unusual 
penetration and insight might 
even then have recognised that Austria 
was no longer a force in Germany, 
that the claim of the Hapsburgs to lead 
the German nation had disappeared with 
the Holy Roman Empire. We may 
conceive that, granted such recognition 
of the facts, a just division of influence and 
power in Central Europe might have been 
brought about by the peaceful compromise 
with Prussia ; but it was foolishness to 
expect the House of Hapsburg voluntarily 
to begin a partition of the countries 
which had fallen to be hers. 

The acquisition of Italy had been a mis- 
take on the part of Metternich; but the 
mistake could not be mended by a surrender 
of rights at the moment when hundreds 
of claims would be pressed. To maintain 
the integrity of the empire was to preserve 
its internal solidarity and to uphold the 
monarchical power. The monarchy could 
produce no more convincing evidence 
than the victories of the army. An army 
which had retreated before the Pied- 
montese and the Guelf guerrilla troops 
would never have gained another victory, 
even in Hungary. 

In an army order of January 15th, 1848, 
Radetzky announced in plain and un- 
ambiguous terms that the Emperor of 
Austria was resolved to defend the Lom- 
bard-Venetian kingdom against internal 
and external enemies, and that he himself 
proposed to act in accordance with the 
imperial will. He was, however, unable 
o th k ^° make any strategical pre- 
f th * parations for the approaching 
Revolation struggle ; he had barely troops 
enough to occupy the most im- 
portant towns, and in every case the 
garrisons were entirely outnumbered by 
the population. Hence it has been asserted 
that the revolution took him by surprise. 
The fact was that he had no means of 
forestalling a surprise, and was obliged to 
modify his measures in proportion to the 
forces at his disposal. The crowds began 


to gather on March 17th, when the news 
of the Vienna revolution reached Milan ; 
street fighting began on the i8th and 19th, 
and the marshal was forced to concentrate 
his scattered troops upon the gates and 
walls of the great city, lest he should 
find himself shut in by an advancing 
Piedmontese army. 

On March 21st it became certain that 
Charles Albert of Sardinia would cross 
the Ticino with his army. Radetzky left 
Milan and retreated beyond the Mincio 
to the strong fortress of Verona, which, 
with Mantua, Peschiera, and Legnago, 
formed the "Quadrilateral " which became 
famous in the following campaign. Most 
of the garrisons in the Lombard towns 
were able to cut their way through, 
comparatively few surrendering. However, 
the 61,000 infantry of the imperial army 
were diminished by the desertion of the 
twenty Italian battalions which belonged 
to it, amounting to 10,000 men. It was 
necessary to abandon most of the state 
chests ; the field-marshal could only 
convey from Milan to Verona half a 
million florins in coined money, which was 
—^ saved by the division stationed 

jj ki-^ f ^ri Padua, which made a rapid 
y '***. * advance before the outbreak of 
the revolt. Venice had thrown 
off the yoke. The lawyer Daniel Manin, 
of Jewish family, and therefore not a 
descendant of Lodovico Manin, the last 
doge, had gained over the arsenal workers. 
With their help he had occupied the 
arsenal and overawed the field-marshal, 
Count Ferdinand Zichy, a brother-in- 
law of Metternich, who was military 
commander in conjunction with the civil 
governor, Count Palffy of Erdod. Zichy 
surrendered on March 22nd, on condi- 
tion that the non-Italian garrison should 
be allowed to depart unmolested. Manin 
became president of the new democratic 
Republic of Venice, which was joined 
by most of the towns of the former 
Venetian terra firma ; Great Bi itain and 
France, however, declined to recognise the 
republic, which was soon forced to make 
common cause with Sardinia. Mantua 
was preserved to the Austrians by the 
bold and imperturbable behaviour of the 
commandant-general. Von Gorczkowski. 

The Italian nationalist movement had 
also spread to the South Tyrol. On 
March 19th the inhabitants of Trent 
demanded the incorporation into Lom- 
bardy of the Trentino — that is, the district 


of the former prince -bishopric of Trent. 
The appearance of an Austrian brigade 
under General von Zobel to reheve the 
hard-pressed garrison of the citadel secured 
the Austrian possession of this important 
town, and also strengthened the only line 
of communication now open between 
Radetzky's headquarters and the Austrian 
government, the line through the Tyrol. 

The defence of their country was now 
undertaken by the German Tyrolese them- 
selves ; they called out the defensive 
forces which their legislature had provided 
for centuries past, and occupied the 
frontiers. They were not opposed by the 
Italian population on the south, who 
in many cases volunteered to serve in the 
defence of their territory ; hence the 
revolutionary towns were unable to make 
head against these opponents, 
or to maintain regular com- 
munication with the revolu- 
tionists advancing against the 
frontier. Wherever the latter 
attempted to break through 
they were decisively defeated 
by the admirable Tyrolese 
guards, who took up arms 
■against the " Guelfs " with 
readiness and enthusiasm. 

On March 29th, 1848, the 
King of Sardinia crossed the 
Ticino, without any formal 
declaration of war, ostensibly 
to protect his own territories 


After the despatch of the troops required 
to cover the Etsch valley and to garrison 
the fortresses, Radetzky was left with 
only 35,000 men ; he was able, how- 
ever, with nineteen Austrian battahons, 
sixteen squadrons, and eighty-one guns, 
to attack and decisively defeat the king 
at Santa Lucia on May 6th, as he was 
Deciding advancing with 41,000 men 
Point in the ^^^ ^'^hty guns. The Zehner 
Revolution ^}^^\ infantry under Colonel 
Karl von Kopal behaved admir- 
ably ; the Archduke Francis Joseph, heir 
presumptive, also took part in the battle. 
The conspicuous services of these bold 
warriors to the fortunes of Austria have 
made this obstinate struggle especially 
famous in the eyes of their compatriots. 
Radetzky's victory at Santa Lucia is the 
turning-point in the history of 
the Italian revolution. 

The Austrian troops 
definitely established the fact 
of their superiority to the 
Piedmontese, by far the best 
of the Itahan contingents. 
Conscious of this, the little 
army was inspired with con- 
fidence in its own powers and 
in the generalship of the aged 
marshal, whose heroic spirit 
was irresistible. Many young 
men from the best families of 
Vienna and the Alpine districts 
took service against the 

He had at his disposal three He became President of the Italians. The healthy-minded 

divisions, amounting to about ^-etian r|P^biic^.i„ ^i848,^and students were glad to escape 

45,000 men, and after gaining in the following year escaped from the aula of the Uni- 

s^veral successes in small con- '°^"''' ^''"'■^^^ '^'"'^ '"''•''• versify of Vienna, with its 

flicts at Goito, Valeggio, and elsewhere, 
against weak Austrian divisions, he ad- 
vanced to the Mincio on April loth. Mazzini 
had appeared in Milan after the retreat 
of the Austrians ; but the advance of the 
Piedmontese prevented the installation 
of a republican administration. For a 
moment the national movement was 

concentrated solely upon the 
O ^osed*** struggle against the Austrian 
to'*Au"tria supremacy. Tumultuous public 

demonstrations forced the petty 
and central states of Italy to send their 
troops to the support of the Piedmontese. 
In this way nearly 40,000 men from Naples, 
Catholic Switzerland, Tuscany, Modena, 
and elsewhere were concentrated on the 
Po under the orders of General Giacomo 
Durando,to begin the attack on the Austrian 
position in conjunction with Charles Albert. 

turgid orations and sham patriotism, and 
to shed their blood for the honour of 
their nation side by side with the brave 
" volunteers," who went into action with 
jest and laugh. Such events considerably 
abated the enthusiasm of the Italians, 
who began to learn that wars cannot be 
waged by zeal alone, and that their fiery 
national spirit gave them no superiority 
in the use of the rifle. 

Radetzky was not to be tempted into a 
reckless advance by the brilliant success 
he had attained ; after thus vigorously 
repulsing Charles Albert's main force, he 
remained within his quadrilateral of for- 
tresses, awaiting the arrival of the reserves 
which were being concentrated in Austria ; 
16,000 infantry, eight squadrons of cavalry, 
and fifty-four guns marched from Isonzo 
under Laval, Count Nugent, master of the 



ordnance, an old comrade of Radetzky. 
He was an Irishman by birth, and had 
entered the Austrian army in 1793 ; in 
1812 he had seen service 
in Spain during the War 
of Liberation, and in 18 13 
had led the revolt on the 
coast districts. On April 
22nd Nugent captured 
Udine, and advanced by 
way of Pordenone and 
Conegliano to Belluno, 
Feltre, and Bassano, 
covering his flank by the 
mountains, as Durando's 
corps had gone northward 
from the Po to prevent 
his junction with Rad- 
etzky. Nugent fell sick, 
and after continual fight- 
ing, Count Thurn led the 
reservts to San Boniface 
at Verona, where he 

Grand Duke of Tuscany, Leopold II. granted 
a liberal constitution to his 

recalled the Neapolitan army, which had 
already advanced to the Po. The summons 
was obeyed except by 2,000 men, with 
whom General Pepe re- 
inforced the Venetian 
contingent. This change 
materially diminished the 
danger which had threat- 
ened Radetzky's left 
flank ; he was now able 
to take the offensive 
against the Sardinian 
army, and advanced 
against Curtatone and 
G o i t o from Mantua, 
whither he had arrived 
on May 28th with two 
corps and part of the 
reserves. He proposed 
to relieve Peschiera, 
which was invested by 
the Duke of Genoa ; but 
people, and the garrisou had received 

came into touch with the thought he had satisfied aii their demands, but no news of the advaucc 
main army on May 22nd. ^ '■""°" ^'°^'' °"'' ^'"^ ^" ^^'^ '° ^^"*^- 'of the main army, and were 
Meanwhile, the monarchical government forced from lack of provisions to surrender 
in Naples had succeeded in defeating on May 30th. However, after a fierce 
the Republicans, and the king accordincrlv strn^yle at Monte Berico on June loth in 

The town ol Messina, which in 1908 was the scene of a destructive earthquake, suffered severely in September 1848, 
durmg the nsmg of Italy agamst Austria. Under the bombardment of General Filangieri, the town was exposed 
to a heavy fire, many houses were destroyed and burned, and thousands of dead bodies lay in the streets. 


In this picture there is represented the meeting of the two principals in the war between Sardinia and Austria, Victor 
Emmanuel II. and Count Radetzky, which took place on March 24th, 1849, at the farmstead of Vignale. An armistice 
was agreed to on conditions which were to serve as the basis of a peace, finally concluded in the following August. 

From the painting by Aldi, in the Palace of the Siynory, Siena 

which Colonel von Kopal, the Roland of the 
Austrian army, was killed, Radetzky 
captured Vicenza, General Durando being 
allowed to retreat with the Roman and 
Tuscan troops. They were joined by the 
" crociati," crusaders, who had occupied 
Treviso. Padua was also evacuated by 
the revolutionaries, and almost the whole 
of the Venetian province was thus re- 
covered by the Austrians. Fresh re- 
inforcements from Austria were employed 
in the formation of a second reserve 
corps under General von Welden on the 
Piave ; this force was to guard Venetia 
on the land side. 

At this period the provisional govern- 
ment in Milan offered the Lombard- 
Venetian crown to the King of Sardinia. 


Charles Albert might reasonably hope to 
wear it, as the Austrian Government, 
which had retired to Innsbruck on the 
renewal of disturbances in Vienna, showed 
some inclination to conclude an armistice 
in Italy. Britain and France, however, 
had declared the surrender by Austria of 
the Italian provinces to be an indispens- 
able preliminary to peace negotiations. 

Radetzky hesitated to begin negotiations 
for this purpose, and remained firm in 
his resolve to continue the war, for which 
he made extensive preparations in the 
course of June and July, 1848. He formed 
a third army corps in South Tyrol, under 
Count Thurn, a fourth in Legnago, under 
General von Culoz, and was then able 
with the two corps already on foot to 


In the hope oi re-establishing her ancient form of government under the pre^ 
revolt- against Austria in 184S, but after a fifteen months' siege of the city the Aus 

Krom the drawing by W. GiacoincUi 

1 Venice rose in 
uu^pelled it to capitulate. 

women anH^h^HrlnL-"?^ u ^^"'^^ '" ^il'^i'' 'T""^*^ against Austria was shared by all classes, even the | 
Z?hT.%ni^^^^ desiring to have some part m the struggle for liberty, and bringing their jewels, as shown 
m the above picture, to raise money for tlie defence of the city against the attack of their hat4d enem ^! J 



attack the king in his entrenchments at 
Sona and Sommacampagna. Operations 
began here on July 23rd, and ended on the 
25th with the Battle of Custozza. The 
king was defeated, and Radetzky secured 
command of the whole line of the Mincio. 

Charles Albert now made proposals for 
an armistice. Radetzky's demands, how- 
ever, were such as the king found impos- 
sible to entertain. He was forced to 
give up the line of the Adda, which the 
field- marshal crossed with three army 
corps on August ist without a struggle. 
The Battle of Milan on the 4th so clearly 
demonstrated the incapacity of the Pied- 
montese troops that the king must have 
welcomed the rapidity of the Austrian 
advance as facilitating his escape from the 
raging mob with its cries of treason. 
Radetzky entered Milan on 
August 6th and was well 
received by some part of the 
population. Peschiera was 
evacuated on the loth. With 
the exception of Venice, the 
kingdom of the double crown 
had now been restored to the 
emperor. An armistice was 
concluded between Austria 
and Sardinia on August 9th 
for six weeks ; it was pro- 
longed by both sides, though 
without formal stipulation, 
through the autumn of 1848 
and the winter of 1848-1849. 

In Tuscany the Grand Duke 
Leopold II. thought he 

Rightly called " the saviour of the 
Monarchy," this great marshal led 
the forces of Austria to one success 

persecutions of the 'thirties, harassed the 
Austrians with the adherents who had 
gathered round them. They operated in 
the neighbourhood of Lago Maggiore, 
where they could easily withdraw into 
Swiss territory, and also stirred their 
associates in Piedmont to fresh activity. 
King Charles Albert saw that a renewal 
R d t k ^^ ^^^ campaign against the 
P . . ^ Austrians was the only means 
v ^ '• of avoiding the revolution with 
which he also was threatened. 
He had, therefore, by dint of energetic 
preparation, succeeded in raising his army 
to 100,000 men. He rightly saw that a 
victory would bring all the patriots over 
to his side ; but he had no faith in this 
possibiUty, and announced the termina- 
tion of the armistice on March 12th, 
1849, ^^ 3. tone of despair. 
Radetzky had long expected 
this move, and, far from 
being taken unawares, had 
made preparations to surprise 
his adversary. Instead of 
retiring to the Adda, as the 
Sardinian had expected, he 
started from Lodi with 58,000 
men and 186 guns, and made 
a turn to the right upon Pavia. 
On March 20th he crossed the 
Ticino and moved upon 
Mortara, while Charles Albert 
made a corresponding man- 
oeuvre at Buffalora and 
entered Lombard territory 
at Magenta. He had en- 

1 1 lii j'f-iji [ne lorces 01 rtusiria 1.0 one success , .1,1 j ^ 1. • 

had completely satisfied the after another during the itahan trusted the command 01 his 
national and political desires "^'"^^ ^""^ «i"«"«<* **>« Revolution, ^^.j^^y ^q ^^e Polish revolu- 

of his people by the grant of a liberal con- 
stitution and by the junction of his troops 
with the Piedmont army. Since the time of 
the great Medici, this fair province had 
never been so prosperous as under the mild 
rule of the Hapsburg grand duke ; but 
the Republicans gave it no rest. They 
seized the harbour of Livorno and also 
Fl" ht fth ^^^^ govermnent of Florence 
g'* dD k* ^^ February, 1849, under the 

, , . „ leadership of Mazzini's follower, 
Leopold II. T^ ^T^ • /- • 

t rancesco Domemco Guerrazzi, 

whom Leopold was forced to appoint 

Minister. The grand duke fled to Gaeta, 

where Pope Pius IX. had sought refuge 

at the end of November, 1848, from the 

Republicans, who were besieging him in 

the Quirinal. Mazzini and his friend 

Giuseppe Garibaldi, who had led a life of 

adventure in South America after the 

tionary general, Adalbert Chrzanowski, 
whose comrade, Ramorino, led a division 
formed of Lombard fugitives. Radetzky's 
bold flank movement had broken the con- 
nection of the Sardinian forces ; Chrzan- 
owski was forced hastily to despatch two 
divisions to Vigevano and Mortara to check 
the Austrian advance, which was directed 
against the Sardinian line of retreat. 

The stronghold of Mortara was captured 
on March 21st by the corps d'Aspre, the 
first division of which was led by the 
Archduke Albert. The Sardinian leaders 
were then forced to occupy Novara with 
54,000 men and 122 guns, their troops 
available at the moment. Tactically the 
position was admirable, and here they 
awaited the decisive battle. Retreat to 
Vercelli was impossible, in view of the 
advancing Austrian columns. 



'%n March 23rd Radetzky despatched 
his four corps to converge upon Novara. 
About II a.m. the Archduke Albert began 
the attack upon the heights of Bicocca, 
which formed the key to the Itahan 
position. For four hours 15,000 men held 
out against 50,000, until the corps ad- 
vancing on the road from Vercelli were 
„. able to come into action at 

mg an 3 p.m. This movement decided 
ncra & ^ he struggle. In the evening the 

Conference c- ... 0° • . j ? 

Sardmians were ejected from 
the heights of Novara and retired within 
the town, which was at once bombarded. 
The tactical arrangement of the Italians 
was ruined by the disorder of their con- 
verging columns, and many soldiers were 
able to take to flight. Further resistance 
was impossible, and the king demanded 
an armistice of Radetzky, which was 
refused. Charles Albert now abdicated, 
resigning his crown to Victor Emmanuel, 
Duke of Savoy, his heir, who happened 
to be present. During the night he was 
allowed to pass through the Austrian 
lines and to make his way to Tuscany. 

On the morning of March 24th, King 
Victor Emmanuel had a conversation with 
Radetzky in the farmstead of Vignale, 
and arranged an armistice on conditions 
which were to serve as the basis of a 
future peace. The status quo ante in 
respect of territorial possession was to 
be restored ; the field-marshal waived 
the right of marching into Turin, 
which lay open to him, but re- 
tained the Lomellina, the country be- 
tween the Ticino and the Sesia, which he 
occupied with 21,000 men until the con- 
clusion of the peace. It was stipulated 
that Sardinia should withdraw her ships 
from the Adriatic and her troops from 
Tuscany, Parma, and Modena, and should 
forthwith disband the Hungarian, Polish, 
and Lombard volunteer corps serving with 
the army. Brescia, which the Republicans 
had occupied after the retreat of the 
G "h w Austrians from Milan, was 
^trlt. J stormed on April ist by General 

Withdraws TT ^ , , -^ , , 

irom Rome ^°" Haynau, who brought up 
his reserve corps from Padua. 
In the preceding battles the Italians had 
committed many cruelties upon Austrian 
prisoners and wounded soldiers. For this 
reason the conquerors gave no quarter to 
the defenders of the town ; all who were 
caught in arms were cut down, and the 
houses burned from which firing had pro- 
ceeded. With the defeat of Sardinia the 


Italian nationalist movement became pur- 
poseless. The restoration of constitutional 
government in the Church States, Tuscany, 
and the duchies was opposed only by the 
democrats. Their resistance was, however, 
speedily broken by the Austrian troops, 
Bologna and Ancona alone necessitating 
special efforts ; the former was occupied on 
May 15th, the latter on the 19th. Under 
Garibaldi's leadership Rome offered a 
vigorous resistance to the French and Nea- 
politans, who were attempting to secure the 
restoration of the Pope at his own desire. 
The French general Victor Oudinot, a 
son of the marshal of that name under 
Napoleon I., was obliged to invest the 
Eternal City in form from June ist to 
July 3rd with 20,000 men, until the 
population perceived the hopelessness of 
defence and forced Garibaldi to withdraw 
with 3,000 Republicans. From the date 
of her entry into Rome until the year i866, 
and again from 1867 to 1870, France 
maintained a garrison in the town for the 
protection of the Pope. Venice continued 
to struggle longest for her independence. 
Manin rejected the summons to surrender 
even after he had received in- 


formation of the overthrow and 
abdication of Charles Albert. 

The Austrians were compelled to 
drive parallels against the fortifications 
in the lagoons, of which Fort Malghera 
was the most important, and to bombard 
them continuously. It was not until 
communication between the town and the 
neighbouring coast line was entirely cut 
ofl by a flotilla of rowing boats that the 
failure of provisions and supplies forced 
the town council to surrender. 

Italy was thus unable to free herself by 
her own efforts. Since the summer of 
1848 the Austrian Government had been 
forced to find troops for service against 
the rebels in Hungary. It was not until 
the autumn that the capital of Vienna 
had been cleared of rioters ; yet Austria 
had been able to provide the forces neces- 
sary to crush the Italian poWer. Her 
success was due to the generalship and 
capacity of the great marshal, who is 
rightly called the saviour of the monarchy, 
and in no less degree to the admirable 
spirit, fidelity, and devotion of the officers, 
and to the superior bravery and endurance 
of the German and Slav troops. High as 
the national enthusiasm of the Italians 
rose, it could never compensate for their 
lack of discipline and military capacity. 











nPHE struggle between Italy and Austria 
■■• may be considered as inevitable ; each 
side staked its resources upon a justifiable 
venture. The same cannot be said of the 
Hungarian campaign. Under no urgent 
necessity, without the proposition of any 
object of real national value, blood was 
uselessly and wantonly shed, and the most 
lamentable aberrations and political 
blunders were committed. The result was 
more than a decade of bitter suffering, 
both for the Magyars and for the other 
peoples of the Hapsburg monarchy. 

Such evils are due to the fact that 
revolutions never succeed in establish- 
ing a situation in any way tolerable; 
they burst the bonds of oppression and 
avenge injustice, but interrupt the normal 
course of development and of constitutional 
progress, thereby postponing improve- 
ments perfectly attainable in themselves. 
Both in Vienna and in Hungary the month 
of March had been a time of great con- 
fusion. In the sudden excite- 
ment of the population and the 
vacillation of the Government, 
rights had been extorted and 
were recognised ; but their exercise was 
impeded, if not absolutely prevented, by 
the continued existence of the state. In 
Vienna the most pressing questions were the 
right of the students to carry arms and to 
enter public life ; in Hungary, the creation 
of a special war office and an exchequer 
board of unlimited power. 

The students were the leading spirits of 
political life in Vienna. There was no con- 
stitutional matter, no question of national 
or administrative policy, in which they had 
not interfered and advanced their demands 
in the name of the people. Movementsin the 
capital, the seat of government, were there- 
fore characterised by a spirit of immaturity, 
or., rather, of childishness. Quiet and 
deliberate discussion on business methods 
was unknown, every conclusion was re- 
jected as soon as made, and far-sighted men 
of experience and knowledge of admini- 



and Hungary 

strative work were refused a hearing. 

Fluent and empty-headed demagogues, 

acquainted with the art of theatrical rant, 

enjoyed the favour of the excitable middle 

and working classes, and unfortunately 

were too often allowed a determining voice 

g and influence in government 

„ ,.^.''. circles. Any systematic and 
Politicians f , -^ ■< , , , . , . 

. y. purposeful exercise of the rights 

that had been gained was, under 
these circumstances, impossible, for no one 
could, appreciate the value of these con- 
cessions. Like children crying for the moon, 
they steadily undermined constituted 
authority and could put nothing in its place. 
The students were seduced and exploited 
by ignorant journalists, aggressive hot- 
headed men, inspired with all Bome's 
hatred of monarchical institutions ; any 
sensible proposal was obscured by a veil of 
Heine-like cynicism. To the journalists 
must be added the grumblers and the base- 
born, who hoped to secure lucrative posts 
by overthrowing the influence of the more 
respectable and conscientious men. These 
so-called "Democrats" gained the considera- 
tion even of the prosperous classes by reason 
of their association with the students, who 
represented popular feehng. 

They controlled the countless clubs 
and unions of the National Guard in 
the suburbs, and stirred up the working 
classes, which in Vienna were in the 
depths of political ignorance ; they had 
been, moreover, already inflamed by the 
emissaries which the revolutionary societies 
sent out into France, Switzerland, and 
West Germany, and were inspired with the 
wildest dreams of the approach 
of a new era, bringing freedom, 
licence, and material enjoy- 
ment in boundless measure. 
Together with the Jews, the Poles also 
attained to great importance, especially 
after the disturbances in the Polish 
districts of Austria had been crushed by 
the energies of Count Franz Stadion, 
governor of Galicia, and of the town 


Dream of 

a New Era 


commandant of Cracow. The agitators who 
were there thrown out of employment 
received a most brilliant reception at 
Vienna, and their organisation of " light- 
ning petitions " and street parades soon 
made them indispensable. On April 25th, 
1848, was published the Constitution of 
Pillersdorf, a hastily constructed scheme, 
but not without merit ; on May 9th, 
the election arrangements followed. Both 
alike were revolutionary ; they disregarded 
the rights of the Landtag, and far from 
attempting to remodel existing material, 
created entirely new institutions in accord- 
ance with the political taste prevailing at 
the moment. Cen- 
tralisation was a fun- 
damental principle of 
these schemes ; they 
presupposed the ex- 
istence of a united 
territorial empire 
under uniform ad- 
ministration, from 
which only Hungary 
and the Lombard- 
Venetian kingdom 
were tacitly excluded. 
The Reichstag was to 
consist of a Senate 
and a Chamber of 
Deputies. The Senate 
was to include male 
members of the im- 
perial house over 
twenty-four years of 
age, an undetermined 
number of life-mem- 
bers nominated by 
the emperor, and 150 
representatives from 
among the great land- 
owners: in the Cham- 

enemies of the people, to be crushed, 
muzzled, and stripped of their rights. 

Popular dissatisfaction at the constitu- 
tion was increased by the dismissal of the 
Minister of War, Lieutenant Field-Marshal 
Peter Zanini, and the appointment of 
Count Theodor Baillet de Latour on April 
28th. The former was a narrow-minded 
scion of the middle class, and incapable of 
performing his duties, for which reason he 
enjoyed the confidence of the Democrats. 
The latter was a general of distinguished 
theoretical and practical attainments, 
and popular with the army ; these facts 
and his title made him an object of suspicion 
to the "people." At 
the beginning of May 
the people proceeded 
to display their dis- 
satisfaction with the 
ministerial president, 
Count Karl Ficquel- 
mont, by the howls 
and whistling of the 
students. On May 
14th the students 
fortified themselves 
with inflammatory 
speeches in the aula 
and allied themselves 
with the working 
classes ; on the 15th 
they burst into the 
imperial castle and 
surprised Pillersdorf, 
who gave way with- 
out a show of resist- 
ance, acting on the 
false theory that the 
chief task of the 
Government was to 
avoid any immediate 
conflict. Concessions 


Leader of the Hungarian Revolution, Louis Kossuth was 

gifted with wonderful eloquence, and was able to impart 

his own enthusiasm to the people whom he led. He was 

ber thirty-one towns appointed provisional Governor of Hungary after the were granted 

and electoral districts National Assembly had declared the throne vacant, yidiug for the 

of 50,000 inhabitants each were to appoint 


383 deputies through their delegates. 

From the outset the Radicals were 
opposed to a senate and the system of 
indirect election ; the true spirit of free- 
dom demanded one Chamber and direct 
election without reference to property 
or taxation burdens. Such a system was 
the expression of the people's rights, for 
the " people " consisted, naturally, of 
Democrats. All the moderate men, all 
who wished to fit the people for their re- 
sponsibilities by some political education, 
were aristocrats, and aristocrats were 


mation of a central committee of the de- 
mocratic unions,, the occupation of half the 
outposts by National Guards, and the 
convocation of a " Constituent Reichstag " 
with one Chamber. 

The imperial family, which could no 
longer expect protection in its own house 
from the Ministry, left Vienna on May 17th 
and went to Innsbruck,, where it was 
out of reach of the Democrats and 
their outbursts of temper, and could more 
easily join hands with the Italian army. 
It was supported, from June 3rd, by 
Johann von Wessenberg, Minister of 


Foreign Affairs, a diplomatist of the old 
federal period, but of wide education and 
clever enough to see that in critical 
times success is only to be attained by 
boldness of decision and a certain spirit of 
daring. After Radetzky's victory on the 
Mincio he speedily convinced himself 
that compliance with the desires of France 
and Britain for the cession of the Lom- 
bard-Venetian kingdom would be an 
absolute error — one, too, which would 
arouse discontent and irritation in the 
army, and so affect the conclusion of the 
domestic difficulty ; he therefore decisively 
rejected the interposition of the Western 
Powers in the Italian question. 

Wessenberg accepted as seriously meant 
the emperor's repeated declarations of his 
desire to rule his kingdom constitutionally. 
As long as he possessed the confidence of 
the court he affirmed that this resolve 
must be carried out at all costs, even 
though it should be necessary to use force 
against the risings and revolts of the 
Radical Party. He was unable to secure as 
early a return to Vienna as he had hoped ; 
hence he was obliged to make what use 
. . he could of the means at his 

re ue disposal by entrusting the Arch- 
^ jj duke Johann with the regency 

during the emperor's absence. 
The regent's influence was of no value ; at 
that time he was summoned to conduct 
the business of Germany at Frankfort-oh- 
Main, and his action in Vienna was in con- 
sequence irregular and undertaken without 
full knowledge of the circumstances. 

On July i8th the Archduke Johann, 
as representing the emperor, formed a 
Ministry, the president being the pro-- 
gressive landowner Anton von Doblhoff. 
The advocate Dr. Alexander Bach, who 
had previously belonged to the popular 
party, was one of the members. The 
elections to the Reichstag were begun after 
Prince Alfred of Windisch-Graetz, the 
commander of the imperial troops in Bo- 
hemia, had successfully and rapidly sup- 
pressed a revolt at Prague which was 
inspired by the first Slav Congress. This 
achievement pacified Bohemia. On July 
loth the deputies of the Austrian provinces 
met for preliminary discussion. 

The claims of the different nationalities 
to full equality caused a difficulty with 
respect to the language in which business 
should be discussed ; objections were ad- 
vanced against any show of preference for 
German, the only language suitable to the 

purpose. However, the necessity of a rapid 
interchange of ideas, and dislike of the 
wearisome process of translation through 
an interpreter, soon made German the 
sole medium of communication, in spite of 
the protests raised by the numerous 
Polish peasants, who had been elected in 
Galicia against the desires of the nobility. 
The most pressing task, of 
State*r ^^^^ting the Austrian Constitu- 
jjyj^ tion, was entrusted to a com- 
^^^ mittee on July 31st ; the yet 
more urgent necessity of furthering and 
immediately strengthening the executive 
power was deferred till the committee 
should have concluded its deliberations. The 
Ministry was reduced to impotence in conse- 
quence, and even after the emperor's return 
to Schonbrunn, on August 12th, its posi- 
tion was as unstable as it was unimportant. 

While these events were taking place in 
Vienna a new state had been created in 
Hungary, which was not only independent 
of Austria, but soon showed itself openly 
hostile to her. For this, two reasons may 
be adduced : in the first place, misconcep- 
tions as to the value and reliability of 
the demands advanced by the national 
spokesmen ; and, secondly, the precipitate 
action of the Government, which had made 
concessions without properly estimating 
their results. The Magyars were them- 
selves unequal to the task of transforming 
their feudal state into a constitutional 
body poUtic of the modem type as rapidly 
as they desired. 

They had failed to observe that the appli- 
cation of the principle of personal freedom 
to their existing political institutions 
would necessarily bring to light national 
claims of a nature to imperil their para- 
mountcy in their own land, or that, in 
the inevitable struggle for this paramount 
position, the support of Austria and of the 
reigning house would be of great value. 
With their characteristic tendency to over- 
estimate their powers, they deemed them- 
—^ selves capable of founding a 

The Magyars g^ropean power at one stroke. 
uemand j^^^ impetuosity further in- 

Independence ^^^^^ ^^e difficulties of their 

position. They were concerned only with 
the remodelling of domestic organisation, 
but they strove to loose, or rather to burst 
asunder, the political and economic ties 
which for centuries had united them to the 
German hereditary possessions of their 
ruUng house. They demanded an inde- 
pendence which they had lost on the day 



of the Battle of Mohacs. They deprived 
their king of rights which had been the 
indisputable possession of every one of his 
crowned ancestors. Such were, the supreme 
command of his army, to which Hungary 
contributed a number of men, though 
sending no individual contingents; the 
supreme right over the coinage and 
currency, which was a part of the royal 
prerogative, and had been personally and 
therefore uniformly employed by the 
representatives of the different sovereign- 
ties composing the Hapsburg power. 

The legal code confirmed by the emperor 
and King Ferdinand at the dissolution of 
the old Reichstag, on April loth, 1848, not 
only recognised the existing rights of the 
Kingdom of Hungary, but contained 
concessions from the emperor which 
endangered and indeed destroyed the old 
personal union with Austria. Of these the 
chief was the grant of an independent 
Ministry, and the union of Hungary and 
Transylvania without any obligation of 
service to the Crown, without the recog- 
nition of any community of interests, 
without any stipulation for such co-opera- 
tion as might be needed to secure the 
existence of the joint 

In Croatia, Slavonia, 
in the Banat, and in the 
district of Bacska in- 
habited by the Servians, 
the Slavonic nationalist 
movement broke into 
open revolt against Mag- 
yar self-aggrandisement ; 
the Hungarian Ministry 
then demanded the recall 
of all Hungarian troops 
from the Itahan army, 
from Moravia and Galicia, 
in order to quell the 
" anarchy " prevailing at 
home. The Imperial 

Government now dis- francis Joseph i. 

covered that in conceding Bom in 1830, he became Emperor of Austria doubtcdly 

an "independent" war in i848, succeeding his uncle Ferdinand i.. who sobrietv of DoUtical iudg- 

ment, and his powers 

attitude of Hungary on the financial 
question, wherein she showed no inclina- 
tion to consider the needs of the whole 
community. She owed her political exist- 
ence to German victories over the 
Turks, but in her selfishness would not save 
„ , Austria from bankruptcy by 

n^^^^^l,^ accepting a quarter of the 
Debtto German ,.^ ,", , /^ , , . 
V , • national debt and making a 

Victories r , r ? 

yearly payment of five 
million dollars to meet the interest. The 
majority of the Ministry of Batthyany, 
to which the loyalist Franz von Deak 
belonged, were by no means anxious to 
bring about a final separation between 
Hungary and Austria ; they were even 
ready to grant troops to the court for ser- 
vice in the Itahan war, if the Imperial 
Government would support Hungarian 
action against the malcontent Croatians. 

In May, Count Batthyany hastened to the 
Imperial Court at Innsbruck and suc- 
ceeded in allaying the prevaihng apprehen- 
sions. The court was inclined to purchase 
Hungarian adherence to the dynasty and 
the empire by compliance in all questions 
affecting the domestic affairs of Hungary. 
But it soon became clear that Batthyany 
and his associates did not 
represent public feeling, 
which was entirely led 
by the fanatical agitator 
Kossuth, who was not 
to be appeased by the 
of^er of the portfoho of 
finance in Batthyany's 

Louis Kossuth was a 
man of extravagant en- 
thusiasm, endowed with 
great histrionic powers, a 
rhetorician who was apt 
to be carried away by 
the torrent of his own 
eloquence, a type of the 
revolutionary apostle an 1 
martyr. He was un- 
lacking in 

ministry to Hungary they ^^i "^f" compelled to abd cate. The above 

-' - o - •' . •' Dortrait was taken about the 

had surrendered the 
unity of the army, and so lost the main 
prop of the monarchical power. The 
difficulty was incapable of solution by 
peaceful methods ; a struggle could only 
be avoided by the voluntary renunciation 
on the part of Hungary of a right she 
had extorted but a moment before. 
No less intolerable was the independent 


portrait was taken about the year 18 lU. 

were never exerted with 
full effect except under the s+ress of high 
excitement ; he seems, indeed, to have 
been one of those who realise themselves 
only at the moment when thay feel that 
the will of great masses of men has 
fallen completely under the sway of their 
own passion of eloquence. The ambitions 
of such men can never be satisfied in any 


arena less than that in which national 
destinies are staked. Kossuth did not 
enter on his political career from motives 
of personal aggrandisement, with a de- 
liberate intention of overthrowing the 
Hapsburg rule in order that he might 
become the presiding genius and authori- 
tative chief of a Hungarian Republic ; 
but it can hardly be 
questioned that this 
would have been the out- 
come of the movement 
which he originated, had 
it been carried to a suc- 
cessful issue with Kossuth 
at its head. 

For such national rights 
as the Magyars could 
claim for themselves full 
provision was made by 
the Constitution, which 
they had devised on 
liberal principles, abolish- 
ing the existing privileges 
of the nobility and cor- 
porations ; every freedom 
was thus provided for 
the development of their 
strength and individu- 
aUty. On July 2nd, 1848, kossuth in later life 

paper for the same amount ; he then 

demanded further credit to the extent of 

21,000,000 dollars, to equip a national 

army of 200,000 men. He even attempted 

to determine the foreign policy of the 

emperor-king. Austria was to cede all 

Italian territory as far as the Etsch, and, 

as regarded her German provinces, to 

bow to the decisions of 

the central power m 

Frankfort. In case of 

dispute with this power 

she was not to look to 

Hungary for support. 

Such a point of view 

was wholly incompatible 

with the traditions and 

the European prestige of 

the House of Hapsburg ; 

to yield would have been 

to resign the position of 

permanency and to begin 

the disruption of the 


It was to be feared that 
Hungarian aggression 
could be met only by 
force. The federal allies, 
who had already prepared 
for what they saw would 

the Reichstag elected For some years Kossuth resided in England, be a hard Struggle, Were 

under the new Constitu- ^l"* above portrait showing him during his j^^^ appreciated at their 

,. , . ,, ,-^, stay in that country. He died in the year 1894^ ^-^ — 

tion met together. The 

great task before it was the satisfaction 

of the other nationalities, the Slavs, Rou- 
manians, and Saxons, living on Hungarian 
soil ; their acquiescence in the Magyar 
predominance was to be secured without 
endangering the unity of the kingdom, by 
means of laws for national defence, and of 
other innovations making for prosperitj'. 

Some clear definition of the connection 
between Hungary and Austria was also 
necessary if their common sovereign was 
to retain his prestige in Europe ; and it 
was of the first importance to allay the 
apprehensions of the court with regard to 
the fidelity, the subordination, and devo- 
tion of the Magyars. Kossuth, however, 

V XV . brought before the Reichstag 

Kossuth s V t 111 

D A tiK ^ series of proposals calcula- 

g . . ted to shatter the confidence 

which Batthyany had exerted 

himself to restore during his repeated visits 

to Innsbruck. The Austrian national bank 

had offered to advance six and a quarter 

million dollars in notes for the purposes of 

the Hungarian Government. This proposal 

Kossuth declined, and issued Hungarian 

true value. They in- 
cluded the Servians and Croatians, who 
were already in open revolt against the 
Magyars, and had been organised into a 
military force by Georg Stratimirovt. 
The Banace of Croatia was a dignity in 
the gift of the king, though his nominee 
was responsible to Hungary. Since the 
outbreak of the revolution the position 
had been held by an Austrian general 
upon the military frontier — Jellacic. 

Though no professional diplomatist, he 
performed a master-stroke of policy in 
securing to the support of the dynasty the 
southern Slav movement fostered by the 
"Great Illyrian" party. He supported 
the majority of the Agram Landtag in 
their efforts to secure a separation from 
Hungary, thereby exposing himself to 
the violent denunciations of Batthyany's 
Ministry, which demanded his deposition. 
These outcries he disregarded, and 
pacified the court by exhorting the 
frontier regiments serving under Radetzky 
to remain true tp their colours and 
to give their lives for the glory of 
Austria. The approbation of his comrades 



in the imperial army strengthened him in 
the conviction that it was his destiny to 
save the army and the Imperial house. He 
formed a Croatian army of 40,000 men, 
which was of no great military value, 
though its numbers, its impetuosity, and 
its extraordinary armament made it for- 
midable. The victories of the Italian 
_. _ , armv and the reconquest of 

nswer Imperial Court. On August 

12th the emperor returned to 
the summer palace of Schonbrunn, near 
Vienna, and proceeded to direct his policy 
in the conviction that he had an armed 
force on which he could rely, as it was now 
possible to reconcentrate troops by degrees 
in different parts of the empire. On August 
31st, 1848, an Imperial decree was issued to 
the palatine Archduke Stephen, who had 
hitherto enjoyed full powers as the royal 
representative in Hungary and Transyl- 
vania ; the contents of the decree referred 
to the necessity of enforcing the Prag- 
matic Sanction. Such was the answer 
to the preparations begun by Kossuth. 

This decree, together with a note from the 
Austrian Ministry upon the constitutional 
relations between Austria and Hungary, 
was at once accepted by Kossuth as a 
declaration of war, and was made the 
occasion of measures equivalent to open 
revolt. On September nth the Minister 
of Finance in a fiery speech, which roused 
his auditors to a frenzied excitement, de- 
clared himself ready to assume the 
dictatorship on the retirement of Bat- 
thyany's Ministry. On the same day the 
Croatian army crossed the Drave and 
advanced upon Lake Flatten. 

The Vienna Democrats, who might con- 
sider themselves masters of the capital, 
had been won over to federal alliance with 
Hungary. The most pressing necessity 
was the restoration of a strong govern- 
ment which would secure respect for estab- 
lished authority, freedom of deliberation 

1 1 1 • » * to the Reichstag, and power 
Illiterate , , -7° ■, ^^ 

jj^ . . to carry out its conclusions. 

the'^ReicVs'Jag J^^ Reichstag, however pre- 
ferred to discuss a superficial 
and ill-conceived motion brought forward 
by Hans Kudlich, the youthful deputy from 
Silesia, for releasing peasant holdings from 
the burdens imposed on them by the over- 
lords. The work of this Reichstag, which 
contained a large number of illiterate 
deputies from Galicia, may be estimated 
from the fact that it showed a strong in- 


clination to put the question of compensa- 
tion on one side. Dr. Alexander Bach was 
obliged to exert all his influence and that 
of the Ministry to secure a recognition of 
the fundamental principle, that the relief 
of peasant holdings should be carried out 
in legal form. The " people " of Vienna 
took little part in these negotiations ; 
their attention was concentrated upon the 
noisy outcries of the Democrats, who were 
in connection not only with the radical 
element of the Frankfort Parliament, but 
also with Hecker and his associates. 

As early as the middle of September a 
beginning was made with the task 
of fomenting disturbances among the 
working classes, and the retirement of the 
Ministry was demanded. Great excite- 
ment was created by the arrival of a large 
deputation from the Hungarian Reichstag, 
with which the riotous Viennese formed the 
tie of brotherhood in a festive celebration 
on September i6th. The Hungarians were 
able to count upon the friendship of the 
Austrian revolutionaries after their mani- 
festations of open hostility to the court. 
The Hungarian difficulty weakened the 
_ impression made by Radetzky's 

a ica victories, and radical minds 
opes o a g^gg^jj^ conceived hopes of over- 
epu ic throwing the Imperial house 
and forming a Federal Danube Republic. 
At the request of the archduke palatine, 
Count Louis Batthyany made another 
attempt to form a constitutional Ministry 
on September 17th, with the object of 
abolishing Kossuth's dictatorship ; how- 
ever, no practical result was achieved. 

The die had been already cast, and the 
military party had established the necessity 
of restoring the imperial authority in Hun- 
gary by force of drms. The Archduke 
Stephen attempted to bring about a 
meeting with Jellacic, to induce him to 
evacuate Hungarian territory, but the 
banus excused himself ; at the same time 
the palatine was informed that Field- 
Marshal Lamberg had been appointed 
commander-in-chief of the imperial troops 
in Hungary, and that the banus was under 
his orders. This was a measure entirely 
incompatible with the then existing Con- 
stitution. The archduke recognised that 
he would be forced to violate his constitu- 
tional obligations as a member of the 
Imperial house ; he therefore secretly 
abandoned the country and betook him- 
self to his possessions in Schaumberg 
without making any stay in Vienna. 


When Count Lamberg attempted to take 
up his post in the Hungarian capital he fell 
into the hands of Kossuth's most desperate 
adherents, and was cruelly murdered on 
September 28th, 1848, at the new suspen- 
sion bridge which unites Pesth and Ofen. 
An irreparable breach with the dynasty 
was thus made, and the civil war began. 
At the end of September the Hungarian 
national troops under General Moga, a force 
chiefly composed of battalions of the line, 
defeated Jellacic and advanced into Lower 
Austria. They were speedily followed by 
a Hungarian army which proposed to co- 
operate with the revolted Viennese, who were 
also fighting against the public authorities. 

It was on October 6th, 1848, that the 
Viennese mob burst into open revolt, the 
occasion being the march of a grenadier 
battalion of the northern railway station 
for service against the Hungarians. The 
democratic conspirators had been stirred 
up in behalf of republicanism by Johannes 
Ronge, Julius Frobel, and Karl Tausenau ; 
they had done their best to inflame the 
masses, had unhinged the minds of the 
populace to the point of rebellion, and 
made the maintenance of public 

c mis er ^j-^gj. impossible. The uproar 
A 'id spread throughout the city, 
and the Minister of War, Count 
Latour, was murdered. The Radical 
deputies, Lohner, Borrosch, Fischhof, 
Schuselka, and others now perceived that 
they had been playing with fire and had 
burnt their fingers. They were responsible 
for the murder, in so far cis they were 
unable to check the atrocities of the mob, 
which they had armed. 

Once again the Imperial family aban- 
doned the faithless capital and took refuge 
in the archbishop's castle at Olmiitz. The 
immediate task before the Government 
was to overpower the repubUcan and 
anarchist movement in Vienna. In 
Olmiitz the Government was represented 
by Wessenberg, and was also vigorously 
supported by Prince Felix Schwarzenberg, 
who had hastened to the court from 
Radetzky's camp. He had been employed 
not only on military service, but also in 
diplomatic duties in Turin and Naples. 

He declared for the maintenance of the 
constitutional monarchy, and supported 
the decree drafted by Wessenberg, to 
the effect that full support and un- 
limited power of action should be 
accorded to the Reichstag summoned to 
Kremsier for discussion with the Imperial 

advisers upon some mutually acceptable 
form of constitution for the empire. 
There was strong feeling in favour of 
placing all power in the hands of Prince 
Alfred Windisch-Graetz, and establishing 
a military dictatorship in his person, with 
the abolition of all representative bodies ; 
but for the moment this idea was not 
-, . . realised. Windisch-Graetz was 

the'Rcvolt ^PPoii^ted field-marshal and 
in Vienna commander-in-chief of all the 

imperial forces outside Italy, 
and undertook the task of crushing the revolt 
in Vienna and Hungary. The subjugation 
of Vienna was an easy task. 

The garrison, consisting of troops of 
the line under Auersperg, had withdrawn 
into a secure position outside the city 
on October 7th, where they joined hands 
with the troops of the banus Jellacic on 
the Leitha. These forces gradually pene- 
trated the suburbs of Vienna. On October 
2ist the army of Prince Windisch-Graetz, 
marching from Moravia, arrived at the 
Danube, crossed the river at Nussdorf, 
and advanced with Auersperg and Jellacic 
upon the walls which enclosed Vienna. 

The Democrats in power at Vienna, who 
had secured the subservience of the 
members of the Reichstag remaining in 
the city, showed the courage of bigotry. 
They rejected the demands of Windisch- 
Graetz, who. required their submission, 
the surrender of the War Minister's 
murderers, and the dissolution of the 
students' committees and of the demo- 
cratic unions; they determined to defend 
Vienna until Hungary came to their help. 
Robert Blum, who, with Julius Frobel, had 
brought an address from the Frankfort 
Democrats to Vienna, was a leading figure 
in the movement for resistance. Wenzel 
Messenhauser, the commander of the 
National Guard, undertook the conduct 
of the defence, and headed a division of 
combatants in person. The general 
assault was delivered on October 28th. 

Only in the Praterstern and in 

th*P^* t*'^f ^^^ Jagerzeile was any serious 

e °*^ ° resistance encountered. By 

evening almost all the barri- 
cades in the suburbs had been carried, and 
the troops were in possession of the 
streets leading over the glacis to the bas- 
tions of the inner city. 

On the next day there was a general 
feeling in favour of surrender. Messen- 
hauser himself declared the hopelessness of 
continuing the struggle, and advised a 



Reign of 

general surrender. However, on the morn- 
ing of October 30th he was on the Tower of 
Stephan watching the struggl^e of Jellacic 
against the Hungarians at Schwechat, and 
was unfortunately induced to proclaim the 
news of the Hungarian advance with an 
army of relief, thereby reviving the martial 
ardour of the desperadoes, who had already 
begun a reign of terror in 
Vienna. He certainly opposed 
the fanatics who clamoured for 
a resumption of the conflict ; but 
he quailed before the intimidation of the 
democratic ruffians, and resigned his com- 
mand without any attempt to secure the 
due observance of the armistice which had 
been already .concluded with Windisch- 
Graetz. On the 31st the field-marshal threw 
a few shells into the town to intimidate the 
furious proletariat ; but it was not until 
the afternoon that the imperial troops 
were able to make their way into the town. 
They arrived just in time to save the 
Imperial library and the museum of natural 
history from destruction by fire, 

Vienna was conquered on November 1st, 
1848 ; those honourable and distinguished 
patriots who had spent the month of 
October in oppression and constant fear 
of death were liberated. The revolution 
in Austria could now be considered at an 
end. The capture of Vienna cost the 
army sixty officers and i,ooo men killed 
and wounded. The number of the inhabi- 
tants, combatants and non-combatants, 
who were killed in the last days of October 
can only be stated approximately. Dr. 
Anton Schiitte, an eye-witness, estimated 
the number at 5,000. 

The next problem was the conduct of 
the war with Hungary, which had already 
raised an army of 100,000 men, and was 
in possession of every fortress of importance 
in the country, with the exception of Arad 
and Temesvar. The Battle of Schwechat, 
on October 30th, 1848, had ended with the 
retreat of the 30,000 men brought up by 

.t^i- .. - General Moga. The energy of 
Abdication of ,1 it • 1 j ^ i_ 

^. _ the Hungarians had not been 

the Emperor 1 ^ xu • 2. r j.i_ 

„ .. . equal to the importance of the 
Ferdinand ^ . a tt 

occasion. A Hungarian victory 

at that time would have implied the relief 
of Vienna, and the question of the separa- 
tion of the Crown of Stephen from the 
House of Hapsburg would certainly have 
become of European importance. 

Upon the abdication of the Emperor 
Ferdinand and the renunciation of his 
brother, the Archduke Francis Charles, 


the Archduke Francis Joseph ascended the 
throne on December 2nd, 1848. On the 
same day Prince Windisch-Graetz ad- 
vanced upon the Danube with 43,000 
men and 216 guns, while General Count 
Franz Schlick started from Galicia with 
8,000 men, and General Balthasar von 
Simunich moved upon Neutra from the 
Waag with 4,000 men. After a series of 
conflicts — atPressburgonthei7th,atRaab 
on the 27th, at Moor on the 30th December, 
1848, and after the victory of Schlick at 
Kaschau on December iith, the pro- 
visional Government under Kossuth was 
forced to abandon Pesth and to retire to 
Debreczin ; the banate was speedily 
evacuated by the national troops, as soon 
as Jellacic, who now commanded an army 
corps under Windisch-Graetz, was able 
to act with the armed Servians. 

However, the field-marshal under-esti- 
mated the resisting power of the nation, 
which, as Kossuth represented, was threat- 
ened with the loss of its political existence, 
and displayed extraordinary capacities of 
self-sacrifice and devotion in those danger- 
ous days. He was induced to advance into 
the district of the Upper Theiss 

* * * with too weak a force, and 
„" divided his troops, instead of 

halting in strong positions at 
Ofen and Waitzen on the Danube and 
waiting for the necessary reinforcements. 
The Battle of Kapolna, on February 26th 
and 27th, 1849, enabled Schlick to effect 
the desired junction, and could be regarded 
as a tactical victory. Strategically, how- 
ever, it implied a turn of the scale in 
favour of the Hungarians ; they gradually 
concentrated under the Polish general 
Henryk Dembinski and the Hungarian 
Arthur Gorgey, and were able to take the 
offensive at the end of March, 1849, under 
the general command of Gorgey, who won 
a victory at Isaszegh, GodoUo, on April 6th. 

Ludwig von Melden, the representa- 
tive of Windisch-Graetz, who had been 
reccdled to Olmiitz, was forced to retire to 
the Raab on April 27th to avoid being 
surrounded. The town of Komorn had 
offered a bold resistance to the Austrian 
besiegers, who had hitherto failed to 
secure this base, which was of importance 
for the further operations of the imperial 
army. General Moritz Perezel made a 
victorious advance into the banate. 
General Joseph Bem fought with varying 
success against the weak Austrian 
divisions in Transylvania under Puchner. 


The remnants of these were driven into 
Wallachia on February 20th. By April, 
1849, the fortresses of Ofen, Arad, and 
Temesvar alone remained in the occupa- 
tion of the Austrians. 

The promulgation of a new constitution 
for the whole of Austria, dated March 
4th, 1849, was answered by Kossuth in a 
proclamation from Debreczin on April 
14th, dethroning the House of Hapsburg. 
In spite of the armistice with Victor 
Emmanuel, Italy was as yet too disturbed 
to permit the transference of Radetzky's 
army to Hungary. Accordingly, on May 
1st the Emperor Francis Joseph concluded 
a convention with Russia, who placed her 
forces at his disposal for the subjugation of 
Hungary, as the existence of a Hungarian 

with three corps to Arad without coming 
into collision with the Russian contingents. 
On August 5th Dembinski was driven 
back from Szoray to the neighbourhood of 
Szegedin, and the Hungarian leaders could 
no longer avoid the conviction that their 
cause was lost. On August nth, Kossuth 
fled from Arad to Turkey. On 
the 13th, Gorgey, who had been 
appointed dictator two day3 
previously, surrendered with 
31,000 men, 18,000 horse, 144 guns, and 
sixty standards, at Vilagos, to the Russian 
general Count Riidiger. Further surrenders 
were made at Lugos, Boros-Jeno, Mehadia, 
and elsewhere. On October 5th, Klapka 
marched out of Komorn under the honour- 
able capitulation of September 27th. 



to Turkey 


Republic threatened a rebellion in Poland. 
It was now possible to raise an over- 
whelming force for the subjection of the 
brave Hungarian army. General Haynau 
was recalled from the Italian campaign 
to lead the Imperial army in Hungary. 
He advanced from Pressburg with 60,000 
Austrians, 12,000 Russians, and 250 guns. 

•ri. 1 -1 Jellacic led 44,000 men and 
The^Impcrial ^^g ^^^ ^^^^ g^^^j^ Hungary, 

• '^H*' while the Russian field-marshai 

ungary pj-j^^^g Paskevitch marched on 
North Hungary by the Dukla Pass with 
130,000 men and 460 guns. Gorgey 
repulsed an attack delivered by Haynau 
at Komorn on July 2nd ; on the nth 
he was removed from the command 
in favour of Dembinski, and defeated on 
the same battlefield, then making a 
masterly retreat through Upper Hungary 

Hungary was thus conquered by Austria 
with Russian help. For an exaggeration 
of her national claims, which was both 
historically and politically unjustifiable, 
she paid with the loss of all her consti- 
tutional rights, and brought down grievous 
misfortune upon herself. The Magyar 
nationalists had expected the Western 
Powers to approve their struggles for 
independence and to support the new 
Magyar state against Austria and Russia ; 
they calculated particularly upon help 
from England. They were now to learn 
that the Hungarian question is not one 
of European importance, and that no 
one saw the necessity of an indepen- 
dent Hungarian army and Ministry of 
Foreign Affairs except those Hungarian 
politicians whose motive was not patriot- 
ism but self-seeking in its worst form. 













A N entirely strong and healthy national 
**■ feeling came to expression in those 
" sea-girt " duchies, the masters of which 
had also been kings of Denmark since the 
fifteenth century. During the bitter 
period of the struggle for the supremacy 
of the Baltic they had but rarely been able 
to assert their vested right to separate 
administration. They, however, had re- 
mained German, whereas the royal branch 
of the House of Holstein-Oldenburg, one 
of the oldest ruling families in Germany, 
had preferred to become Danish. The 
members of the ducal House of Holstein, 
which had undergone repeated bifurcations, 
largely contributed to maintain German 
feeling in Schleswig and Holstein, and 
asserted their independence with reference 
to their Danish cousins by preserving their 
relations with the empire and with their 
German neighbours. In the eighteenth 
century the consciousness of their inde- 
_ pendence was so strong among 

ih*' V*' ° ^^^^ estates of the two duchies 
lenna ^^^^ ^^^ ,< royal law " of 1660, 
ngress j^j^Q^jg^^jj^g j-j^g assembly of the 
estates and establishing the paramountcy 
of the Danish branch of the House of 
Oldenburg, could not be executed in 
Schleswig and Holstein. 

The result of the Vienna Congress had 
been to secure the rights of the German 
districts and to separate them definitely 
from Napoleon's adherent. Metternich's 
policy had bungled this question, like so 
many other national problems, by handing 
over Schleswig to the Danes, while in- 
cluding Holstein in the German Federation. 
Unity was, however, the thought that 
inspired the population of either country. 
This feeling increased in strength and 
became immediately operative when Den- 
mark was so impolitic as to defraud the Ger- 
mans by regulations which bore unjustly 
upon the imperial bank, founded in 1813. 
The disadvantages of Danish supre- 
macy then became manifest to the lowest 
peasant. Danish paper and copper were 

forced upon the duchies, while their 
good silver streamed away to Copenhagen. 
The struggle against this injustice was 
taken up by the German patriot leaders, 
who were able to make the dissension turn 
on a constitutional point after the publica- 
tion of the " open letter " of King Christian 

Disadvantages V"^- ^^ J^^^ ^^^' ^^48, he 

J jj . . announced the mtention of 
„ the Danish Government, in 

^^' ^ the event of a failure of male 

heirs, to secure the succession to the un- 
divided " general monarchy " to the 
female line, in accordance with the Danish 
royal law. Christian's only son, Frederic, 
was an invalid and childless, and the 
duchies had begun to speculate upon the 
demise of the Crown and the consequent 
liberation from a foreign rule. 

Their constitution recognised only suc- 
cession in the male line, a principle which 
would place the power in the hands of the 
ducal House of Holstein-Sonderburg- 
Augustenburg, while in Denmark the suc- 
cessor would be Prince Christian of Hol- 
stein-Sonderburg-Gliicksburg, who had 
married Louise of Hesse-Cassel, a niece of 
Christian VHL Schleswig had the pro- 
spect of complete separation from Den- 
mark, and this object was approved in 
numerous public meetings and adopted as a 
guiding principle by the Assembly of these 
estates. Schleswig objected to separation , 
from Holstein, and to any successor other 
than one in the male line of descent. 

Christian VHL died on January 20th, 
1848, and was succeeded by his son, Fred- 
_. -^ .. ericVn. This change and the 
The Duchies jj^pression created by the 
Demand revolutions in Paris, Vienna, 

Independence ^^^ g^^.^-^ confirmed the 

duchies in their resolve to grasp their 
rights and assert their national inde- 
pendence. Had the king met these desires 
with a full recognition of the provincial 
constitutions and the grant of a separate 
national position and administration, he 
would probably have been able to retain 



possession of the two countries under some 
form of personal federation without ap- 
peahng to force of arms, and perhaps to 
secure their adherence for the future. 
He yielded, however, to the arguments of 
the " Eider Danes," who demanded the 
abandonment of Holstein and the incor- 
poration of Schleswig with Denmark, 
. „ regarding the Eider as the 

^ ^ ^ historical frontier of the Danish 
t K ■ 1 power. This party required 
a joint constitutional form of 
government, and induced the king to 
elect a Ministry from their number and 
to announce the incorporation of Schleswig 
in the Danish monarchy to the deputation 
from the Schleswig-Holstein provinces in 
Copenhagen, on March 22nd, 1848. 

Meanwhile, the Assembly of the estates 
at Rendsburg had determined to declare 
war upon the Eider Danes. On March 
24th a provisional government for the two 
duchies was formed at Kiel, which was 
to be carried on in the name of Duke 
Christian of Augustenburg, at that time 
apparently a prisoner in the hands of 
the Danes, until he secured liberty to 
govern his German territories in person. 

The new Government was recognised 
both by the population at large and by 
the garrisons of the most important centres. 
It was unable, however, immediately to 
mobilise a force equivalent to the Danish 
army, and accordingly turned to Prussia 
for help. This step, which appeared highly 
politic at the moment, proved unfortunate 
in the result. The fate of the duchies was 
henceforward bound up with the indecisive 
and vacillating policy of Frederic William 
IV., whose weakness became daily more 
obvious ; he was incapable of fulfilling 
any single one of the many national duties 
of which he talked so glibly. 

His first steps in the Schleswig-Holstein 
complication displayed extraordinary 
vigour. On April 3rd, 1848, two Prussian 
regiments of the Guard marched into Rends- 
burg, and their commander, 
General Eduard von Bonin, 
sent an ultimatum on the i6th 
to the Danish troops, ordering 
them to evacuate the duchy and the town 
of Schleswig, which they had seized after 
a victory at Bau on April 9th over the 
untrained Schleswig-Holstein troops. On 
April i2th the Federal Council at Frank- 
fort recognised the provisional govern- 
ment at Kiel, and mobilised the tenth 
federal army corps, Hanover, Meck- 


Regiments in 

lenburg, and Brunswick, for the protec- 
tion of the federal frontier. The Prussian 
general Von Wrangel united this corps 
with his own troops, and fought the Battle 
of Schleswig on the 23rd, obliging the 
Danes to retreat to Alsen and Jiitland. 

Throughout Germany the struggle of the 
duchies for liberation met with enthusi- 
astic support, and was regarded as a 
matter which affected the whole German 
race. There and in the duchies themselves 
Prussia's prompt action might well be 
considered as a token that Frederic William 
was ready to accomplish the national will 
as regarded the north frontier. Soon, how- 
ever, it became plain that British and Rus- 
sian influence was able to check the energy 
of Prussia, and to confine her action to the 
conclusion of a peace providing protection 
for the interests of the German duchies. 

The king was tormented with fears 
that he might be supporting some re- 
volutionary movement. He doubted the 
morality of his action, and was induced by 
the threats of Nicholas I., his Russian 
brother-in-law, to begin negotiations with 
Denmark. These ended in the conclusion 
of a seven months' armistice at Malmo on 
p . . August 26th, 1848, Prussia 

r i- * agreeing to evacuate the 

Evacuation of j^ , t c \ ^ t^i 

c - , . duchy of Schleswig. The 

government of the duchies 
was to be undertaken by a commission of 
five members, nominated jointly by Den- 
mark and Prussia. The Frankfort Parlia- 
ment attempted to secure the rejection of 
the conditions, to which Prussia had as- 
sented without consulting the imperial 
commissioner. Max von Gagern, who had 
been despatched to the seat of war, these 
conditions being entirely opposed to 
German feeling. But the resolutions on 
the question were carried only by small 
majorities ; the Parliament was unable to 
ensure their realisation, and was event- 
ually forced to acquiesce in the armistice. 
Meanwhile the Assembly of the estates 
of Schleswig-Holstein hastily passed a law 
declaring the universal liability of the 
population to military service, and retired 
in favour of a " Constituent Provincial 
Assembly," which passed a new constitu- 
tional law on September 15th. The con- 
nection of the duchies with the Danish 
Crown was thereby affirmed to depend 
exclusively upon the person of the common 
ruler. The Danish members of the govern- 
ment commission declined to recognise the 
new constitution, and also demurred to the 


election of deputies from Schleswig to the 
Frankfort Parliament. Shortly afterwards 
Denmark further withdrew her recognition 
of the government commission. The armis- 
tice expired without any success resulting 
from the attempts of Prussia to secure 
unanimity on the Schleswig-Holstein 
question among the Great Powers. War 
consequently broke out again in February, 
1849. Victories were gained by Prussian 
and federal troops and by a Schleswig- 
Holstein corps, in which were many 
Prussian officers on furlough from the king 
at Eckernforde on April 5th, and Kold- 
ing on April 23rd, 1849. On the other hand, 
the Schleswig-Holstein corps was defeated 
while besieging the Danish fortress of 
Fridericia, and forced to retreat beyond 
the Eider. On July loth, 1849, Prussia con- 
cluded a further armistice with Denmark. 
The administration of the duchies was 
entrusted to a commission composed of 
a Dane, a Prussian, and an Englishman. 

At the same time the government of 
Schleswig-Holstein was continued in Kiel 
in the name of the Provincial Assembly by 
Count Friedrich Reventlow and Wilhelm 
Hartwig Beseler, a solicitor. They tried 
_. to conclude some arrange- 

■t"^ "^^"^ • 1. rnent with the king-duke on 

Under Danish , , 1 j j ^i xu 

Q . the one hand, and on the other 

ppression ^^ ^^.^ ^^^ ^ fresh rising of the 

people against Danish oppression, which 
was continually increasing in severity in 
Schleswig. The devotion of the German 
population and the enthusiastic support 
of numerous volunteers from every part 
of Germany raised the available forces 
to 30,000 men and even made it pos- 
sible to equip a Schleswig-Holstein 
fleet. In the summer of 1850, Prussia 
gave way to the representations of 
the Powers, and concluded the " Simple 
Peace " with Denmark on July 2nd. 
Schleswig-Holstein then Lcgan the struggle 
for independence on their own resources. 
They would have had some hope oi sac- 
cess with a better general than Wilhelm von 
Willisen, and if Prussia had not recalled her 
officers on furlough. Willisen retired from 
the battle of Idstedt, July 24th, before 
the issue had been decided, and began a 
premature retreat. He failed to pro- 
secute the advantage gained at Missunde 
on September 12th, and retired from 
Friedrichstadt without making any im- 
pression, after sacrificing 400 men in 
a useless attempt to storm the place. 
The German Federation, which had been 


again convoked at Frankfort, revoked its 
previous decisions, in which it had recog- 
nised the rights of the duchies to determine 
their own existence, and assented to the 
peace concluded by Prussia. An Austrian 
army corps set out for the disarmament 
of the duchies. Though the Provincial 
Assembly still possessed an unbeaten army 
The Ignoble ""^ ^ men fully equipped, it 
Methods '^„^^ ^o'"^^^ on January nth, 
of Denmark ^°5i. to submit to the demands 
of Austria and Prussia to dis- 
band the army, and acknowledge the 
Danish occupation of the two duchies. From 
1852 Denmark did her utmost to under- 
mine the prosperity of her German subjects 
and to crush their national aspirations. 

Such ignoble methods failed to produce 
the desired result. Neither the faith- 
lessness of the Prussian Government nor 
the arbitrary oppression of the Danes 
could break the national spirit of the North 
German marches. On the death of Frederic 
Vn., on November 15th, 1863, they again 
asserted their national rights. Prussia had 
become convinced of their power and 
of the strength of their national feeling, 
and took the opportunity of atoning for 
her previous injustice. 

Of the many quixotic enterprises called 
into life by the " nation's spring " of 1848, 
one of the wildest was certainly the Slav 
Congress opened in Prague on June 2nd. 
Here the catchword of Slav solidarity was 
proclaimed and the idea of " Panslavism " 
discovered, which even now can raise fore- 
bodings in anxious hearts, although half 
a century has in no way contributed to the 
realisation of the idea. At a time when the 
nations of Europe were called upon to 
determine their different destinies, it was 
only natural that the Slavs should be 
anxious to assert their demands. There 
were Slav peoples which had long been 
deprived of their national rights, and 
others, such as the Slovaks and part of 
the southern Slavs, who had never en- 
. joyed the exercise of their 
f Vh* rights. For these a period of 
g. * severe trial had begun ; it was 

'** for them to show whether they 
were capable of any internal development 
and able to rise to the level of national 
independence, or whether not even the 
gift of political freedom would help them 
to carry out that measure of social sub- 
ordination which is indispensable to the 
uniform development of culture. The 
first attempts in this direction were 




somewhat of a failure ; they proved to 
contemporaries and to posterity that the 
Slavs were still in the primary stages of 
politicEil training, that the attainment of 
practical result was hindered by the ex- 
travagance of their demands, their over- 
weening and almost comical self-conceit, 
and that for the creation of 
states they possessed little or 
no capacity. The differences 
existing in their relations with 
other peoples, the lack of uni- 
formity in the economic con- 
ditions under which they 
lived, the want of political 
training and experience — 
these were facts which they 
overlooked. They forgot the 
need of prestige and import- 
ance acquired by and within 
their own body, and con- 
sidered of chief importance 

preparations on a large scale, the historian palacky 

which could never lead to The Czech historian and politician, 

, .. ,... 1 Franz Palacky, became mfluential -' , , ii r ^^ 

any lasting political success, at the imperial court in oimutz. He yars to grant them lull 
Had their action been was bom im 798 and died in i876. independence. Should the 

a congress of European nations to found 
Pan-Slavonic states. These states were to 
include Czechia — Bohemia and Moravia — 
a Galician - Silesian state, Posen under 
Prussian supremacy, until the fragments 
of Poland could be united into an 
Polish kingdom, and a 
kingdom of Slovenia which 
was to unite the Slav popu- 
lation of Styria, Carinthia, 
Carniola, and the seaboard. 
The Slav states hitherto 
under Hapsburg supremacy 
were to form a federal state ; 
the German hereditary dom- 
ains were to be graciously 
accorded the option of enter- 
ing the federation, or of 
joining the state which the 
Frankfort Parliament was to 
create. The attitude of the 
Slovaks, Croatians, and Ser- 
vians would be determined 
by the readiness of the Meig- 

limited to forwarding the common interests 
of the Austrian Slavs it might have 
been possible to produce a political pro- 
gramme dealing with this question, to 
demand a central Parliament, and, 
through opposition to the Hungarian 
supremacy, to assert the rights of the 
Slav majority as against the Germans, 
Magyars, and Italians. But 
the participation of the Poles 
in the movement, the appear- 
ance of the Russian radical 
democrat Michael Bakunin, 
and of Turkish subjects, in- 
^nitely extended the range 
of the questions in dispute, 
and led to propositions of the 
most arbitrary nature, the 
accomplishment of which was 
entirely beyond the sphere of 
practical politics. Panslav- 
ism, as a movement, was from 
the outset deprived of all 

A learned visionary who believed 
in the triumph of Democracy, he 

grant be refused, it would be necessary to 
form a Slovak and a Croatian state. All 
these achievements the members of the 
congress considered practicable, though 
they were forced to admit that the Slavs, 
whom they assumed to be inspired by the 
strongest aspirations for freedom and 
justice, were continually attempting to 
aggrandise themselves at one 
another's expense ; the Poles, 
the Ruthenians, and the 
Croatians respectively, con- 
sidered their most dangerous 
enemies to be the Russians, 
the Poles, and the Servians. 
The Czech students in 
Prague had armed and or- 
ganised a guard of honour 
for the congress. They made 
not the smallest attempt to 
conceal their hatred of the 
/Germans; Germanism to them 
was anathema, and they 
yearned for the chance of dis- 

importance by the inveterate L^e^^rhYs^'^e^oiuti^nTr^'wo^k ... . 

failing of the Slav politicians, Posen in i848. and fought at the playing their heroism in an 

...u;„u ,..„.. ..„.„.,;^.....u. head of the rebels at xions. ^^ti-Glrman Struggle, as the 

which was to set no limit to the 

measure of their claims, and to represent 

themselves as stronger than they were. 

Greatly to the disgust of its organisers, 
among whom were several Austrian con- 
servative nobles, the Slav Congress be- 
came an arena for the promulgation of 
democratic theories, while it waited for 


Poles had done against Russia. They were 
supported by the middle-class citizens, and 
the working classes were easily induced to 
join in a noisy demonstration on June 12th, 
1848, against Prince Alfred Windisch- 
Graetz, the general commanding in Prague, 
as he had refused the students a grant of 


sixty thousand cartridges and a battery 
of horse artillery. The demonstration de- 
veloped into a revolt, which the Czech 
leaders used as evidence for their cause, 
though it was to be referred rather to the 
disorderly character of the Czech mob 
than to any degree of national enthusiasm. 
The members of the congress were very 
disagreeably surprised, and decamped with 
the utmost rapidity when they found them- 
selves reputed to favour the scheme for 
advancing Slav solidarity by street fights. 
The Vienna government, then thoroughly 
cowed and trembling before the mob, 
made a wholly unnecessary attempt 
at intervention. Prince Windisch-Graetz, 
however, remained master of the situa-. 
tion, overpowered the rebels by force 
of arms, and secured the unconditional 
submission of Prague. He was speedily 
master of all Bohemia. The party of 
Franz Palacky, the Czech historian and 
politician, at once dropped the programme 
of the congress in its entirety, abandoned 
the ideal of Panslavism, and placed them- 
selves at the disposal of the Austrian 
Government. Czech democratism was 
an exploded idea ; the conservative Czechs 
rv V 1 J J who survived its downfall 
The Exploded ^.^^^.j co-operated in the 
Idea of Czech •'• ^- - . l /^ 

r» ». campaign agamst the German 

Democratism , .jxi i.ji 

democrats, and attempted to 

bring their national ideas into harmony 
with the continuance of Austria as domi- 
nant power. Palacky became influential 
at the imperial court in Olmiitz and pro- 
posed the transference of the Reichstag 
to Kremsier, where his subordinate, 
Ladislaus Rieger, took an important 
share in the disruption of popular repre- 
sentation by the derision which he cast 
upon the German Democrats. 

The Austrian Slavs had acquired a highly 
favourable position by their victory over 
the revolutionary Magyars, an achieve- 
ment in which the Croatians had a very 
considerable share. They might the more 
easily have become paramount, as the 
Germans had injured their cause by their 
senseless radicalism. Their fruitless 
attempt to secure a paramount position in 
Bohemia gave them a share in the conduct 
of the state ; this they could claim by 
reason of the strength and productive 
force of their race and of their undeniable 
capacity for administrative detail, had 
they conceded to the Germans the 
position to which these latter were 
entitled by the development of the 

Hapsburg monarchy and its destiny 
in the system of European states. 
The year 1848 might perhaps have 
afforded an opportunity for the restora- 
tion of Polish independence had the 
leaders of the national policy been able to 
find the only path which could guide them 
to success. Any attempt in this direction 
_ ought to have been confined to 

. . the territory occupied by Russia ; 
p^j any force that might have been 

raised for the cause of patriotism 
could have been best employed upon 
Russian soil. Russia was entirely isolated ; 
it was inconceivable that any European 
Power could have come to her help, 
as Prussia had come in 1831, if she 
had been at war with the Polish nation. 

Austria was unable to prevent Galicia 
from participation in a Polish revolt. 
Prussia had been won over as far as 
possible to the Polish side, for her posses- 
sions in Posen had been secured from any 
amalgamation with an independent Polish 
state. The approval of the German Par- 
liament was as firmly guaranteed to the 
Polish nationalists as was the support 
of the French Republic, provided that 
German interests were not endangered. 

Exactly the opposite course was pur- 
sued : the movement began with a rising 
in Posen, with threats against Prussia, 
with fire and slaughter in German com- 
munities, with the rejection of German 
culture, which could not have been more 
disastrous to Polish civilisation than the 
arbitrary and cruel domination of Russian 
officials and police. Louis of Mieroslaws- 
ki, a learned visionary but no politician, 
calculated upon a victory of European 
democracy, and thought it advisable to 
forward the movement in Prussia, where 
the conservative power seemed most 
strongly rooted. He therefore began his 
revolutionary work in Posen, after the 
movement of March had set him free to 
act. On April 29th, 1848, he fought an 
unsuccessful battle at the head of 
16,000 rebels against Colonel 

of Polish 

Heinrich von Brandt at Xions ; 

on the 30th he drove back a 
Prussian corps at Miloslaw. However, he 
gained no support from the Russian Poles, 
and democratic intrigue was unable to 
destroy the discipline of the Prussian 
army, so that the campaign in Posen was 
hopeless ; by the close of May it had come 
to an end, the armed bands were dis- 
persed, and Mieroslawski driven into exile. 












'X'HE European spirit of democracy which 
•■• was desirous of overthrowing existing 
states, planting its banner upon the ruins, 
and founding in its shadow new bodies 
politic of the nature of which no Demo- 
crat had the remotest idea, had been 
utterly defeated in France at a time 
when Italy, Germany, and Austria were 
the scene of wild enthusiasm and bloody 
self-sacrifice. Democratic hopes ran the 
course of all political ideals. The process 
of realisation suddenly discloses the fact 
that every mind has its own conception of 
any ideal, which may assume the most 
varied forms when translated into practice. 

A nation desirous of asserting its supre- 
macy may appear a unity while struggling 
against an incompetent government ; but 
as soon as the question of establishing the 
national supremacy arises, numbers of 
different interests become prominent, 
which cannot be adequately satisfied by 
any one constitutional form. 
D*^*?*^^ A ^^^® simultaneous fulfilment of 
J. ."J. the hopes which are common to 

epu ic ^^ .^^ rendered impossible, not 
only by inequality of material wealth, but 
also by the contest for power, the exercise 
of which necessarily implies the accumu- 
lation of privileges on one side with a 
corresponding limitation on the other. 

When the 900 representatives of the 
French nation declared France a republic 
on May 4th, 1848, the majority of the 
electors considered the revolution con- 
cluded, and demanded a public admini- 
stration capable of maintaining peace and 
order and removing the burdens which 
oppressed the taxpayer. The executive 
committee chosen on May loth, the presi- 
dent's chair being occupied by the great 
physicist Dominique Frangois Arago, fully 
recognised the importance of the duty 
with which the country had entrusted 
it, and was resolved honourably to 
carry out the task. But in the first days 
of its existence the committee found itself 
confronted by an organised opposition. 

which, though excluded from the Govern- 
ment, claimed the right of performing its 
functions. Each party was composed of 
Democrats, government and opposition 
alike ; each entered the lists in the name 
of the sovereign people, those elected by 
, . the moneyed classes as well as 

. . "^ the leaders of the idle or 

Radi 1 unemployed, who for two 

months had been in receipt 

of pay for worthless labour in the 

" national factories " of France. 

On May 15th the attack on the dominant 
party was begun by the Radicals, who 
were pursuing ideals of communism or 
political socialism, or were anxious merely 
for the possession of power which they 
might use to their own advantage. They 
found their excuse in the general sym- 
pathy for Poland. The leaders were 
Louis Blanc, L. A. Blanqui, P. J. Proud- 
hon, Etienne Cabet, and Fran9ois Vincent 
Raspail. Ledru-RoUin declined to join the 
party. They had no sooner gained pos- 
session of the Hotel de Ville than a few 
battalions of the National Guard arrived 
opportunely and dispersed the masses. 

. The leaders of the conspiracy were 
arraigned before the court of Bourges, 
which proceeded against them with great 
severity, while the national factories 
were closed. They had cost France 
$50,000 daily, and were nothing more than 
a meeting-ground for malcontents and 
sedition. "This measure, coupled with an 
order to the workmen to report themselves 
for service in the provinces, produced the 
June revolt, a period of street fighting, in 
_. _ which the radical Democrats, 

The Struggle ^j^^ gathered round the red 
. ""i . -,. flag, carried on a life and death 
the Ked t lag s^^^ggig ^^^h the republican 

Democrats, whose watchword was the " Re- 
publique sans phrase." The monarchists 
naturally sided with the republican 
Government, to which the line troops and 
the National Guard were also faithful. 
The Minister of War, General Louis Eugene 



Cavaignac, who had won distinction in 
Algiers, supported by the generals Lamori- 
ciere and Damesne, on June 23rd success' 
fully conducted the resistance to the bands 
advancing from the 
suburbs to the centre of 
Paris. The "Reds," how- 
ever, declined to yield, 
and on June 24th the 
National Assembly gave 
Cavaignac the dictator- 
ship. He declared Paris 
in a state of siege, and 
pursued the rebels to the 
suburb of Sainte- Antoine, 
where a fearful massacre 
on June 27th made an 
end of the revolt. The 
victory had been gained 
at heavy cost ; thousands 
of wounded lay in the 
hospitals of Paris and its 
environs. The number 
of lives lost has never 
been determined, but it 
equalled the carnage of 
many a great battle, and 
included nine generals and several deputies. 
An important reaction in public feeling 
had set in ; the people's favour was now 
given to the conservative parties, and any 
compromise with the Radicals was opposed. 
The democratic republic 
was based on the co- 
operation of the former 
Thiers, Montalembert, 
and Odilon Barrot again 
became prominent figures. 
Cavaignac was certainly 
installed at the head of 
the executive committee ; 
his popularity paled 
apace, however, as he did 
not possess the art of 
concihating the bourgeois 
by brilliant speeches or 
promises of relief from 
taxation. The constitu- 
tion, which was ratified 
after two months' dis- <,.,., ,\^y^^ ^la^c 

1- xi_ XT J • 1 S>ociahst and historian, he was appointed a 

CUSSlOn by the National member of the Provisional Government in 

After France had been declared a republic, 
on May 4th, 1848, a capable public adminis- 
tration was demanded, and an executive 
committee was formed with Arago, the great 
astronomer and physicist, who had taken 
part in the Revolution of i830, as a member. 

influencing the masses and prepared the 
path to supremacy for an ambitious 
member of the Bonaparte family, who had 
been repeatedly elected as a popular 
representative, and had 
held a seat in the National 
Assembly since September 
26th, 1848. From the 
date of his flight from 
Ham Louis Napoleon had 
lived in England in close 
retirement. The outbreak 
of the February revolu- 
tion inspired him with 
great hopes for his future ; 
he had, however, learned 
too much from Strassburg 
and Boulogne to act as 
precipitately as his sup- 
porters in France desired. 
He remained strong in 
the conviction that his 
time would come, a 
thought which relieved 
the tedium of waiting 
for the moment when he 
might venture to act. 
He tendered his thanks tp the republic 
for permission to return to his native 
land after so many years of pro- 
scription and banishment ; he assured 
the deputies who were his colleagues of 
the zeal and devotion 
which he would bring to 
their labours, which had 
hitherto been known to 
him only " by reading 
and meditation." His 
candidature for the 
president's chair was then 
accepted not only by his 
personal friends and by 
the adherents of the 
Bonapartist empire, but 
also by numerous 
members of conservative 
tendencies, who saw in 
uncompromising Republi- 
cans like Cavaignac no 
hope of salvation from 
the terrors of anarchy. 
They were followed by 

Assembly, preserved the i"ccuUrofcoSpiiciV;fn°?hrdistTbar^^^ ultramontanes,Orleanists, 
fundamental principle of that year, he there completed his " Histoire legitimists, and socialists, 

+V,^ T^«^r^1«.'o o«.,^,-«;„«+„ de la Rdvolution," returning later to France. ?^ ^u:„„4.„j +^ +u^ 

the people's sovereignty. 
The choice of a president of the republic 
was not left to the deputies, but was to 
be decided by a plebiscite. This provision 
opened the v/ay to agitators capable of 


who objected to the 
republican doctrinaires, and used their 
influence in the election which took place 
on December loth, 1848. Against the 
one and a half millions who supported 


Cavaignac, an unexpectedly large majority 
of five and a half millions voted for the 
son of Louis Bonaparte and Hortense 
Beauharnais. As a politician no one 
considered him of any 
account, but every party 
hoped to be able to use 
him for their own pur- 
poses or for the special 
objects of their ambitious 
or office-seeking leaders. 
The behaviour of the 
National Assembly was 
not very flattering when 
the result of the voting 
was announced on 
December 2oth. " Some, 
who were near Louis 
Bonaparte's seat," says 
Victor Hugo, " expressed 
approval ; the rest of the 
Assembly preserved a cold 
silence. Marrast, the 

of Europe, The president of the citizen 
republic was thus a member of the 
family of that great conqueror and sub- 
duer of the world whose remembrance 
aroused feelings of pride 
in every Frenchman, if 
his patriotism were not 
choked by legitimism ; it 
was a problem difficult 
of explanation. No one 
knew whether the presi- 
dent was to be addressed 
as Prince, Highness, Sir, 
Monseigneur, or Citizen. 
To something greater he 
was bound to grow, or a 
revolution would forth- 
with hurl him back into 
the obscurity whence he 
had so suddenly emerged. 
But of revolution France 
had had more than 
enough. " Gain and the 


president, invited the An advanced Socialist, Proudhon published cujoyment of It was 
chosen candidate to take works asserting that "Property is t&eft." in the watchword, and Louis 

, , ... 1849 he was sentenced to three years im- ,.■, , , . 

the Oatll. Louis Bona- prisonment for the violence of his utter- NapolCOn accepted it. 
parte, buttoned up in a ances, and in ISSS received a similar sentence, y^^^^^ jj^g^ ^j^-j^^g ^^ 

black coat, the cross of the Legion of 
Honour on his breast, passed through the 
door on the right, ascended the tribune, 
and calmly repeated the words after 
Marrast ; he then read a speech, with the 

unpleasant accent peculiar 
to him; interrupted by a 
few cries of assent. He 
pleased his hearers by 
his unstinted praise of 
Cavaignac. In a few 
moments he had finished, 
and left the tribune amid 
a general shout of ' Long 
live the republic !' but 
with none of the cheers 
which had accompanied 
Cavaignac." Thus " the 
new man " was received 
with much discontent and 
indifference, with scanty 
respect, and with no 
single spark of enthusi- 
asm. He was, indeed, 

have shown him the fundamental principles 
of the art of government at the first 
dinner in the Elysee. Ignorance of the 
people's desires, disregard of the national 
pride, had led to the downfall of Louis 
Philippe ; the most im- 
portant thing was to raise 
the standard of peace. 
" And how ? " asked the 
prince. " By the triumphs 
of industry and progress, 
by great artistic, Hterary, 
and scientific efforts. The 
labour of the nation can 
create marvels. France 
is a nation of conquerors ; 
if she does not conquer 
with the sword, she will 
conquer by her genius 
and talent. Keep that 
fact in view and you will 
advance ; forget it, and 
you are lost." Louis did 
not possess this power of 


without genius or fire I?. ^^^ this distinguished fenerai became exprcssiou, but with the 

" •-' "* ' ^ Mmister of War, and earned his success on.^ iji u 

and of very moderate the field into his office of military dictator, idea he had long been 
capacity; but he under- S^Tf LTdldk"! for {S^oV^es^^^^^^^^^^ familiar. He now in- 

stood the effect of republic when Louis Napoleon was elected. crcaSCd his grasp of it. 

commonplaces and the baser motives of He knew that men get tired of great 

his pohtical instruments, and was therefore movements, poUtical convulsion, hj^po- 

able to attract both the interest of France critical posing. Most people are out of 

and the general attention of the whole breath after they have puffed themselves 



like the frog in the fable, 
to recover their wind, 
desire for quietude pre- 
vailed, Napoleon the 
citoyen was secure of the 
favour of France. The 
moment he appealed to 
" great feehngs " his art 
had reached its limits 
and he became childish 
and insignificant. His 
political leanings favoured 
the Liberalism for which 
the society of Paris had 
created the July kingdom. 
This tendency was shown 
in his appointment of 
Odilon Barrot as head of 
his Ministry, and of 
Edouard Drouyn de 
I'Huys, one of his personal 
adherents, as First 
Minister of Foreign Affairs. 
Desire to secure the 

and need a rest 

As long as this 


Greatest amongr the poets of France, Victor 
Hugo claimed to have shown Louis Napoleon 
the fundamental principles of the art of 
grovemment, advising: him at the first dinner 
in the Elys^e to raise the standard gf peace. 

constituted authority against further 
attacks of the " Reds" was the dominant 
feeling which influenced 
X the elections to the 

National Assembly, By 
the election law, which 
formed part of the con- 
stitution, these were held 
in May, 1849. ^^^ 
majority were former 
Royalists and Constitu- 
tionalists, who began of 
express purpose a re- 
actionary policy after the 
revolt of the Communists 
in June, 1848. Fearful 
of the Italian democracy, 
into the arms of which 
Piedmont had rushed, 
France let slip the favour- 
able opportunity of 
fostering the Italian 
movement for unity and 
of taking Austria's place 

Returning to France in 1848, after a few years of quiet seclusion in England, Louis Napoleon was elected deputy for 
Paris in the Constituent Assembly of June, and in December was elected president. But it was not long before he 
quarrelled with the Chambers, carrying out a coup d'etat on December 1st, 1851, by overthrowing the constitution. 


The son of Louis Bonaparte, brother of the great Napoleon, Louis Napoleon had engaged in various schemes to recover 
the throne of France before his coup d'etat in 1851 prepared the way for his election to the throne of his illustrious uncle. 
On December 2nd, 1852, the Empire was proclaimed with Louis Napoleon as Napoleon IIL On January 29th, 1853, he 
married Eugenie de Montijo, a Spanish countess, and twenty years later, on January 9th, 1873, died in England. 

in the peninsula. Had she hstened to 
Charles Albert's appeal for help, the defeat 
of Novara could have been avoided, and 
the Austrian Government would not have 
gained strength enough to become the 
centre of a reactionary movement which 
speedily interfered both with the revo- 
lutionary desires of the Radicals and the 
more modest demands of the moderate- 
minded friends of freedom. 

Louis Bonaparte fully appreciated the 

fact that the sentiments of the population 

at large were favourable to a revival of 

The Pope's governmental energy through- 

•^ out almost the whole of Europe, 

upremacy jj^ ^^^ ^j^^^ ^j^^ excesses of 

the mob, which were as passion- 
ately excited as they were morally de- 
graded, had restored confidence, among the 
moneyed classes and those who desired 
peace, in the power of religious guidance 
and education. For these reasons he 
acquiesced in the restoration of the 
temporal supremacy of the Pope, which 
the democracy had abolished, thereby 
rendering the greatest of all possible 
services to the ultramontanes. 

In March, 1848, Pius IX., the " National 
Pope," had assented to the introduction 
within the states of the Church of a 

constitutional form of government. At the 
same time he had publicly condemned the 
war of Piedmont and the share taken in 
it by the Roman troops, which he had been 
unable to prevent. This step had con- 
siderably damped public enthusiasm in his 
behalf. Roman feeling also declared 
against him when he refused his assent to 
the liberal legislation of the Chambers 
and transferred the government to the 
hands of Count Pellegrino de Rossi. The 
count's murder, on November 15th, 1848, 
marked the beginning of a revolution in 
Rome which ended with the imprisonment 
of the Pope in the Quirinal, his flight to 
the Neapolitan fortress of Gaeta on 
November 27th, and the establishment 
of a provisional government. 

The Pope was now inclined to avail 
himself of the services offered by Pied- 
mont for the recovery of his power. 
However, the constituent National As- 
sembly at Rome, which was opened 
on February 5th, 1849, voted for the 
restoration of the Roman republic by 
120 votes against 23, and challenged the 
Pope to request the armed interference of 
the Catholic Powers in his favour. The 
Roman republic became the central point 
of the movement for Italian unity, and was 



joined by Venice, Tuscany, and Sicily, monuments of artistic skill were destroyed . 

Mazzini was the head of the triumvirate The city was forced to surrender on July 

which held the executive power ; Giuseppe 3rd, 1849, a-fter Garibaldi had marched 

Garibaldi directed the forces for national away with 3,000 volunteers. By its 

defence, of which 
Rome was now 
made the head- 
quarters. The 
republic " which 
was being organ- 
ised in France 
would have no 
dealings with the 
descendants of 
the Carbonari, or 
with the chiefs 
of the revo- 
lutionary party 
in Europe. It 
considered alli- 
ance with the 
clericals a b s o - 
lutely indispens- 
able to its own 
Hence came the 
agreement to co 


attitude upon the 
Roman question, 
and by its re- 
fusal of support 
to the German 
Democrats, who 
were making 
their last efforts 
in the autumn 
of 1849 for the 
establishment of 
Repubhcanism in 
Germany, the 
French Republic 
gradually lost 
touch with the 
principles on 
which it was 
based. Its in- 
ternal disruption 
was expedited 
by the clumsi- 

,„ . ness of Its con- 

, • , , Succeeding- Gregory XVI. in 1846, Pope Pms IX. introduced a series „^-:A,i;„„ A 

operate Wltn of reforms and won the affections of the populace. During the StltUtlOU. A 

Austria, Spain, revolutionary fever of 1848, however, he opposed the public desire Chamber pro- 

and Naples for ^°'' * ^*'' ^t^ Austria, and the mob became so menacing that he vided with fuU 

the purpose of ^°^^^ '* expedient to make his escape from the Quirinal in disguUe. Igmslative pOWCr 

restoring the Pope to his temporal power, and indissoluble for three years con- 

Twenty thousand men were at once 
despatched under Marshal Oudinot, and 
occupied the harbour town of Civita 
Vecchia on April 25th, 1849. 

The president, however, had no intention 
of reimposing upon the Romans papal 

fronted a president elected by the votes 
of a nation to an office tenable for only 
four years, on the expiration of which he 
was at once eligible for re-election. 

Honest Republicans had foreseen that 
election by the nation would give the 

absolutism, with all the objections to such president a superfluous prestige and 

a government. He sent out his trusty 
agent, Ferdinand de Lesseps, to effect 
some compromise between the Pope and 
the Romans which should result in the 
establishment of a moderate Liberal 
government. Oudinot, however, made a 
premature appeal to force of arms. He 
suffered a reverse before the walls of 
Rome on April 30th, and the military 
honour of France, which a descendant 
of Napoleon could not afford to dis- 
regard, demanded the conquest of the 
Eternal City. Republican soldiers thus 
found themselves co-operating with the 
reactionary Austrians, who entered 
Boulogne on May 19th, and reduced half 
of Ancona to ashes. On June 20th, the 
bombardment of Rome began, in the 
course of which many of the most splendid 


a dangerous amount of power ; but the 
majority of the Constituent Assembly had 
been " inspired with hatred of the republic. 
-^ . They were anxious to have an 

apo con s independent power side by side 
*th**N* t* ^^^^ ^^^ Assembly, perhaps 
with the object of afterwards 
restoring the monarchy." This object 
Louis Bonaparte was busily prosecuting. 
On October 31st, 1849, he issued a message 
to the country, in which he gave himself 
out to be the representative of the Napo- 
leonic system, and explained the main- 
tenance of peace and social order to be 
dependent upon his own position. Under 
pressure from public opinion, the Chamber 
passed a new electoral law on May 31st, 
1850, which abolished about three millions 
out of ten million votes, chiefly those of 


town electors, and required the presence 
of a quarter of the electorate to form 
a quoi-um. The Radicals were deeply 
incensed at this measure, and the Conserva- 
tives by no means satisfied. The president 
attempted to impress his personality on 
the people by making numerous tours 
through the country, and to conciliate 
the original electorate, to whose decision 
alone he was ready to bow. 

A whole year passed before he ventured 
upon any definite steps ; at one time 
Tk \ir •*• *^6 Chamber showed its power, 
PoHc ^^ another it would display 

°Jf^ 1 compliance. Howe ver, he could 
apo eon ^^^ secure the three-quarters 
majority necessary for determining a 
revision of the constitution, although 
seventy-nine out of eighty-five general 
councillors supported the proposal. There 
could be no doubt that the presidential 
election of May, 1852, would have forced 
on the revision, for the reason that Louis 
Napoleon would have been elected by an 
enormous majority, though the constitu- 
tion did not }:>ermit immediate re-election. 
A revolt of this nature on the part of the 

whole population against the law would 
hardly have contributed to strengthen the 
social order which rests upon constitu- 
tionally estabhshed rights ; the excite- 
ment of the elections might have produced 
a fresh outbreak of radicalism, which was 
especially strong in the south of France, 
at Marseilles and Bordeaux. The fear of 
some such movement was felt in cottage 
and palace alike, and was only ta be 
obviated by a monarchical government. 
No hope of material improvement in the 
conditions of life could be drawn from 
the speeches delivered in the Chamber, 
with their vain acrimony, their bombastic 
self-laudation, and their desire for im- 
mediate advantage. The childlike belief 
in the capacity and zeal of a national 
representative assembly was destroyed 
for ever by the experience of twenty years. 
The Parliament was utterly incompetent 
to avert a coup d'etat, a danger which 
had been forced upon its notice in the 
autumn of 185 1. It had declined a pro- 
posal to secure its command of the army 
by legislation, although the growing 
popularity of the new Caesar with the 




army was perfectly obvious, and though 
General Saint-Arnaud had engaged to 
leave North Africa, and conduct the armed 
interference which was the first step 
to a revision of the constitution without 
consulting the views of the Parliament. 
After long and serious dehberation the 
president had determined upon the coup 
d'etat ; the preparations were 
forTe""* made by Napoleon's half- 
c A"i t brother, his mother's son, Count 

oup « * (jg Morny, and by Count 
Flahault. He was supported by the faithful 
Persigny, while the management of the 
army was in the hands of Saint-Arnaud. 
On December 2nd, 1 851, the day of Auster- 
litz and of the coronation of his great 
uncle, it was determined to make the 
nephew supreme over France. General 
Bernard Pierre Magnan, commander of the 
garrison at Paris, won over twenty generals 
to the cause of Bonaparte in the event of 
conflict. Louis himself, when his resolve 
had been taken, watched the course of 
events with great coolness. Morny, a 
prominent stock - exchange speculator, 
bought up as much state paper as he could 
get, in the conviction that the coup d'etat 
would cause a general rise of stock. 

The movement was begun by the Director 
of Police, Charlemagne Emile de Maupas, 
who surprised in their beds and took 
prisoner every member of importance in 
the Chamber, about sixty captures being 
thus made, including the generals Cavaig- 
nac, Changarnier, and Lamoriciere ; at the 
same time the points of strategic import- 
ance round the meeting hall of the National 
Assembly were occupied by the troops, 
which had been reinforced from the 
environs of Paris. The city awoke to find 
placards posted at the street corners 
containing three short appeals to the 
nation, the population of the capital, 
and the army, and a decree dissolving the 
National Assembly, restoring the right of 
universal suffrage, and declaring Paris 

_ . . and the eleven adjacent depart- 
Paris in ,• j. . e • x 

„ ments m a state of siege. In 

- -,f * the week, December 14th to 
of Siege . ' ^ ^ ^ 

2ist, 10,000,000 Frenchmen 

were summoned to the ballot-box to vote 
for or against the constitution proposed by 
the president. This constitution provided 
a responsible head of the state, elected for 
ten years, and threefold representation of 
the people through a state council, a 
legislative body, and a senate, the 
executive power being placed under the 


control of the sovereign people. On his 
appearance the president was warmly 
greeted by both people and troops, and no 
opposition was offered to the expulsion 
of the deputies who attempted to protest 
against the breach of the constitution. 

It was not until December 3rd that the 
revolt of the Radicals and Socialists broke 
out ; numerous barricades were erected 
in the heart of Paris, and were furiously 
contested. But the movement was not 
generally supported, and the majority of 
the citizens remained in their houses. 
The troops won a complete victory, which 
was stated to have secured the establish- 
ment of the " democratic repubhc," though 
unnecessary acts of cruelty made it appear 
an occasion of revenge upon the Democrats. 
The exponents of barricade warfare were 
destroyed as a class for a long time to 
come, not only in Paris, but in the other 
great towns of France, where the last 
struggles of the Revolution were fought out. 
The impression caused by this success, 
by the great promises which Louis Napo- 
leon made to his adherents, and by the 
rewards which he had begun to pay them, 
decided the result of the national 
apo con ^^^g upon the change in the 
Becomes .-j^ ^- ^t 

jj. constitution, or, more correctly, 

upon the elevation of Louis 
Napoleon to the dictatorship. By Decem- 
ber 20th, 1851, 7,439,246 votes were 
given in his favour, against 640,737. 
Bonapartism in its new form became the 
governmental system of France. 

" The severest absolutism that the nine- 
teenth century has seen was founded by 
the general demonstrations of a democracy. 
The new ruler, in the early years of his 
government, was opposed by all the best 
intellects in the nation ; the most brilliant 
names in art and science, in politics and 
war, were united against him, and united 
with a unanimity almost unparalleled 
in the course of history. A time began in 
which wearied brains could find rest in the 
nirvana of mental vacuity, and in which 
nobler natures lost nearly all of the best 
that life could give. For a few years, 
however, the masses were undeniably 
prosperous and contented ; so small is 
the significance of mental power in an 
age of democracy and popular administra- 
tion." It is the popular will which must 
bear the responsibility for the fate of 
France during the next two decades ; 
the nation had voluntarily humbled itself 
and bowed its neck to an adroit adventurer. 











/^N May i8th, 1848, 586 representatives 

^^ of every German race met in the 

Church of St. Paul at Frankfort-on-Main to 

create a constitution corresponding to the 

national needs and desires. The great 

majority of the deputies belonging to the 

National Assembly, in whose number were 

included many distinguished men, scholars, 

manufacturers, officials, lawyers, property 

owners of education and experience, were 

firmly convinced that the problem was 

capable of solution, and were honourably 

and openly determined to devote their 

best energies to the task. In the days 

of " the dawn of the new freedom,"' which 

illumined the countenances of politicians 

in the childhood of their experience, flushed 

.with yearning and expectation, "the power 

of conviction, the blessing that would be 

produced by immovable principles were 

believed as gospel. It was thought that 

the power of the Government was broken, 

. .. .c n that the Government, willing 

In the Dawn ■■,■,■ .1^ 

" or unwillmg, was m the 

„ „ . „ people's hands, and could 

New Freedom ^ ^ j . ■- ir . xu 

accommodate itself to the 

conclusions of the German constituents. 
Only a few were found to doubt the relia- 
bility of parliamentary institutions, and the 
possibility of discovering what the people 
wanted and of carrying out their wishes. 

No one suspected that the experi- 
ence of half a century would show the 
futility of seeking for popular unanimity, 
the division of the nation into classes at 
variance with one another, the disregard 
of right and reason by parliamentary, 
political, social, religious, and national 
parties as well as by princes, and the 
inevitability of solving every question 
which man is called upon to decide by 
the victory of the strong will over the weak. 

A characteristic feature of all theoretical 
political systems is very prominent in 
Liberalism, which was evolved from theory 
and not developed in practice. This feature 
is the tendency to stigmatise all institutions 
which cannot find a place witliin the 

theoretical system as untenable, useless, 
and to be abolished in consequence ; hence 
the first demand of the Liberal politician 
is the destruction of all existing organisa- 
tion, in order that no obstacle may impede 
the erection of the theoretical structure. 
_. Liberals, like socialists and 

J 1^ ** ' anarchists, argue that states are 
„ . . , formed by establishing a ready- 
made system, for which the 
ground must be cleared as it is required. 
They are invariably the pioneers to open 
the way for the Radicals, those impatient 
levellers who are ready to taste the sweets 
of destruction even before they have 
formed any plans for reconstruction, who 
are carried away by the glamour of 
idealism, though utterly incapable of 
realising any ideal, who at best are 
impelled only by a strong desire of 
" change," when they are not inspired by 
the greed which most usually appears as 
the leading motive of human action 

Thus it was that the calculations of the 
German Liberals neglected the existence of 
the Federal Assembly, of the federation of 
the states, and of their respective govern- 
ments. They took no account of those 
forms in which German political life had 
found expression for centuries, and their 
speeches harked back by preference to a 
tribal organisation which the nation had 
long ago outgrown, and which even the 
educated had never correctly appreciated. 
They fixed their choice upon a constitu- 
tional committee, which was to discover 
the form on which the future German 
state would be modelled ; they created 
«. . , ^ a central power for a state 

Obstacles to ^ non-existent, with- 

the Format.onof ^^^ ^j^^j ^^^ intelligibly 
a Constitution j ^ • -. i .• a.„ 

defining its relations to 
the ruling governments who were in 
actual possession of every road to power. 
Discussion upon the " central power " 
speedily brought to light the insurmount- 
able obstacles to the formation of a consti- 
tution acceptable to every party, and this 



without any interference on the part of 
the governments. The Democrats dechned 
to recognise anything but an executive 
committee of the sovereign National 
Assembly ; the Liberals made various 
proposals for a triple committee in con- 
nection with the governments. The bold 
mind of the president, Heinrich von 
Gagern, eventually soothed 
The Popular the uproar. He invited the 
Archduke John pg^j-liament to appoint, in 
o us ria virtue of its plenary powers, 

an Imperial Administrator who should un- 
dertake the business of the Federal Council, 
then on the point of dissolution, and act 
in concert with an imperial Ministry. 

The Archduke John of Austria was 
elected on June 24th, 1848, by 436 out of 
548 votes, and the law regarding the 
central power was passed on the 28th. 
Had the office of Imperial Administrator 
been regarded merely as a temporary 
expedient until the permanent forms 
were settled, the choice of the archduke 
would have been entirely happy ; he 
was popular, entirely the man for the 
post, and ready to further progress in 
every department of intellectual and 
material life. But it was a grievous 
mistake to expect him to create substance 
out of shadow, to direct the development 
of the German state by a further use of 
the " bold grasp," and to contribute 
materially to the realisation of its being. 

The Archduke John was a good-hearted 

man and a fine speaker, full of confidence in 

the " excellent fellows," and ever inclined 

to hold up the " bluff " inhabitants of the 

Alpine districts as examples to the other 

Germans ; intellectually stimulating within 

his limits, and with a keen eye to economic 

advantage ; but Nature had not intended 

him for a politician. His political ideas 

were too intangible ; he used words with 

no ideas behind them, and though his 

own experience had not always been of the 

pleasantest, it had not taught him the feel- 

_ , ing then prevalent in Aus- 

, . , trian court circles. For the 

Imperial . 1 • 1 

. J . . . . moment his election pro- 
Admmistrator . , j- ^ n 

mised an escape from all 

manner of embarrassments. The govern- 
ments could recognise his position without 
committing themselves to the approval of 
any revolutionary measure ; they might 
even allow that his election was the 
beginning of an understanding with the 
reigning German houses. This, however, 
was not the opinion of the leading party in 


the National Assembly. The Conserva- 
tives, the Right, or the Right Centre, as they 
preferred to be called, were alone in their 
adherence to the sound principle that only 
by way of mutual agreement between the 
Parliament and the governments could a 
constitutional German body politic be 
established. Every other party was agreed 
that the people must itself formulate its 
own constitution, as only so would it 
obtain complete recognition of its rights. 

This fact alone excluded the possibility 
of success. The decision of the question 
was indefinitely deferred, the favourable 
period in which the governments were 
inclined to consider the necessity of 
making concessions to the popular desires 
was wasted in discussion, and opportunity 
was given to particularism to recover its 
strength. There was no desire for a federal 
union endowed with vital force and 
offering a strong front to other nations. 
Patriots were anxious only to invest 
doctrinaire Liberalism and its extravagant 
claims with legal form, and to make the 
governments feel the weight of a vigorous 
national sentiment. The lessons of the 
French Revolution and its sad 
"aits of ^ history were lost upon the 
*'*° Germans. Those who held the 
fate of Germany in their hands, 
many of them professional politicians, 
were unable to conceive that their 
constituents were justified in expecting 
avoidance on their part of the worst of 
all political errors. 

The great majority by which the 
central power had been constituted soon 
broke up into groups, too insignificant to 
be called political parties and di\aded 
upon wholly immaterial points. The 
hereditary traits of the German, dogma- 
tism and self-assertiveness, with a conse- 
quent distaste for voluntary subordination, 
positively devastated Monarchists and Re- 
publicans alike. The inns were scarcely 
adequate in number to provide head- 
quarters for a score of societies which 
considered the promulgation of political 
programmes as their bounden duty. 

On July 14th, 1848, the Archduke 
John made his entry into Frankfort, and 
the Federal Council was dissolved the same 
day. The Imperial Administrator esta- 
blished a provisional Ministry to conduct 
the business of the central power till he 
had completed the work at Vienna which 
his imperial nephew had entrusted to 
his care. At the beginning of August, 1848, 


he established himself in Frankfort, and 
appointed Prince Friedrich Karl von 
Leiningen as the head of the Ministry, 
which also included the Austrian, Anton 
von Schmerling; the 
Hamburg lawyer, Moritz 
Heckscher ; the Prussians, 
Hermann von Beckerath and 
General Eduard von Peucker ; 
the Bremen senator, Arnold 
Duckwitz ; and the Wiirtem- 
berger, Robert von Mohl, pro- 
fessor of political science at 

To ensure the prestige of 
the central power, the Minister 
of War, Von Peucker, had 
given orders on August 6th 
for a general review of con- 
tingents furnished by the 

Austrian House, and continued confi- 
dential relations with him for a consider- 
able time. The German governments 
further appointed plenipotentiaries to re- 
present their interests with the 
central power ; these would 
have been ready to form a kind 
of Monarchical Council side by 
side with the National As- 
sembly, and would thus have 
been highly serviceable to the 
imperial administrator as a 
channel of communication 
with the governments. But 
the democratic pride of the 
body which met in the Church 
of St. Paul had risen too high 
to tolerate so opportune a 
step towards a " system of 
mutual accommodation." On 


German states, who were to This German statesman was presu August 30th the central 
give three cheers to the Arch- f„^?L1ea^%8/ra1!d?t wlfmring Power was obliged to declare 
duke John as imperial ad- on his suggestion that an imperial that the plenipotentiaries 

• ■ , , T^i J • Admmistrator was appomted. _x j.-u • j • • j i j. j. 

mmistrator. The mode m oi the individual states 

which this order was carried out plainly 
showad that the governments did not 
regard it as obligatory, and respected it 
only so far as they thought good. It was 
obeyed only in Saxony, 
Wiirtemberg, and the 
smaller states. Prussia 
allowed only her gar- 
risons in the federal 
fortresses to participate 
in the parade ; Bavaria 
ordered her troops to 
eheer the king before the 
imperial administrator. In 
Austria no notice was 
taken of the order, except 
in Vienna, as it affected 
the archduke ; the Italian 
army did not trouble itself 
about the imperial Min- 
ister of War in the least. 
At the same time, the 
relations of the govern 

possessed no competence to influence 
the decisions of the central power, or 
to conduct any systematic business. 
The new European power had notified its 
existence by special em- 
bassies to various foreign 
states, and received re- 
cognition in full from the 
Netherlands, Belgium, 
Sweden, Sv/itzerland, and 
the United States of 
North America ; Russia 
ignored it, while the 
attitude of France and 
Britain was marked by 
distrust and doubt. 
Austria was in the throes 
of internal convulsion 
during the summer of 
1848 and unable seriously 
to consider the German 
question ; possessing a 
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ confidential agent of pre- 
ments and the central ^Jrchduk^^ohi^^f^au^i^i^ eminent position in the 
power were by no means a " good-hearted man and a fine speaker," he pcrsou of the Archduke 
unfriendly. The King of ??LtforfonTiy m^^^^^ John, she was able to 

Prussia did not hide his day the Federal Council was dissolved, where- rCSCrVC her dccision. 
high personal esteem of "Pon he established a provisional Ministry, ^-^j^ PruSsia, how- 

the Imperial Administrator, and showed 
him special tokens of regard at the 
festivities held at Cologne on August 
14th, 1848, in celebration of the six 
hundredth anniversary of the foundation 
of the cathedral. Most of the federal 
princes honoured him as a member of the 

ever, serious complications speedily arose 
from the war in Schleswig - Hoist ein. 
Parliament was aroused to great excite- 
ment by the armistice of Malmo, which 
Prussia concluded on August 26th, with- 
out consulting Max von Gagern, the 
impel ial state secretary commissioned to 



the duchies by the central power. The 

central power had declared the Schleswig- 

Holstein question a matter of national 

importance, and in virtue of the right 

which had formerly belonged to the 

Federal Council demanded a share in 

the settlement. On September 5th, 

Dahlmann proposed to set on foot the 

necessary measures for carrying 

, *^° " ^^^ out the armistice ; the proposal, 

If i-r ^ when sent up by the Ministry 

Frankfort . n f- i j 

for confirmation, was rejected 

by 244 to 230 votes. Dahlmann, who was 
now entrusted by the Imperial Adminis- 
trator with the formation of a new 
Ministry, was obliged to abandon the 
proposal after many days of fruitless 
effort. Ignoring the imperial Ministry, 
the Assembly proceeded to discuss the 
steps to be taken with reference to the 
armistice which was already in process of 
fulfilment. Meanwhile the democratic Left 
lost their majority in the Assembly, and 
the proposal of the committee to refuse 
acceptance of the armistice and to declare 
war on Denmark through the provisional 
central power was lost by 258 votes to 237. 

This result led to a revolt in Frankfort, 
begun by the members of the Extreme 
Left under the leadership of Zitz of Mainz 
and their adherents in the town and in 
the neighbouring states of Hesse and 
Baden. The town senate was forced to 
apply to the garrison of Mainz fo^ military 
protection and to guard the meeting of 
the National Assembly on September i8th, 
1848, with an Austrian and a Prussian 
battalion of the line. The revolutionaries, 
here as in Paris, terrified the Parliament 
by the invasion of an armed mob, and 
sought to intimidate the members to the 
passing of resolutions which would have 
brought on a civil war. 

Barricades were erected, and two deputies 
of the Right, Prince Felix Lichnowsky and 
Erdmann of Auerswald, were cruelly mur- 
dered. Even the long-suffering archducal 
_ . , administrator of the empire was 
p"" ° * ^o^c^^ to renounce the hope of 
g*^° . a pacific termination of the 
uppresse qT^^sx^l. The troops were ordered 
to attack the barricades, and the disturb- 
ance was put down in a few hours with no 
great loss of life. The citizens of Frankfort 
had not fallen into the trap of the " Reds," 
or given any support to the desperadoes 
with whose help the German republic was 
to be founded. A few days later the pro- 
fessional revolutionary, Gustav Struve, met 


the fate he deserved ; after invading Baden 
with an armed force from France, "to help 
the great cause of freedom to victory," 
he was captured at Lorrach on September 
25th, 1848, and thrown into prison. 

The German National Assembly was now 
able to resume its meetings, but the public 
confidence in its lofty position and powers 
had been greatly shaken. Had the radical 
attempt at intimidation proved successful, 
the Assembly would speedily have ceased 
to exist. It was now able to turn its 
attention to the question of " fundamental 
rights," while the governments in Vienna 
and Berlin were fighting for the right of 
the executive power. The suppression of 
the Vienna revolt by Windisch-Graetz 
had produced a marked impression in 
Prussia. The conviction was expressed 
that the claims of the democracy to a 
share in the executive power by the sub- 
jects of the state, and their interference 
in government affairs, were to be uncon- 
ditionally rejected. Any attempt to 
coerce the executive authorities was to be 
crushed by the sternest measures, by force 
of arms, if need be ; otherwise the main- 
tenance of order was im- 

ev re possible, and without this 

Measures of the ^ 


there could be rio peaceful 
enjoyment of constitu- 
tional rights. It was clear that compliance 
on the part of the government with the 
demands of the revolutionary leaders would 
endanger the freedom of the vast majority 
of the population ; the latter were ready to 
secure peace and the stability of the exist- 
ing order of things by renouncing in favour 
of a strong government some part of those 
rights which Liberal theorists had assigned 
to them. In view of the abnormal ex- 
citement then prevailing, such a pro- 
gramme necessitated severity and self- 
assertion on the part of the government. 
This would be obvious in time of peace, 
but at the moment the fact was not likely 
to be appreciated. 

The refusal to fire a salute upon the 
occasion of a popular demonstration in 
Schweidnitz on July 31st, 1848, induced the 
Prussian National Assembly to take steps 
which were calculated to diminish the 
consideration and the respect of armed 
force, which was a highly beneficial in- 
fluence in those troublous times. The re- 
sult was the retirement on September 7th 
of the Auerswald-Hansemann Ministry, 
which had been in office since June 25th ; 
it was followed on September 21st by a 


bureaucratic Ministry under the presi- 
dency of General Pfuel, which was with- 
out influence either with the king or the 
National Assembly. The Left now obtained 
the upper hand. As president they chose 
a moderate, the railway engineer, Hans 
Victor von Unruh, and as vice-president 
the leader of the Extreme Left, the doc- 
trinaire lawyer, Leo Waldeck. During the 
deUberations on the constitution they 
erased the phrase " By the grace of God " 
from the king's titles, and resolved on 
October 31st, 1848, to request the Imperial 
Government in Frankfort to send help to 
the revolted Viennese. This step led to 
long continued communications between 
the Assembly and the unemployed classes, 
who were collected by the democratic 
agitators, and surrounded the royal theatre 
where the deputies held their sessions. 

On November ist, 1848, news arrived 
of the fall of Vienna, and Frederic William 
IV. determined to intervene in support of 
his kingdom. He dismissed Pfuel and 
placed Count William of Brandenburg, 
son of his grandfather Frederic William II. 
and of the Countess Sophia Juliana 

Friederika of Donhoff, at the 
, ""^ '.* head of a new Ministry. He 
- ^.. " then despatched 15,000 troops, 

under General Friedrich von 
Wrangel, to Berlin, the city being shortly 
afterwards punished by the declaration of 
martial law. The National Assembly was 
transferred from Berlin to Brandenburg. 
The Left, for the purpose of "undisturbed " 
deliberation, repeatedly met in the Berlin 
coffee-houses, despite the prohibition of 
the president of the Ministry, but even- 
tually gave way and followed the Con- 
servatives to Brandenburg, after being twice 
dispersed by the troops. Berlin and the 
Marks gave no support to the democracy. 
The majority of the population dreaded 
a reign of terror by the " Reds," and 
were delighted with the timely opposi- 
tion. They also manifested their satis- 
faction at the dissolution of the National 
Assembly, which had given few appre- 
ciable signs of legislative activity in 
Brandenburg, at the publication on 
December 5th, 1848, of a constitutional 
scheme drafted by the Government, and 
the issue of writs for the election of a 
Prussian Landtag which was to revise the 
law of suffrage. Some opposition was 
noticeable in the provinces, but was for the 
moment of a moderate nature. The 
interference of the Frankfort Parliament in 


the question of the Prussian constitution 
produced no effect whatever. The centres 
of the Right and Left had there united and 
taken the lead, then proceeding to pass 
resolutions which would not hinder the 
Prussian Government in asserting its 
right to determine its own affairs. Public 
opinion in Germany had thus changed; 
_ , there was a feeling in favour 

ermany » Qf limiting the demands that 

Rejection of • i . ■ j • ,, 

Radicalism "^^S^t arise durmg the con- 
stitutional definition of the 
national rights ; moreover, the majority 
of the nation had declined adherence to 
the tenets of radicalism. It seemed 
that these facts were producing a highly 
desirable change of direction in the 
energies of the German National Assembly ; 
the provisional central power was even 
able to pride itself upon a reserve of force, 
for the Prussian Government had placed 
its united forces, 326,000 men, at its dis- 
posal, as was announced by Schmerling, 
the imperial Minister, on October 23rd, 1848. 
None the less, an extraordinary 
degree of statesmanship and political 
capacity was required to cope with the 
obstacles which lay before the creation 
of a national federation organised as a 
state, with adequate power to deal with 
domestic and foreign policy. But not only 
was this supreme political insight required 
of the national representatives ; theirs, too, 
must be the task of securing the support 
of the Great Powers, without • which the 
desired federation was unattainable. 

This condition did not apply for the 
moment in the case of Austria, whose 
decision was of the highest importance. 
Here an instance recurred of the law 
constantly exemplified in the lives both 
of individuals and of nations, that a 
recovery of power stimulates to aggression 
instead of leading to discretion. True 
wisdom would have concentrated the 
national aims upon a clearly recognisable 
and attainable object — namely, the trans- 
formation of the old dynastic 
uppressing power of the Hapsburgs into 

the Hungarian ^ , x x c u 

_ . . a modern state. Such a 

change would of itself have 
determined the form of the federation with 
the new German state, which could well 
have been left to develop in its own way. 
Russian help for the suppression of the 
Hungarian revolt would have been un- 
necessary ; it would have been enthu- 
siastically given by the allied Prussian 
states under Frederic William IV. The 



only tasks of Austria-Hungary for the 
immediate future would have been the 
fostering of her civilisation, the improve- 
ment of domestic prosperity, and the 
extension of her influence in the Balkan 
peninsula. Even her Italian paramountcy, 
had it been worth retaining, 
The Catholic could hardly have been wrested 
Dynasty from her. No thinking member 

10 Germany ^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ ^f Hapsburg 

could deny these facts at the present day. 
Possibly even certain representatives of 
that ecclesiastical power which has en- 
deavoured for three centuries to make 
the Hapsburg dynasty the champion of 
its interests might be 
brought to admit that 
the efforts devoted to 
preserving the hereditary 
position of the Catholic 
dynasty in Germany led 
to a very injudicious 
expenditure of energy. 

But such a degree of 
political foresight was 
sadly to seek in the 
winter of 1848-1849. The 
only man who had almost 
reached that standpoint, 
the old Wessenberg, was 
deprived of his influence 
at the critical moment of 
decision. His place was 
taken by one whose 
morality was even lower 
than his capacity or pre- 
vious training, and whose 
task was nothing less than 
the direction of a newly 
developed state and the 


His policy upon German questions was 
modelled on that of Metternich. The 
only mode of action which commended 
itself to the Emperor Francis Joseph I., 
now eighteen years of age, was one 
promising a position of dignity, combining 
all the " splendour " of the throne of 
Charles the Great with the inherent force 
of a modern Great Power. A prince of 
chivalrous disposition, who had witnessed 
the heroic deeds of his army under 
Radetzky, with the courage to defend 
his fortunes and those of his state at the 
point of the sword, would never have 
voluntarily yielded his rights, his honour- 
able position, and the 
family traditions of cen- 
turies, even if the defence 
of these had not been 
represented by his ad- 
visers as a ruler's inevit- 
able task and as absolutely 
incumbent upon him. 

The Frankfort Parlia- 
ment had already dis- 
cussed the " fundamental 
rights." It had deter- 
mined by a large majority 
that personal union was 
the only possible form of 
alliance between any part 
of Germany and foreign 
countries ; it had decided 
upon the use of the two- 
chamber system in the 
Reichstag, and had se- 
cured representation in 
the "Chamber of the 
States" to the govern- 
ments even of the smallest 

invention of some modus Kj„^J---J--,-^^^^^^^ it had made 

Vivendi between the out- offered him by the Frankfort Diet in 1849. His prOVlSlOn tOr the CUStOmS 

raged andinsul ted '■^*^" ^*"' °° *^^ ^*'°'^' ^ disappointing one. ^^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^ ^g^j^^ 
dynasty and the agitators, devoid alike 1849, ^^ latest. Among the leaders of the 

of sense and conscience, who had plied 
the nationalities of the Austrian Empire 
with evil counsel. Prince Windisch- 
Graetz was quite able to overpower 
street rioters or to crush the " legions " 
of Vienna ; but his vocation was not 
that of a general or a statesman. 

However, his word was all-powerful at 
the court in Olmiitz. On November 21st, 
1848, Prince Felix Schwarzenberg became 
head of the Austrian Government. His 
political views were those of Windisch- 
Graetz, whose intellectual superior he 
was, though his decisions were in conse- 
quence the more hasty and ill-considefed. 


Centre the opinion then gained ground that 

union with Austria would be impossible in 

as close a sense as it was possible with the 

other German states, and that the only 

means of assuring the strength and unity 

- . of the pure German states was 

Secessions , r /i j-_ -j. r 

. . to confer the dignity of emperor 

L'b*"*^ * upon the King of Prussia. 

The promulgation of this idea 

resulted in a new cleavage of parties. 

The majority of the moderate Liberal 

Austrians seceded from their associates 

and joined the Radicals, Ultramontanes, 

and Particularists, with the object of 

preventing the introduction of Prussia as 


an empire into the imperial constitution. 
Schmerling resigned the presidency of 
the imperial Ministry. The Imperial Ad- 
ministrator was forced to replace him by 
Heinrich von Gagern, the fu-st president 
of the Parliament. His programme was 
announced on December i6th, and proposed 
the foundation of a close federal alliance 
of the German states under Prussian 
leadership, while a looser federal connection 
was to exist with Austria, as arranged by 
the settlement of the Vienna Congress. 

After three days' discussion, on January 
iith-i4th, 1849, this programme was 
accepted by 261 members of the Ger- 
man National Assembly as against 224. 
Sixty Austrian deputies entered a protest 
against this resolution, denying the right 
of the Parliament to exclude the German 
Austrians from the German Federal State. 
The Austrian Government was greatly 
disturbed at the promulgation of the 
Gagern programme, and objected to the 
legislative powers of the Frankfort 
Assembly in general terms on February 7th, 
declaring her readiness to co-operate in a 
union of the German states, and protest- 

c M . ^,w„- ing against the " remodel- 
Frederic William i- .? r ■ j.- j- 

J. ^ hng of existmg condi- 

mperor tions. Thus, she adopted 

of the Germans ... S- 

a position corresponding 

to that of the federation of 1815. The 

decision now remained with the king, 

Frederic William IV. ; he accepted the 

imperial constitution of March 28th, 1849, 

and was forthwith elected Emperor of the 

Germans by 290 of the 538 deputies present. 

The constitution in document form 
was signed by only 366 deputies, as 
the majority of the Austrians and the 
ultramontanes decUned to acknowledge 
the supremacy of a Protestant Prussia. 
The 290 electors who had voted for the 
king constituted, however, a respectable 
majority. Still, it was as representatives 
of the nation that they offered him the 
imperial Crown, and they made their offer 
conditional upon his recognition of the 
imperial constitution which had been 
resolved upon in Frankfort. It was 
therein provided that in all questions of 
legislation the decision should rest with 
the popular House in the Reichstag. 

The imperial veto was no longer uncon- 
ditional, but could only defer discussion 
over three sittings. This the King of Prussia 
was unable to accept, if only for the reason 
that he was already involved in a warm 
discussion with Austria, Bavaria, and 

Wiirtemberg upon the form of a German 
federal constitution which was to be laid 
before the Parliament by the princes. 

The despatch of a parliamentary depu- 
tation to Berlin was premature, in view of 
the impossibility of that unconditional 
acceptance of the imperial title desired and 
expected by Dahlmann and the professor 
Where the °^ Konigsberg, Martin Eduard 
j^.^ Simson, at that time president 

Blundered 2,^ ^^e National Assembly. 
The only answer that Frederic 
William could give on April 3rd, 1849, was 
a reply postponing his decision. This the 
delegation construed as a refusal, as it 
indicated hesitation on the king's part to 
r^ecognise the Frankfort constitution in its 
entirety. The king erred in believing that 
an arrangement with Austria still lay 
within the bounds of possibility ; he failed 
to see that Schwarzenberg only desired to 
restore the old Federal Assembly, while 
securing greater power in it to Austria than 
she had had under Metternich. 

The royal statesman considered Hungary 
as already subjugated, and conceived as 
in existence a united state to be formed of 
the Austrian and Hungarian territories, 
together with Galicia and Dalmatia; he 
desired to secure the entrance of this state 
within the federation, which he intended 
to be not German but a Central European 
federation under Austrian leadership. 

On the return of the parliamentary 
deputation to Frankfort with the refusal 
of the King of Prussia, the work of con- 
stitution-building was brought to a stand- 
still. The most important resolutions, 
those touching the head of the empire, had 
proved impracticable. The more far- 
sighted members of the ParUament recog- 
nised this fact, and also saw that to re- 
model the constitution would be to play 
into the hands of the Republicans. How- 
ever, their eyes were blinded to the fact 
that twenty-four petty states of different 
sizes had accepted the constitution, and 
_^ ^ they ventured to hope for ai: 

A UtiA improvement in the situation. 
Assembly Led ^^^ Liberals were uncertain 
by Democrat. ^ ^^^^^ ^^^^^^ ^^ the power 

which could be assigned to the nation, in 
contradistinction to the governments, with- 
out endangering the social fabric and the 
existence of civic society. To this lack of 
definite views is chiefly to be ascribed the 
fact that the German National Assembly 
allowed the Democrats to lead it into 
revolutionary tendencies, until it ended 



its existence in pitiable disruption. The 
Liberals, moreover, cannot be acquitted 
from the charge of playing the dangerous 
game of inciting national revolt with the 
object of carrying through the con- 
stitution which they had devised and 
drafted — a constitution, too, which meant 
a breach with the continuity of German 
_ 1 IP -I historical development. They 
_.**'^* *™' ^ fomented popular excitement 
F**** D d ^^^ brought about armed 
risings of the illiterate mobs of 
Saxony, the Palatinate, and Baden. The 
royal family were expelled from Dresden 
by a revolt on May 3rd, and Prussian 
troops were obliged to reconquer the 
capital at the cost of severe fighting on 
May 7th and 8th. It was necessary to 
send two Prussian corps to reinforce the 
imperial army drawn from Hesse, Mecklen- 
burg, Nassau, and Wiirtemberg, for the 
overthrow of the republican troops which 
had concentrated at Rastadt. 

Heinrich von Gagern and his friends 
regarded the advance of the Prussians as a 
breach of the peace in the empire. The 
Gagern Ministry resigned, as the Archduke 
John could not be persuaded to oppose 
the Prussians. The Imperial Administra- 
tor had already hinted at his retirement 
after the imperial election ; but the 
Austrian Government had insisted upon 
his retention of his office, lest the King of 
Prussia should step into his place. He 
formed a conservative Ministry under the 
presidency of the Prussian councillor of 
justice, Gravell, which wels received with 
scorn and derision by the Radicals, who 
were now the dominant party in the 
Parliament. More than a hundred deputies 
of the centres then withdrew with Gagern, 
Dahlmann, Welcker, Simson, and Mathy 
from May 12th to 26th, 1849. 

The Austrian Government had recalled 
the Austrian deputies on April 4th from the 
National Assembly, an example followed 
by Prussia on the 14th. On May 30th, 71 
p . of 135 voters who took part 

roposa .^ ^jj^ discussion supported 

to transfer t^ 1 it- i. ^ j. 

Parliament ^^'^ ^^^^t S proposa to 

transfer the Parliament from 
Frankfort to Stuttgart, where a victory for 
Suabian republicanism was expected. In the 
end 105 representatives made up from 
many classes, including, unfortunately, 
Lewis Uhland, gave the world the ridicu- 
lous spectacle of the opening of the 
so-called Rump Parliament at Stuttgart on 
June 6th, 1849, which reached the crown- 


ing folly in the election of five " imperial 
regents." The arrogance of this company, 
which even presumed to direct the move- 
ments of the Wiirtemberg troops, proved 
inconvenient to the government, which ac- 
cordingly closed the meeting hall . The first 
German Parliament then expired after a 
few gatherings in the Hotel Marquardt. 

The Imperial Government, the Admini- 
strator and his Ministry, retained their 
offices until December, 1849, notwith- 
standing repeated demands for their 
resignation. A committee of four members, 
appointed as a provisional central power 
by Austria and Prussia, then took over all 
business, documentary and financial. As 
an epilogue to the Frankfort Parliament, 
mention may be made of the gathering of 
160 former deputies of the first German 
Reichstag, which had belonged to the 
" imperial party," The meeting was held 
in Gotha on June 26th. Heinrich von 
Gagern designated the meeting as a private 
conference ; however, he secured the 
assent of those present to a programme 
drawn up by himself which asserted the 
desirability of a narrower, " little Ger- 

„ , ,. man," federation under the 
Proclamation 1 j u • r t-> r 

... „ . headship of Prussia, or of 
of the Prussian xu j. 1 

Government another central power m 
association with Prussia. 
Upon the recall of the Prussian deputies 
from the Frankfort Parliament the Prus- 
sian Government issued a proclamation to 
the German people on May 5th, 1849, 
declaring itself henceforward responsible 
for the work of securing the unity which 
was justly demanded for the vigorous 
representation of German interests abroad, 
and for common legislation in constitu- 
tional form ; that is, with the co-operation 
of a national house of representatives. 

In the conferences of the ambassadors of 
the German states, which were opened at 
Berlin on May 17th, the Prussian pro- 
gramme was explained to be the formation 
of a close federation exclusive of Austria, 
and the creation of a wider federation 
which should include the Hapsburg state. 
Thus in theory had been discovered the 
form which the transformation of Germany 
should take. On her side Prussia did not 
entirely appreciate the fact that this 
programme could not be realised by means 
of ministerial promises alone, and that the 
whole power of the Prussian state would be 
required to secure its acceptance. The 
nation, or rather the men to whom the 
nation had entrusted its future, also failed 


to perceive that this form was the only 
kind of unity practically attainable, and 
that to it must be sacrificed those 
" guarantees of freedom " which liberal 
doctrinaires declared indispensable. 

It now became a question of deciding 
between a radical democracy and a 
moderate constitutional monarchy, and 
German Liberalism was precluded from 
coming to any honourable conclusion. 
Regardless of consequences, it exchanged 
amorous glances with the opposition in 
non-Prussian countries ; it considered 
agreement with the Government as treason 
to the cause of freedom, and saw reaction 
where nothing of the kind was to be found. 
It refused to give public support to aggres- 
sive Republicanism, fearing lest the people, 
when in arms, should prove a menace to 
private property, and lose that respect 
for the growing wealth of individual 
enterprise which ought to limit their 
aspirations ; at the same time, it declined 
to abate its pride, and continued to press 
wholly immoderate demands upon the 
authorities, to whom alone it owed the 
maintenance of the existing social order. 
. The Baden revolt had been 
■ „ t russians suppressed by the Prussian 

jj .. troops under the command of 

Prince William, afterwards 
emperor, who invaded the land which the 
Radicals had thrown into confusion, dis- 
persed the Republican army led by Miero- 
slawski and Hecker in a series of engage- 
ments, and reduced, on July 23rd, 1849, 
the fortress of Rastadt, which had fallen 
into the hands of the Republicans. The 
Liberals at first hailed the Prussians as 
deliverers ; the latter, however, proceeded 
by court-martial against the leaders, whose 
crimes had brought misery upon thousands 
and had reduced a flourishing province to 
desolation. Seventeen death sentences 
were passed, and prosecutions were in- 
stituted against the mutinous officers and 
soldiers of Baden. 

The " free-thinking " party, which had 
recovered from its fear of the " Reds," could 
then find no more pressing occupation than 
to rouse public feeling throughout South 
Germany against Prussia and "militarism," 
and to level unjustifiable reproaches against 
the prince in command, whose clever general- 
ship merited the gratitude not only of 
Baden but of every German patriot. Even 
then a solution of the German problem 
might have been possible had the Demo- 
crats in South Germany laid aside their 

fear of Prussian " predominance," and 
considered their secret struggle against 
an energetic administration as less im- 
portant than the establishment of a 
federal state, commanding the respect of 
other nations. But the success of the 
Prussian programme could have been 
secured only by the joint action of the 
^ , whole nation. Unanimity of 

, . , ,, • this kind was a very remote 

Idea of Unioa -u-i-^ r^ r i r xi. 

Abandoned Possibility. Fearful of the 
Prussian reaction, the 
nation abandoned the idea of German unity, 
to be driven into closer relations with the 
sovereign powers of the smaller and the 
petty states, and ultimately to fall under 
the heavier burden of a provincial reaction. 

Austria had recalled her ambassador, 
Anton, Count of Prokesch-Osten, from the 
Berlin Conference, declining all negotiation 
for the reconstitution of German interests 
upon the basis of the Prussian proposals ; 
but she could not have despatched an 
army against Prussia in the summer of 
1849. Even with the aid of her ally 
Bavaria, she was unable to cope with the 
300,000 troops which Prussia alone could 
place in the field at that time ; in Hun- 
gary, she had been obliged to call in the 
help of Russia. United action by Ger- 
many would probably have met with no 
opposition whatever. But Germany was 
not united, the people as little as the 
princes ; consequently when Prussia, after 
the ignominious failure of the Parliament 
and its high promise, intervened to secure 
at least some definite result from the 
national movement, her well-meaning 
proposals met with a rebuff as humiliating 
as it was undeserved. 

The result of the Berlin Conferences 

was the " alliance of the three kings " of 

Prussia, Hanover, and Saxony on May 26th, 

1849. Bavaria and Wiirtemberg declined 

to join the alliance on account of the claims 

to leadership advanced by Prussia ; but 

the majority of the other German states 

„ . , gave in their adherence in the 
Results of ° 

the Berlin 

course of the summer, 
federal council of administra- 
tion met on June i8th, and 
made arrangements for the convocation of 
a Reichstag, to which was to be submitted 
the federal constitution when the agree- 
ment of the Cabinets thereon had been 
secured. Hanover and Saxony then raised 
objections and recalled their representa- 
tives on the administrative council on 
October 20th. However, Prussia was able 



of States 

to fix the meeting of the Reichstag for 
March 20th, 1850- at Erfurt. Austria 
now advanced claims in support of the 
old federal constitution, and suddenly 
demanded that it should continue in 
full force. This action was supported 
by Bavaria, which advocated the forma- 
tion of a federation of the smaller states, 
which was to prepare another 
^ropose constitution as a rival to the 
"union" for which Prussia was 
working. The Saxon Minister, 
Beust, afterwards of mournful fame in 
Germany and Austria, who fought against 
the Saxon particularism, which almost 
surpassed that prevalent in Bavaria, 
and was guided by personal animosity to 
Prussia, became at that moment the most 
zealous supporter of the statesmanlike 
plans of his former colleague, Pfordten, 
who had been appointed Bavarian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs in April, 1849. 

Hanover was speedily won over, as Aus- 
tria proposed to increase her territory with 
Oldenburg, in order to create a second North 
German power as a counterpoise to Prussia, 
while Wiirtemberg declared her adherence 
to the " alliance of the four kings " with 
startling precipitancy. The chief attrac- 
tion was the possibility of sharing on 
equal terms in a directory of seven mem- 
bers with Austria, Prussia, and the two 
Hesses, which were to have a vote in 
common. The directory was not to exercise 
the functions of a central power, but was 
to have merely powers of "superintend- 
ence," even in questions of taxation and 
commerce . The claims of the Chambers were 
to be met by the creation of a " Reichstag," 
to which they were to send deputies. 

Upon the secession of the kingdoms 
from Prussia, disinclination to the work 
of unification was also manifested by the 
electorate of Hesse, where the elector 
had again found a Minister to his liking 
in the person of Daniel von Hassen- 
pflug. It would, however, have been quite 
, possible to make Prussia the 

e ing s (,gjj^j.g Qf Q^ considerable power 
J p by the conjunction of all the re- 

maining federal provinces had 
the Erfurt Parliament been entrusted with 
the task of rapidly concluding the work of 
unification. In the meantime Frederic 
William, under the influence of friends 
who favoured feudalism, Ernst Ludwig 
of Gerlach and Professor Stahl, had aban- 
doned his design of forming a restricted 
federation, and was inspired with the 


invincible conviction that it was his duty 
as a Christian king to preserve peace with 
Austria at any price ; for Austria, after 
her victorious struggle with the revolution, 
had become the prop and stay of all 
states where unlimited monarchy protected 
by the divine right of kings held sway. 

To guard this institution against Liberal 
onslaughts remained the ideal of his life, 
Prussian theories of politics and the 
paroxysms of German patriotism not- 
withstanding. He therefore rejected the 
valuable help now readily offered to him 
in Erfurt by the old imperial party of 
Frankfort, and clung to the utterly vain 
and unsupported hope that he could carry 
out the wider form of federation with 
Austria in some manner compatible with 
German interests. His hopes were forth- 
with shattered by Schwarzenberg's convo- 
cation of a congress of the German federal 
states at Frankfort, and Prussia's position 
became daily more unfavourable, although 
a meeting of the princes desirous of union 
was held in Berlin in May, 1850, and 
accepted the temporary continuance until 
July 15th, 1850, of the restricted federa- 
_ ..^. tion under Prussian leadership. 
Conditions ^^^ j^^^ Nicholas I. was 
oitheTsars ., , j- xi i 

j^ J. urgently demandmg the conclu- 

" '* ' ^ sion of the Schleswig-Holstein 
complication, which he considered as due 
to nothing but the intrigues of malevolent 
revolutionaries in Copenhagen and the 
duchies. In a meeting with Prince William 
of Prussia, which took place at Warsaw 
towards the end of May, 1850, the Tsar 
clearly stated that, in the event of the 
German question resulting in war between 
Prussia and Austria, his neutrality would 
be conditional upon the restoration of 
Danish supremacy over the rebels in 

Henceforward Russia stands between 
Austria and Prussia as arbitrator. Her 
intervention was not as unprejudiced as 
Berlin would have been glad to suppose ; 
she was beforehand determined to support 
Austria, to protect the old federal con- 
stitution, the Danish supremacy over 
Schleswig-Holstein, and the Elector of 
Hesse, Frederic William I., who had at 
that moment decided on a scandalous 
breach of faith with his people. This un- 
happy prince had already inflicted serious 
damage upon his country and its admir- 
able population ; he now proceeded to 
commit a crime against Germany by 
stirring up a fratricidal war, which was 


fed by a spirit of pettifogging selfishness 
and despicable jealousy. A Liberal reaction 
had begun, and the spirit of national self- 
assertion was fading ; no sooner had the 
elector perceived these facts than he 
proceeded to utilise them for the achieve- 
ment of his desires. He dismissed the 
constitutional Ministry, restored Has- 
senpflug to favour on February 22nd, 1850, 
and permitted him to raise taxes un- 
authorised by the Chamber for the space 
of six months. The Chamber raised objec- 
tions to this proceeding, and thereby gave 

of turning their arms upon their fellow- 
citizens, who were entirely within their 
rights. The long-desired opportunity of 
calling in foreign help was thus provided ; 
but the appeal was not made to the board 
of arbitration of the union, to which the 
electorate of Hesse properly belonged, 
but to the Federal Council, which Austria 
had reopened in Frankfort on October 
15th, 1850. 

With the utmost readiness Count 
Schwarzenberg accepted the unexpected 
support of Hassenpfiug, whose theories 

In the search after federation, which occupied the attention of the German states, the differences between Austria 
and Prussia created a serious difficulty. The question of federal reform was discussed in free conferences at Dresden, 
one of these assemblies, with the delegates from the various states concerned.being represented in the above picture. 

Hassenpfiug a handle which enabled him 
to derange the whole constitution of the 
electorate of Hesse. On September 7th the 
country was declared subject to martial law. 
For this step there was not the smallest 
excuse ; peace everywhere prevailed. 

The officials who had taken the oaths 
of obedience to the constitution declined 
to act in accordance with the declara- 
tion, and their refusal was construed 
as rebellion. On October 9th the 
officers of the Hessian army resigned, 
almost to a man, to avoid the necessity 

coincided with his own. The rump of the 
Federal Parliament, which was entirely 
under his influence, was summoned not 
only without the consent of Prussia but 
without any intimation to the Prussian 
Cabinet. This body at once determined to 
employ the federal power for the restora- 
tion of the elector to Hesse, though he had 
left Cassel of his own will and under no 
compulsion, fleeing to Wilhelmsbad with 
his Ministers at the beginning of Septem- 
ber. Schwarzenberg was well aware that 
his action would place the King of Prussia 



in a most embarrassing situation. Federa- 
tion and union were now in mutual 
opposition. On the one side was Austria, 
with the kingdoms and the two Hesses ; 
on the other was Prussia, with the united 
petty states, which were Httle better 
than worthless for military purposes. 
Austria had no need to seek occasion 
. . , to revenge herself for the re- 

_"' p*** suit of the imperial election, 
rea ower ^j^ j^^j^ ^g^ ascribed to Prussian 
in Germany i • . • i_ 

machmations ; her oppor- 
tunity was at hand in the appeal of a 
most valuable member of the federation, 
the worthy Elector of Hesse, to his brother 
monarchs for protection against demo- 
cratic presumption, against the insanities 
of constitutionalism, against a forsworn 
and mutinous army. Should Prussia now 
oppose the enforcement of the federal 
will in Hesse, she would be making common 
cause with rebels. 

The Tsar would be forced to oppose the 
democratic tendencies of his degenerate 
brother-in-law, and to take the field with 
the Conservative German states, and with 
Austria, who was crowding on full sail for 
the haven of absolutism. To have created 
this situation, and to have drawn the 
fullest advantage from it, was the master- 
stroke of Prince Felix Schwarzenberg's 
policy. Austria thereby reached the 
zenith of her power in Germany. 

The fate of Frederic William IV. now 
becomes tragical. The heavy punishment 
meted out to the overweening self-confi- 
dence of this ruler, the fearful disillusion- 
ment which he was forced to experience 
from one whom he had treated with full 
confidence and respect, cannot but evoke 
the sympathy of every spectator. He had 
* himself declined that imperial crown 
which Austria so bitterly grudged him. 
He had rejected the overtures of the 
imperial party from dislike to their 
democratic theories. He had begun the 
work of overthrowing the constitutional 

_^ _ . principles of the constitution 
The Sword t .i tt l j 

. „. , of the umon. He had sur- 

T h r^ a t*^* * rendered Schleswig-Holstein 
because his conscience would 
not allow him to support national against 
monarchical rights, and because he feared 
to expose Prussia to the anger of his 
brother-in-law. He had opposed the ex- 
clusion of Austria from the wider federation 
of the German states. He had always 
been prepared to act in conjunction with 
Austria in the solution of questions 


affecting Germany at large, while claiming 
for Prussia a right which was provided 
in the federal constitution — the right of 
forming a close federation, the right which, 
far from diminishing, would strengthen 
the power of the whole organism. And 
now the sword was placed at his throat, 
equality of rights was denied to him, and 
he was requested to submit to the action of 
Austria as paramount in Germany, to 
submit to a federal executive, which had 
removed an imperial administrator, though 
he was an Austrian duke, which could only 
be reconstituted with the assent of every 
German government, and not by eleven 
votes out of seventeen ! 

For two months the king strove hard, 
amid the fiercest excitement, to maintain 
his position. At the beginning of October, 
1850, he sent assurances to Vienna of his 
readiness " to settle all points of difference 
with the Emperor of Austria from the 
standpoint of an old friend." He quietly 
swallowed the arrogant threats of Bavaria, 
and was not to be provoked by the warlike 
speeches delivered at Bregenz on the 
occasion of the meeting of the Emperor 
Francis Joseph with the kings of South 
Germany, on October nth. He 
tK ^^ °^ continued to rely upon the insight 
„* . of the Tsar, with whose ideas 

he was in full agreement, and 
sent Count Brandenburg to Warsaw to 
assure him of his pacific intentions, and to 
gain a promise that he would not allow 
the action of the federation in Hesse and 
Holstein to pass unnoticed. Prince 
Schwarzenberg also appeared in Warsaw, 
and it seemed that there might be some 
possibility of an understanding between 
Austria and Prussia upon the German 
question. Schwarzenberg admitted that 
the Federal Council might be replaced by 
free conferences of the German Powers, as 
in 1819 ; he did not, however, explain 
whether these conferences were to be 
summoned for the purpose of appointing 
the new centred power, or whether the 
Federal Council was to be convoked for 
that object. 

He insisted unconditionally upon the 
execution of the federal decision in 
Hesse, which implied the occupation of 
the whole electorate by German and 
Bavarian troops. This Prussia could not 
allow, for military reasons. The ruler of 
Prussia was therefore forced to occupy 
the main roads to the Rhine province, and 
had already sent forward several thousand 


men under Count Charles from the Groben 
to the neighbourhood of Fulda for this 
purpose. The advance of the Bavarians 
in this direction would inevitably result 
in a collision with the Prussian troops, 
unless these latter were first withdrawn. 
Count Brandenburg returned to Berlin 
resolved to prevent a war which offered no 
prospect of success in view of the Tsar's 
attitude. Radowitz, who had been Min- 
ister of Foreign Affairs since September 
27th, 1850, called for the mobilisation of 
the army, and was inclined to accept the 
challenge to combat ; he considered the 
Austrian preparations comparatively in- 
nocuous, and was convinced that Russia 
would be unable to concentrate any con- 
siderable body of troops on the Prussian 
frontier before the summer. 

On November 2nd, 1850, the king 
also declared for the mobilisation, though 
with the intention of continuing nego- 
tiations with Austria, if possible ; he 
was ready, however, to adopt Branden- 
burg's view of the situation, if a majority 
in the ministerial council could be found 
to support this policy. Brandenburg 
. , succumbed to a sudden attack 

"^.^ * * * of brain fever on November 
. Q 6th, not, as was long supposed, 

ermany ^^ vexation at the rejection 
of his policy of resistance ; his work was 
taken up and completed by Manteuffel, 
after Radowitz had left the Ministry. 

After the first shots had been exchanged 
between the Prussian and Bavarian troops 
at Bronzell, to the south of Fulda, on 
November 8th, he entirely abandoned the 
constitution of the union, allowed the 
Bavarians to advance upon the condition 
that Austria permitted the simultaneous 
occupation of the high roads by Prussian 
troops, and started with an autograph 
letter from the king and Queen Elizabeth 
to meet the Emperor Francis Joseph and 
his mother, the Archduchess Sophie, 
sister of the Queen of Prussia, in order 
to discuss conditions of peace with 
the Austrian Prime Minister. Prince 
Schwarzenberg was anxious to proceed 
to extremities ; but the young emperor 
had no intention of beginning a war 
with his relatives, and obliged Schwarz- 
enberg to yield. At the emperor's 
command he signed the stipulation of 
Olmiitz on November 2gth, 1850, under 
which Prussia fully satisfied the Austrian 
demands, receiving one sole concession 
in return — that the question of federal 

reform should be discussed in free con- 
ferences at Dresden. Thus Prussia's 
German policy had ended in total failure. 
She was forced to abandon all hope of 
realising the Gagern programme by 
forming a narrower federation under her 
own leadership, exclusive of popular re- 
presentation, direct or indirect. Prussia 
The Reproach ^o^t ^^atly in prestige ; the 
of Frederic enthusiasm aroused through- 
William °^^ *^^ provinces by the 
prospect of war gave place 
to bitter condemnation of the vacillation 
imputed to the king after the " capitula- 
tion of Olmiitz." Even his brother, Prince 
William, burst into righteous indignation 
during the Cabinet Council of December 
2nd, 1850, at the stain on the white shield 
of Prussian honour. 

Until his death, Frederic William IV. was 
reproached with humiliating Prussia, and 
reducing her to a position among the German 
states which was wholly unworthy of her. 
Yet it is possible that the resolution which 
gave Austria a temporary victory was the 
most unselfish offering which the king could 
then have made to the German nation. 
He resisted the temptation of founding a 
North German federation with the help 
and alliance of France, which was offered 
by Persigny, the confidential agent of 
Louis Napoleon. Fifty thousand French 
troops had been concentrated at Strassburg 
for the realisation of this project. They 
would have invaded South Germany and 
devastated Swabia and Bavaria in the 
cause of Prussia. But it was not by such 
methods that German unity was to be 
attained, or a German Empire to be 
founded. Renunciation for the moment 
was a guarantee of success hereafter. 

In his " Reflections and Recollections " 
Prince Bismarck asserts that Stockhausen, 
the Minister of War, considered the Prus- 
sian forces in November, 1850, inadequate 
to check the advance upon Berlin of the 
Austrian army concentrated in Bohemia. 
He had received this informa- 
ro em ^ ^-^^^ ^^^^ Stockhausen, and 

Fuutr*"^ • had defended the king's atti- 
tude in the Chamber. He also 
thinks he has estabUshed the fact that 
Prince William, afterwards his king and 
emperor, was convinced of the incapacity 
of Prussia to deal a decisive blow at that 
period. He made no mention of his con- 
viction that such a blow must one day 
be delivered ; but this assurance seems 
to have grown upon him from that date. 












TTHE victory of Schwarzenberg in Olmiitz 
•'• gave a predominating influence in 
Central Europe to the spirit of the Tsar 
Nicholas I., the narrowness and bigotry of 
which is not to be paralleled in any of those 
periods of stagnation which have inter- 
rupted the social development of Europe. 
Rarely has a greater want of common sense 
„, been shown in the government 

to Europe" °^ ^^^ Western civilised nation 
o urope s ^j^^^j^ ^g^g displayed during the 
eve opmen ygg^j-g subsequent to 1850 — a. 
period which has attained in this respect 
a well-deserved notoriety. It is true that 
the preceding movement had found the 
nations immature, and therefore incapable 
of solving the problems with which they 
were confronted. The spirit was willing, 
but the flesh was unprepared. 

The miserable delusion that construc- 
tion is a process as easy and rapid as 
destruction ; that a few months can accom- 
plish what centuries have failed to perfect ; 
that an honest attempt to improve political 
institutions must of necessity effect the 
desired improvement ; the severance of 
the theoretical from the practical, which 
was the ruin of every politician — ^these 
were the obstacles which prevented the 
national leaders from making timely use 
of that tremendous power which was 
placed in their hands in the month of 
March, 1848. Precious time was squan- 
dered in the harangues of rival orators, 
in the formation of parties and chibs, in 
over-ambitious programmes and compla- 

-,. ^. . cent self -laudation thereon, in 
The Mission j- i r , 

^j displays of arrogance and 

Liberalism malevolent onslaughts. 
Liberalism was forced to resign 
its claims ; it was unable to effect a com- 
plete and unwavering severance from 
radicalism ; it was unable to appreciate the 
fact that its mission was not to govern, but 
to secure recognition from the Government. 
The peoples were unable to gain legal 
confirmation of their rights, because they 
had no clear ideas upon the extent of 


those rights, and had not been taught that 
self-restraint which was the only road to 
success. Thus far all is sufficiently intelli- 
gible, and, upon a retrospect, one is almost 
inclined to think of stagnation as the result 
of a conflict of counterbalancing forces. 

But one phenomenon there is, which 
becomes the more astonishing in pro- 
portion as it is elucidated by that pure 
light of impartial criticism which the 
non-contemporary historian can throw 
upon it — it is the fact that mental confu- 
sion was followed by a cessation of mental 
energy, that imperative vigour and interest 
were succeeded by blatant stupidity, that 
the excesses committed by nations in their 
struggle for the right of self-determina- 
tion were expiated by yet more brutal ex- 
hibitions of the misuse of power, the blame 
of which rests upon the governments, who 
were the nominal guardians of right and 
morality in their higher forms. In truth 
Tk XI *• a very moderate degree of wis- 

The Nations ^^^ ^^ ^ j^^ leading states- 
men would have drawn the 
proper conclusions from the 
facts of the case, and have discovered the 
formulae expressing the relation between 
executive power and national strength. 

But the thinkers who would have 
been satisfied with moderate claims were 
not to be found ; it seemed as if the 
very intensity of political action had 
exhausted the capacity for government, as 
if the conquerors had forgotten that they 
too had been struggling to preserve the 
state and to secure its internal consolida- 
tion and reconstitution, that the revolution 
had been caused simply by the fact that 
the corrupt and degenerate state was 
unable to perform what its subjects had 
the right to demand. 

The nations were so utterly depressed by 
the sad experiences which they had brought 
upon themselves as to show themselves 
immediately sensible to the smallest ad- 
vances of kindness and confidence. Irritated 
by a surfeit of democratic theory, the 

Suffering from 


Count Leo Thun and A. von Bach, whose portraits are given above, 
were among the men of note who, after the storms of the revolutionary 
years, supported the enlightened policy of Joseph II. As Minister 
of Education, the former introduced compulsory education, put the 
national schools under state control, and assisted the universities. 

political organism had lost its tone. A 
moderate allowance of rights and freedom 
would have acted as a stimulant, but the 
constitution had been too far lowered for 
hunger to act as a cure. Education and 
amelioration, not punishment, were now 
the mission of 
the governments 
which had re- 
covered their 
unlimited power ; 
but they were 
themselves both 
uninformed and 
The punishment 
which they meted 
out was inflicted 
not from a sense 
of duty, but in 
revenge for the 
blows which 
they had been 
compelled to en- 
dure in the course 
of the revolution, 
Most fatal to 
Austria was the lack of creative power, of 
experienced statesmen with education and 
serious moral purpose. In this country 
an enlightened government could have 
attained its every desire. Opportunity 
was provided for effecting a fundamental 
change in the constitution ; 
all opposition had been broken 
down, and the strong vitality 
of the state had been brilliantly 
demonstrated in one of the 
hardest struggles for existence 
in which the country had been 
engaged for three centuries. 
There was a new ruler, strong, 
bold, and well informed, full 
of noble ambition and tender 
sentiment, too young to be 
hidebound by preconceived 

opinion and yet old enough 

to feel enthusiasm for his '^^K^^' Budapest, that the Hapsburg 

lofty mission ; such a man george v. of hanover state should have sought 
would have been the strongest thronV^of^Hanover*^^ isTi , tht strength and protection 
conceivable guarantee of sue- ^^^^ ^'"5 George v. engaged in aerainst future periods of storm. 

& lotifiT struBfcrlc witii nls people _o * 

cess to a Ministry of wisdom in defence of absolutism, and Even at the present day the 
and experience capable of ^^^^ *" ^^'^^ ' 
leading him in the path of steady progress 

Government had reserved to itself full scope 
for exercising an independent influence 
upon the development of the state. In 
this arrangement the kingdom of Hungary 
had been included after its subordinate 
provinces had severed their connection 

with the Crown 
of Stephen, 
obtaining special 
provincial rights 
of their own. 
The best ad- 
officials in the 
empire, Von 
Schmerii ng, 
Bach, Count 
Thun, and Bruck, 
were at the dis- 
position of the 
Prime Minister 
for the work of 
revivifjdng the 
economic and in- 
tellectual Ufe of 
the monarchy. 
No objection 
would have been raised to a plan for divid- 
ing the non-Hungarian districts into bodies 
analogous to the English county, and thus 
laying the impregnable foundations of a cen- 
tralised government which would develop 
as the education of the smaller national 
entities advanced. The fate 
of Austria was delivered into 
the hands of the emperor's 
advisers ; but no personality of 
Radetzky's stamp was to be 
found among them. The 
leading figure was a haughty 
nobleman, whose object and 
pleasure were to sow discord 
between Austria and the 
Prussian king and people, 
Austria's most faithful allies 
since 1815. It was in Frank- 
fort, and not in Vienna or 


and of respect for the national rights. 
The clumsy and disjointed Reichstag of 
Kremsier was dissolved on March-yth, and 
on March 4th, 1849, 3- constitution had been 
voluntarily promulgated, in which the 

1878. ^g^i j^^g j^Q^ i^ggj^ wholly parted 
which then shrouded the change of political 

theory in the leading circles at the Vienna 
court. Certain, however, it is that this 
change was not the work of men anxious 
for progress, but was due to the machina- 
tions of pohtical parasites who plunged one 



of the best-intentioned of rulers into a 
series of entanglements which a life of 
sorrow and cruel disappointments was 
unable to unravel. The precious months 
of 1850, when the nation would thankfully 
have welcomed any cessation of the pre- 
valent disturbance and terrorism, or any 
sign of confidence in its capacities, were 
_ allowed to pass by without an 

Tid*e o" ^^°^- ^^ *^^ following year 
„* ^ °. the national enemies gamed 
the upper hand ; it was re- 
solved to break with constitutionalism, 
and to reject the claims of the citizens to 
a share in the legislature and the admini- 
stration. In September, 185 1, the Govern- 
ments of Prussia and Sardinia were 
ordered to annul the existing constitutions. 

This was a step which surpassed even 
Metternich's zeal for absolutism. Schmer- 
ling and Bruck resigned their posts in the 
Ministry on January 5th and May 23rd, 
.1851, feeling their inability to make head 
against the reactionary movement. On 
August 20th, 185 1, the imperial council 
for which provision had been made in the 
constitution of March 4th, 1849, was 
deprived of its faculty of national repre- 
sentation. As the council had not yet 
been called into existence, the only inter- 
pretation to be laid upon this step was 
that the Ministry desired to re-examine the 
desirability of ratifying the constitution. 

On December 31st, 1851, the consti- 
tution was annulled, and the personal 
security of the citizens thereby endan- 
gered, known as they were to be in favour 
of constitutional measures. The police 
and a body of gendarmes, who were ac- 
corded an unprecedented degree of licence, 
undertook the struggle, not against exag- 
gerated and impracticable demands, but 
against Liberalism as such, while the 
authorities plumed themselves in the fond 
delusion that this senseless struggle was 
a successful stroke of statesmanship. En- 
lightened centralisation would have found 
thousands of devoted coadju- 

e res en ^^^^ ^^^ have awakened many 
Coaierences , ,r ij.ii_ 

Qj . dormant forces ; but the cen- 

tralisation of the reactionary 
foes of freedom was bound to remain fruit- 
less and to destroy the pure impulse which 
urged the people to national activity. 

The successes in foreign policy, by 
which presumption had been fostered, 
now ceased. During the Dresden con- 
ferences, which had been held in Olmiitz, 
Schwarzenberg found that he had been 


bitterly deceived in his federal allies among 
the smaller states, and that he had 
affronted Prussia to no purpose as far as 
Austria was concerned. His object had 
been to introduce such modifications in 
the Act of Federation as would enable 
Austria and the countries dependent on 
her to enter the German Federation, which 
would then be forced to secure the inviol- 
ability of the whole Hapsburg power. 
Britain and France declined to accept 
these proposals. The German governments 
showed no desire to enter upon a struggle 
with two Great Powers to gain a federal 
reform which could only benefit Austria. 
Prussia was able calmly to await the col- 
lapse of Schwarzenberg' s schemes. 

After wearisome negotiations, lasting 
from December, 1850, to May, 1851, it be- 
came clear that all attempts at reform were 
futile as long as Austria declined to grant 
Prussia the equality which she desired in 
the presidency and in the formation of the 
proposed " directory." Schwarzenberg 
declined to yield, and all that could be 
done was to return to the old federal 
system, and thereby to make the dis- 
_ creditable avowal that the 

evere collective governments were 

Punishment of , ° xv. j- • • 1. j 

, .. J as powerless as the disjomted 

parliament to amend the 
unsatisfactory political situation. In the 
federal palace at Frankfort-on-Main, where 
the sovereignty of that German National 
Assembly had been organised a short time 
before, the opinion again prevailed, from 
185 1, that there could be no more dan- 
gerous enemy to the state and to society 
than the popular representative. The 
unfortunate Liberals, humiliated and de- 
pressed by their own incompetency, now 
paid the penalty for their democratic 
tendencies ; they were branded as 
" destructive forces," and punished by 
imprisonment which should properly have 
fallen upon republican inconstancy. 

The majority of the liberal constitutions 
which the revolution of 1848 had brought 
into existence were annulled ; this step was 
quickly carried out in Saxony, Mecklen- 
burg-Schwerin, and Wiirtemberg, in June, 
September, and November, 1850, though 
the Chamber continued an obstinate re- 
sistance until August, 1855, in Hanover, 
where the blind King George V. had 
ascended the throne on November i8th, 
185 1, The favour of the federation re- 
stored her detested ruler to the electorate 
of Hesse. He positively revelled in the 


craelty and oppression practised upon his 
subjects by the troops of occupation. His 
sateUite, Hassenpflug, known as " Hessen- 
Fluch," the curse of Hesse, zealously 
contributed to increase the severity of 
this despotism by his ferocity against 
the recalcitrant officials, who considered 
themselves bound by their obligations 
to the constitution. 

In Prussia the reactionary party would 
very gladly have made an end of consti- 
tutionalism once and for all ; but though 
the king entertained a deep-rooted objec- 
tion to the modern theories of popular parti- 
cipation in the government, he declined to 
be a party to any breach of the oath which 
he had taken. Bunsen and Prince Wilham 
supported his objections to a coup d'etat, 
which seemed the more unnecessary as a 
constitutional change in the direction of 
conservatism had been successfully carried 
through on February 6th, 1850. 

The system of three classes of direct 
representation was introduced at the 
end of April, 1849, taxation thus becoming 
the measure of the political rights 
exercised by the second Chamber. The 
p . , possibility of a labour maj'ority 
j^ in this Chamber was thus 

of Lord. ot)viated. The Upper Chamber 
was entirely remodelled. Mem- 
bers were no longer elected, but were 
nominated by the Crown ; seats were made 
hereditary in the different noble families, 
and the preponderance of the nobility was 
thus secured. The institution of a full 
house of lords on October 12th, 1854, was 
not so severe a blow to the state as 
the dissolution of the parish councils 
and the reinstitution of the provincial 
Landtags in 1851. 

Schleswig- Holstein was handed over to 
the Danes ; the constitution of Septem- 
ber 15th, 1848, and German " proprietary 
rights " were declared null and void by a 
supreme authority composed of Austrian, 
Prussian, and Danish commissioners. By 
the London protocol of May 8th, 1852, the 
Great Povvers recognised the succession of 
Prince Christian of Holstein-Gliicksbiug, 
who had married Princess Louise, a 
daughter of the Countess of Hesse, Louise 
Charlotte, sister of Christian VIIL How- 
ever, the German Federation did not favour 
this solution ; the estates of the duchies, 
who had the best right to decide the ques- 
tion, were never even asked their opinion. 
On December 30th, 1852, Duke Christian 
of Holstein- Augustenburg sold his Schles- 

wig estates to the reigning house of Den- 
mark for $1,700,000, renouncing his here- 
ditary rights at the same time, though the 
other members of tlie family declined to 
accept the renunciation as binding upon 
themselves. Thus the Danes gained but 
a temporary victory. It was even then 
clear that after the death of King Frederic 
The " G ^^^' ^^® struggle would be 

Fleet "Ex t d ^^^^^^^ ^^^ the Separation 
' to Auct/oT * ^^ ^^^ German districts 
from the " Danish United 
States." A legacy of the national move- 
ment, the "German fleet," was put up to 
auction at this date. The German Federa- 
tion had no maritime interests to represent. 
It declined the trouble of extorting a 
recognition of the German flag from the 
maritime Powers. Of the four frigates, 
five corvettes, and six gunboats, which 
had been fitted out at a cost of $2,700,000, 
Prussia bought the larger part, after 
Hanoverian machinations had induced 
the Federal Council to determine the dis- 
solution of the fleet on April 2nd, 1852. 
Prussia acquired from Oldenburg a strip of 
territory on the Jade Bay, and in course of 
time constructed a naval arsenal and har- 
bour, Wilhelmshaven, which enabled her to 
appear as a maritime power in the Baltic. 
These facts were the more important as 
Prussia, in spite of violent opposition, had 
maintained her position as head of that 
economic unity which was now known as 
the " Zollverein." The convention expired 
on December 31st, 1853. From 1849, 
Austria had been working to secure the 
position, and at the tariff conference held 
in Wiesbaden in June, 1851, had secured 
the support of every state of importance 
within the Zollverein with the exception of 
Prussia. Prussia was in consequence forced 
to renounce the preference for protective 
duties which she had evinced in the last 
few years, and, on September 7th, 1851, 
to join the free trade " Steuerverein," 
which Hanover had formed with Olden- 

A...»rj.', ^^g ^^^ L^PP^ ^^ ^^34 and 
X r VK 1836. The danger of a separa- 
P^mL"* tion between the eastern and 
"***** western territorial groups was 
thus obviated ; the Zollverein of Austria 
and the smaller German states were cut off 
from the sea and deprived of all the 
advantages which the original Prussian 
Zollverein had offered. Austria now 
thought it advisable to conclude a com- 
mercial treaty with Prussia on favourable 
terms on February 19th, 1853, and to 



leave the smaller states to their fate. In 
any case their continual demands for 
compensation and damages had become 
wearisome. Nothing, remained for them 
except to join Prussia. Thus on April 4th, 
1853, the ZoUverein was renewed, to last 
until December 31st, 1865. It was an 
association embracing an area containing 
35,000,000 inhabitants. As 
The Church ^^^^j. ^^^ f^j ^f Napoleon I., 

***'^" so now the hon's share of what 

^'•"••'y was acquired in the struggle 
against the revolution fell to the Church. 
Liberalism had indeed rendered an im- 
portant service to Catholicism by in- 
corporating in its creed the phrase, " the 
Free Church in the Free State." 

The Jesuits were well able to turn this 
freedom to the best account. They de- 
manded for the German bishops unlimited 
powers of communication with Rome and 
with the parochial clergy, together with 
full disciplinary powers over all priests 
without the necessity of an appeal to 
the state. Nothing was simpler than 
to construe ecclesiastical freedom as im- 
plying that right of supremacy for which 
the Church had yearned during the past 
eight centuries. 

The Archbishop of Freiburg pushed the 
theory with such vi^or and persistence 
that even the reactionary government 
was forced to imprison him. However, 
in Darmstadt and Stuttgart the govern- 
ments submitted to the demands of Rome. 
Parties in the Prussian Chamber were 
increased by the addition of a new Catholic 
party, led by the brothers Reichensperger, 
to which high favour was shown by the 
" Catholic Contingent " in the ministry 
of ecclesiastical affairs — a party created 
by the ecclesiastical minister, Eichhorn, 
in 1841. 

There was no actual collision in Prussia 
between ultramontanism and the temporal 
power. The Government favoured the 
reaction in the Protestant Church, which 
took the form of an unmistakable rap- 
. , prochement to Catholicism. 
Reaction la jj^^ Powers were committed 
!,"****'*"* to a policy of mutual counsel 

" and support. Stahl, Hengs- 

tenberg, and Gerlach, who had gained 
complete ascendancy over Frederic William 
IV. since the revolution, were under- 
mining the foundations of the Protestant 
creed, especially the respect accorded to 
inward conviction, on which it was 


claimed Protestantism was based. In the 
" regulations " of October, 1854, the 
schools were placed under Church super- 
vision. When Bunsen advanced to cham- 
pion the cause of spiritual freedom, 
he was given the title of " devastator of 
the Church." 

In Austria there was concluded the 
concordat of August i8th, 1855. This 
agreement was the expression of an 
alliance between ultramontanism and the 
new centralising absolutism. The hier- 
archy undertook for a short period to 
oppose the national parties and to com- 
mend the refusal of constitutional rights. 
In return the absolutist state placed 
the whole of its administration at the 
disposal of the Church, and gave the 
bishops unconditional supremacy over 
the clergy, who had hitherto used the 
position assigned to them by Joseph II. 
for the benefit of the people, and cer- 
tainly not for the injury of the Church. 
The Church thus gained a spiritual 
preponderance which was used to secure 

her paramountcy. The example 
The strong ^j Austria was imitated in 

the Italian states, which owed 

of Rome 

their existence to her. Pied- 
mont alone gathered the opponents of 
the Roman hierarchy under her banner, 
for this government at least was deter- 
mined that no patriot should be lost 
to their cause. In Spain the Jesuits 
joined the Carlists, and helped them to 
carry on a hopeless campaign, marked 
by a series of defeats. In Belgium, on 
the other hand, they secured an almost 
impregnable position in 1855, and fought 
the Liberals with their own weapons. 
Only Portugal, whence they had first 
been expelled in the eighteenth century, 
kept herself free from their influence in 
the nineteenth century. 

Rome had set great hopes upon France, 
since Louis Napoleon's " plebiscites " had 
been successfully carried out with the help 
of the clergy. But the Curia found France 
a prudent friend, not to be caught off her 
guard. The diplomatic skill of Napoleon 
III. was never seen to better advantage 
than in his delimitation of the spheres 
respectively assigned to the temporal and 
the spiritual Powers. Even the Jesuits 
were unable to fathom his intentions. 

Hans von Zwiedineck-Sudenhorst 



By Arthur D. Innes, M.A. 

HTHE fall of Sir Robert Peel, in 1846, had 
•'■ been effected almost at the moment 
when the Duke of Wellington was persuad- 
ing the House of Lords to swallow the 
repeal of the Corn Laws, the crowning 
accomplishment of Peel's career. It 
was achieved by a combination of angry 
Protectionists and angry Irishmen, who 
united to throw out a government 
measure for coercion in Ireland. The 
potato famine had definitely completed 
the conversion of both Peel and the 
Whigs to the doctrines of the Anti- 
Corn Law League, and was followed by 
earnest efforts for the relief of distress. 

But distress itself had, as usual, in- 
tensified discontent, generating agrarian 
outrages, and relief and coercion were 
proffered simultaneously. The uncon- 
verted chiefs of what had been Peel's party 
saw their opportunity ; and the adverse vote 
brought about Peel's resignation. Lord 
John Russell formed a Whig Ministry, with 
Palmerston as Foreign Secretary — which 
position he had occupied in Melbourne's 
time — and the Peelites, regarding the 
question of Free Trade as of primary im- 
^ . n •. . portance, gave the Govern- 

Gre&t Brit&m „ -. ■ v- . 

• th Y nient a support which 

0" Revolutions secured its continuity. The 
improvement in the con- 
dition of the working classes, coupled with 
the British inclination to distrust the 
political efficacy of syllogisms expressed in 
te^^ms of physical force, made Great Britain 
almost the only European country where 
nothing revolutionary took place in the year 
of revolutions, 1848. The monster petition 
of the Chartists was its most alarming event. 

The death of O'Connell, however, in the 

previous year had deprived the Irish of a 

leader who had always set his face against 

the methods of violence, and Ireland did 

not escape without an abortive insurrection 

headed by Smith O'Brien. The leaders were 

taken, condemned to death for high treason, 

had their sentences commuted to trans- 

- . „ , ^ portation, and were subse- 
Lord Palmerston '^ .1 j j 

. quently pardoned — more 

F • Off than one of those asso- 
ciated with the movement 
achieved distinction in later years in the 
political service of the British Empire. 

Palmerston's activities at the Foreign 
Office, however, were a source of con- 
siderable disquietude at this period. Forty 
years of parliamentary life, many of them 
passed in office, first as a Tory, later as a 
Canningite, and finally as a Whig, had not 
produced in that persistently youthful 
statesman any inclination in favour of the 
further democratisation of the British 
Constitution, or of what in his younger 
days would have been called Jacobinism 
abroad ; but he was a convinced advocate 
of freedom as he understood it and as 
Canning had understood it. He saw in 
revolutionary movements a disease engen- 
dered by despotic systems of government ; 
and being alive to the European ferment, 
he took upon himself to warn the despotic 
governments that they would do well to 
apply the remedy of constitutionalism 
before the disease became dangerous. 

The despotic governments, recognising 
no difference between the disease itself and 
the remedy, held him guilty not only of 
officiousness in tendering advice which 



I nim the painting by Sir Edwin Laiidseer. K. \ 





was unasked, but of fomenting revolution in 
their dominions, and were not unnaturally 
resentful, although, as a matter of fact, 
they would have profited 
greatly by paying heed to 
his well-meant warnings. 

The attacks in Parlia- 
ment on his " meddling " 
policy were successfully 
met in 1849, ^^^ public 
opinion endorsed his view 
that Britain ought to 
make her opinions felt in 
foreign countries — that, 
in fact, she would not be 
adequately discharging 
the responsibilities of her 
great position in the world 
unless she did so. Never- 
theless, his methods were 
irritating not only to 
foreign potentates, but to 
his own sovereign, who 
frequently found that 
her Foreign Minister was 
committing the 
Government without 
her knowledge to de- 
clarations which she 
could only endorse 
because it would have 
been impossible to 
retract them with 
dignity, his colleagues 
being consulted as 
little as herself. 

In 1850 the queen 
sent a memorandum 
to Russell, requiring 
that she should be 
kept adequately in- 
formed before, not 
after, the event, of 
any steps which the 
Foreign Minister in- 
tended to take. The 
immediate cause of 
the memorandum 
was connected with 
Palmerston's attitude 
on the Schleswig- 
Holstein question, re- 
garding which she and 
her husband, Prince 
Albert, favoured the 
German view, to 
which Palmerston 

He was twice Prime Minister, first in 1846 on 
the formation of a Whig Ministry following 
the defeat of Peel, and again in 1865, on the 
death of Lord Palmerston. He was created 
Earl Russell in 1861, and he died in 1878. 

Eminent as statesman and novelist, Benjamin Disraeli, 
afterwards Lord Beaconsfield, made a great reputation 
was opposed. Another 'n the political world, though his maiden speech in the 
;.^«;j 4. ;n ^* *■ House of Commons was greeted with derisive laughter, 

mciaent illustrative He twice held the high office of Prime Minister. 

of the Foreign Minister's high-handed 
methods was the " Don Pacifico " affair. 
Don Pacifico was a Jew from Gibraltar, a 
British subject, residing 
in Greece, whose house 
and property were 
damaged in a riot. Pal- 
merston took up his 
claim for compensation 
as an international in- 
stead of a personal affair, 
sent the fleet to the 
Piraeus, the harbour of 
Athens, and seized Greek 
merchant vessels. Russia 
adopted a threatening 
attitude, to which Pal- 
merston had no disposi- 
tion to yield. The French 
Republic, under the presi- 
dency of Louis Napoleon, 
was indignant at the 
action of Great Britain, 
but still more indignant' at 
being ignored by Russia. 
Palmerston ac- 
cepted French media- 
tion — not arbitra- 
tion ; there were 
further complica- 
tions, in which the 
French thought that 
Albion was showing 
her historic perfidy; 
but the whole affair 
was too trivial to 
involve two great 
nations in a war over 
mere diplomatic pro- 
prieties, and the 
quarrel was patched 
up. This incident 
was the inciting cause 
of a formal attack on 
Palmerston's foreign 
policy, which resulted 
in a vote of censure 
in the Upper Cham- 
ber, in consequence 
of which a resolution 
of confidence was 
introduced in the 
Commons. Peel him- 
self was on the side of 
the Opposition, but 
Palmerston vindi- 
cated his principles in 
a wonderful speech — 
the " civis Romanus 



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sum " speech — which carried the House 
and the country triumphantly with him. 
The year also witnessed one of those 
" No Popery " waves of excitement which 
periodically break upon England. The 
Tractarian movement had produced in the 
mind of Cardinal Wiseman the notion that 
the heretical island stood in need of con- 
version. The Pope issued a Bull setting up 
a Roman hierarchy in England, with 
territorial titles, an assumption of authority 
contravening the constitutional principle 
of the royal supremacy. In response to the 
popular excitement created, the Govern- 
ment introduced the " Ecclesiastical 

letter till its repeal twenty years later. 
The queen's memorandum in the pre- 
vious November, somewhat to the public 
surprise, had not been followed by Palmers- 
ton's resignation ; apparently he had 
accepted the rebuke in good part, and 
promised to consult the queen's wishes. 
But his practice remained unaltered. The 
arrival in England of the Hungarian 
leader, Kossuth, was the occasion of a dis- 
play of sympathy which was at best a 
breach of international etiquette, Kossuth 
being technically a rebel. At the moment 
when Palmerston was being taken to task 
for neglect of his promise to pay proper 




^^^^^^^^^Ki^-m-^-^'i^^:i^< \, - '-^ 



On the defeat of the Derby g-overnment in December, 1852, Lord Aberdeen formed a coalition Ministry of Whigs and 
Peelites with Gladstone as Chancellor of the Exchequer, Russell at the Foreign and Palmerston at the Home Office^ 

From the painting by Sir John Gilbert, R.A. Photo by Walker 

Titles " Bill, which was naturally opposed 
by the Roman Catholics and also by all 
who saw in it an interference with the 
principle of religious liberty. The Govern- 
ment, feeling its position to be somewhat 
precarious, took advantage of its own 
defeat on a snap vote — -a symptom of the 
now growing demand for further electoral 
reform — 'to resign, and thereby to demon- 
strate the impossibility of any other 
working administration being constructed. 
It resumed office in February, 1851, and 
carried the Bill in a modified form, but 
tlie Act remained practically a dead 

attention to the queen's wishes in this 
affair, Louis Napoleon in France carried 
out the coup d'etat which he had been 
preparing, and established himself as a 
dictator. Palmerston persuaded himself 
that the British Foreign Minister could 
express his personal approval in a conver- 
sation with the French ambassador with- 
out committing the Cabinet, the Crown, 
or the country. The other parties concerned 
did not accept that view, and Palmerston's 
resignation was demanded. But he had 
hardly been dismissed when he got his 
" tit-for-tat with John Russell," as he 


History of the wORLt> 

converted in 1852 was an exploded 
antediluvian fallacy. In the interval, the 
scanty handful of its opponents were but 
feeble voices crying in the wilderness. 
The theory of Protection being so effec- 
tively scotched as 
to be apparently 
killed, the ex- 
— who had main- 
tained the old 
doctrine not from 
the manufactur- 
ing, but from the 
agrarian point of 
view — fell back 
on the principle 
that the landed 
interest, which 
the old system 
had protected, 
required relief 
now that the 
protection was 
withdrawn ; and 
to this end Dis- 
raeli constructed 
his Budget. But 
his extremely in- 
genious redistri- 
bution of the 
burden of taxa- 
tion failed to 
attract the 
approval of 
economists of 

The long and illustrious life of the Duke of Wellingiion came to an end e ,, ■ , ' , 

in 1852, the hero of Waterioo passing peacefully away on September ^I UlOSe interests 
14th, in his arm-chair at Walmer. In the above picture the body of which did not 
the distinguished general, who was laid to rest with great pomp dgsij-g the land 
in St. Paul's Cathedral, is seen lying in state at Chelsea Hospital, x i,^ i • r1 + 

their expense. The Budget debate marked 
conspicuously the opening of the long 
personal rivalry between its proposer, 
Disraeli, and its strongest critic, William 
Ewart Gladstone. The Government was 
defeated, and resigned in December, 1852. 
The Ecclesiastical Titles Bill, which had 
been a barrier between Whigs and Peelites, 
had already vanished into limbo, and the 
Ministry which now took office was formed 
by a coalition of those two parties. The 
Peelite, Lord Aberdeen, was its head, 
Gladstone its Chancellor of the Exchequer, 
Russell was at the Foreign Office, and 
Palmerston Home Secretary. 

Before the fall of the Conservatives, a 
great figure had passed from the stage. 
A little more than two years after his 

expressed it. Napoleon's coup d'etat 
had its alarming side for Great Britain, 
as a probable prelude to an aggressive 
French policy, of which the Napoleonic 
tradition would make England the primary 
object of hos- 
tility. A Bill was 
accordingly in- 
troduced for the 
reorganisation of 
the militia. The 
scheme proposed 
was not felt to 
be satisfactory ; 
headed the at- 
tack, the Ministry 
were defeated, 
and the Govern- 
ment was under- 
taken by the 
chief, Lord 
Derby, with Dis- 
raeli as his Chan- 
cellor of the 
Exchequer and 
Leader of the 
House of Com- 
mons, in Feb- 
ruary, 1852. The 
most notable 
of the actual 
achievements of 
the Russell ad- 
ministration had 
been the applica- 
tion in Australia, 
by an Act of 1850, 
of those prin- 
ciples of colonial 

government which had been inaugurated 
by the Canadian Act of Reunion. The 
new Ministry carried a new Militia 
Bill and then dissolved, apparently with 
a view to taking the sense of the country 
on the Free Trade policy which had 
brought the Liberals into office. 

The Ministerialists, however, did not 
definitely commit themselves to a Pro- 
tectionist programme, and the question 
was brought to a direct issue in the 
Commons by a resolution affirming the 
principle of Free Trade, which, in amended 
form, was accepted and carried by an over- 
whelming majority. Fifty years were to 
pass before the discovery that the revolu- 
tionary economic doctrine of 1846 to which 
the country declared itself definitely 



closest political associate, Sir Robert Peel, 
the " Iron Duke " died in September, at 
the age of eighty-three. Forty years before, 
he had proved himself the greatest 
captain in Europe save 
one ; and his, in the eyes 
of Europe, had been the 
triumph of vanquishing 
that one. To him more 
than to anyone else 
France owed it that she 
had been generously 
treated when the war 
was ended; his was prob- 
ably the most decisively 
moderating influence 
among the statesmen 
whose task it was to 
restore order in Europe. 
But while he possessed 
high qualities of states- 
manship, they were noi 
those adapted to parlia- 
mentary government. As 
a Minister he was a 
failure ; as a counsellor 
his judgment always 
carried very great weight. His unqualified 
patriotism, his complete subordination of 
personal interests to what he conceived 
to be the welfare of the state, his perfect 

General Todleben, a disting:uished Russian 
soldier and military engineer, held Sebastopol 
against the British, displaying- great resource 
and energy until he was severely wounded. 

sincerity, his transparent honesty, and 
his conspicuous moral courage, made him 
a unique figure, and fully justified the 
universal popularity which came to him 
tardily enough, and the 
genuine passion of mourn- 
ing with which the whole 
nation received the tid- 
ings of his death. Wel- 
lington had overthrown 
the first Napoleon. 
Eleven weeks after he had 
breathed his last, " the 
nephew of his uncle " 
was proclaimed Emperor 
of the French with the 
title of Napoleon III. The 
famous coalition Ministry 
opened its career with 
the first of the brilliant 
series of Gladstone Bud- 
i^^ets, introduced in a 
speech which revealed 
the hitherto unsuspected 
fact that figures can be 
made fascinating. But 
even the charm of the 
Budget was soon to be overshadowed by 
the war clouds in the East. So far as the 
preliminaries of the Crimean war are con- 
cerned with French and Russian rivalries 




and with matters outside British interests, 
they will be dealt with in the chapter 
following. Here we observe that in the 
beginning of 1853 the Tsar was assuming 
a threatening attitude towards the Porte 
on the hypothesis that Russia was the 
protector of the Greek Church Christians 
in the Turkish dominions; and that France, 


in the character of protector of the Latin 
Christians, regarded the Russian attitude 
as merely a pretext for absorbing the 
Danube states. A similar view was en- 
tertained in England, where the Tsar had 
already made suggestions regarding the 
ultimate partition of the Turkish Empire, 
which he regarded as practically inevitable. 


England, however, and Palmerston in 
particular, looked upon the maintenance 
of the independence of Turkey as a 
necessity, if for no other reason because 
Russian expansion in the direction either 
of India or of the Mediterranean appeared 
exceedingly dangerous to the interests of 
Great Britain. It may be remembered that 
the Afghan war of 1839 had been the out- 
come of Persian aggressions which were imi- 
versally regarded as prompted by Russia. 
Russia maintained her claim to protect 
the Christians in the Danube provinces ; 
Turkey declined her demand for 

Napoleon would not venture on that 
appeal single-handed. The temper of the 
country, however, was clearly in favour 
of Palmerston's views, and in July the 
French and British fleets were despatched 
to Besika Bay. The " Vienna Note," a 
proposal formulated by the Powers in 
conference at Vienna, was amended by 
Turkey and rejected by Russia in August. 
Everywhere popular feeling was rising ; 
an anti-Christian emeute was feared ia 
Constantinople, and the French and 
British fleets were ordered to the Dar- 
danelles in October, ostensibly to protect 

The ag:g:ression of Russia, involved by her claim of 1853 to be protector of the Orthodox Greek Christians in the 
Turkish dominions, was naturally resented by Turkey. Both Britain and France took the side of the latter, and on 
March '27th, 1854, declared war on Russia, whence followed all the miseries and sufifering: of the Crimean war. 

guarantees ; the rest of the Powers 
upheld Turkey. Negotiations failing, 
Russia occupied the provinces in July 
as a proceeding warranted by her treaty 
rights. The Powers might, by the exer- 
cise of joint pressure, have compelled 
Russia to retire, but a mere evacuation 
would not have satisfied either Napoleon 
or Palmerston. Aberdeen, on the other 
hand, allowed his aversion to war to be 
so obvious that the Tsar probably felt 
quite satisfied that Britain would not 
join France in an appeal to arms, and that 

the Christians. Before the close of the 
rrionth Turkey declared war on Russia, 
to which the Tsar replied by declaring 
that he would not take the offensive. 
The Turks crossed the Danube, and fight- 
ing began. But when a Russian squadron 
fell upon some Turkish ships in the harbour 
of Sinope and destroyed them on September 
30th, the action was regarded as proving 
the insincerity of the Tsar's declarations. 
Aberdeen found himself obliged to consent 
to the occupation of the Black Sea by the 
allied fleets on December 27th. The 



From the picture by R. Caton WoodvUle. by permission of Messrs. Craves & Co. 



precipitate action of France and Britain in 
presenting a joint note demanding tiie 
evacuation of the Danube provinces gave 
Austria an excuse for leaving them to 
act independently ; and on March 27th, 
1854, the two Western Powers declared 
Ayar on Russia and proceeded to a formal 
alliance with the Turks, who in the mean- 
time had more than held their own on land. 

Troops were despatched to co-operate 
with the Turks, and it soon became 
evident that the Russians would have no 
chance of effecting a successful invasion ; 
before the end of July it was clear that 
they would be obliged to evacuate the 
Provinces. But before that time instruc- 
tions had already been sent for the invasion 
of the Crimea and the seizure of Sebastopol. 

But the invasion could 
not be carried out till 
September ; and by that 
time, Sebastopol had 
been placed in a com- 
paratively thorough state 
of defence by the en- 
gineering skill of Todle- 
ben. Its capture by a 
coup de main was now 
extremely improbable. 
The British and French 
forces disembarked at 
Eupatoria, and found a 
Russian army under Men- 
schikoff lying between 
them and Sebastopol. 
The battle of the Alma, 
in which the brunt of the 
fighting was borne by the 
British, left the 
masters of the 

Brigade against a column of five times their 
own numbers ; but that splendid action 
was eclipsed in the popular mind by one 
of the most desperate, and, from a military 
point of view, most futile, deeds of valour 
on record, the charge of the Six Hundred. 
J . Through the misinterpretation 

"ValUy of °^ ^^ order, the Light Brigade 
Death " burled itself through a terrific 
storm of shot and shell upon a 
Russian battery, captured it, and then, 
because there was nothing else to be done, 
relinquished it, leaving more than two- 
thirds of their number in the " Valley of 
Death." Nothing whatever was gained 
of a calculable kind. Yet it was one 
of those deeds whic*h have a moral value 
past all calculation, like the equally futile 
defence of Thermopylae. 
Ten days later an 
attempt was made upon 
the British position before 
Sebastopol at Inkerman. 
The attack was made by 
a large Russian force in 
the midst of a fog so 
thick that none knew 
what was going on except 
close at hand. Concerted 
action was imposs^ible, 
and men battled desper- 
ately as best they could 
in small groups. The fight 
was fought by the men 
virtually without com- 
manders, and, in spite of 
immensely superior num- 


bers, the Russians were 

allies Commander-in-chief of th^^'British forces in triumphantly rcpulsed. 
field, the Crimea, his conduct of the war was severely But after Inkerman, the 

MenschikofE withdrew his condemned both by the public and the Press, design, then in contem- 

r i X o i_ He died from dysentery on June 28th, 1855. i .• r ■ j- j. 

main force not to Sebas- plation, of an immediate 

topol but to the interior. The opposition 
of the dying French general, St. Arnaud, 
prevented an immediate assault from 
being attempted — it was ascertained later 
that the attempt at that moment would 
probably have been successful — and the 
allies settled down to a siege. Their 
—^ _ numbers were not sufficient 

-^ H*'^*'* ^^^ ^ complete investment, 
B r i* d*^^ ^^^ *^^ communications be- 
tween Menschikoff and the 
garrison remained open. The British 
drew their supplies from the port of 
Balaclava, and Menschikoff now en- 
deavoured to effect its capture. The 
movement, however, was repulsed, mainly 
by the magnificent charge of the Heavy 

assault on Sebastopol was abandoned. 
And then the Crimean winter began. A 
winter siege had not been in the pro- 
gramme when the expedition was planned ; • 
the arrangements were disastrously inade- 
quate, and their inadequacy was increased 
by the destruction in a gale of the stores 
which had reached Balaclava but had not 
been disembarked ; while the iniquities of 
army contractors broke all previous records. 
The four winter months killed far more 
of the troops than the Russians were 
responsible for. The blame lay not at all 
with the officers on the spot, and only in a 
limited degree with the Government, but 
popular indignation compelled the retire- 
ment of Aberdeen ; and Palmerston, the 




man in whom the confidence of the country 
had not been shaken, became Prime 
Minister in February, 1855. The lesson of 
the early administrative blunders had been 
learnt, and a great improvement was soon 
apparent. The immense and unprece- 
dented services of the staff of nurses 
organised under Florence Nightingale, who 
. -. had been at work since Novem- 

j, **. ber, mark an epoch in the history 
W*rf " ^^ civilised warfare. Negotia- 
tions were renewed at Vienna; 
but while agreement might have been 
reached on two of the four proposals put 
forward by Austria, Russia Wcis obdurate 
on a third, and the beUigerent allies were 
dissatisfied with the fourth. 

The negotiations broke down, and Austria 
again found excuse in the attitude of the 
French and British for declining to join 
them in an offensive cilliance — in their eyes 
a breach of faith on her part. In May, 
however, Sardinia joined the allies, and 
the British share in the operations at 
Sebastopol became comparatively re- 
stricted, while the British fleets found 
little of consequence to do. It was 
not till September 8th that Sebastopol 
fell, an event secured by the French 
capture of the Malakof^. 

Napoleon was now satisfied with the 
personal security his imperial position 
had acquired from the war ; the friend- 
ship of the new Tsar, Alexander II. — 
Nicholas had died in March — was of 
more importance to him, if not to France, 
than the repression of Russia. Austria 
cared only to have her own Balkan in- 
terests safeguarded, and it was with no 
little difficulty that the British were able 
to secure adequate checks on Russian 
aggression. The occasion Wcis used for a 
fresh settlement of those maritime regula- 
tions which had been the cause of the 
" Armed Neutrality " at the close of the 
last century. Privateering, the one weapon 
which hostile Powers had been able to 
.. ,.^. wield eftectively against Great 

Bntain, was abohshed ; and, 


on the other hand, it was con- 
ceded that the neutral flag 
should cover all goods but contraband of 
war, and that even on belligerent vessels 
neutral goods should not be liable to 
capture, in March, 1856. 

The war in the Crimea had necessitated 
the withdrawal of British regiments from 
India, where, on the other hand, Dal- 
housie's annexations had involved an in- 


crease in the Sepoy army. A quarrel with 
Persia demanded an expedition to that 
country from India at the end of 1856, 
owing to the seizure of Herat by Persia — 
a movement attributed, as a matter of 
course, to Russian instigation. No diffi- 
culty was found in the military operations, 
which soon resulted in a treaty by which 
Persia resigned Herat and cill claims on 
Afghan territory ; but the war must be 
included among the minor circumstances 
which encouraged the outbreak of the 
great Sepoy revolt of 1857. 

About the same time a war with China 
was brought about by what is known as 
the "Arrow" incident. The Arrow was 
a Chinese vessel which had been sailing 
under the British flag, and was continuing 
to do so though the year during which she 
was authorised to do so had just elapsed. 
The Chinese authorities, having no know- 
ledge of this lapse, nevertheless seized the 
crew in Canton harbour on the hypothesis 
that there were persons " wanted " for 
piracy among its number. Reparation was 
demanded and refused, the British fleet was 
called into play, and the incident developed 
_ . . , definitely into a war. The 
ri ain s British Government acted on 
. . ^.. the principle that the punctilios 
of Western diplomacy are in- 
variably looked upon by Orientals as signs 
of weakness which invite defiance ; high- 
handed methods, however, equally in- 
variably offend the moral ideals of a large 
section of the British people, and the 
Government was vigorously attacked by 
the Liberals and Peelites who had parted 
from the Ministry. But an appeal to the 
country gave Palmerston a decisive ma- 
jority in April, 1857. The war was brought 
to a conclusion in the course of 1858. 

Almost the first news, which came on 
the new Parliament as a bolt from the 
blue, was that of the great outbreak in 
India, the story of which has been dealt 
with in the earlier section of this work 
devoted to Indian history. The Mutiny 
was inaugurated by the rising of the 
Sepoys at Mirat on May loth, 1857. Delhi 
was seized in the name of a restored Mogul 
Empire ; a British force concentrated on 
the famous Ridge, which it occupied for the 
siege of the great city, held by forces 
enormously superior in point of numbers. 
Above Allahabad, the whole Ganges 
basin was in the hands of the mutineers, 
and the British were soon shut up in Cawn- 
pore or the Lucknow Residency, with the 



exception of the force on the ridge before 
Delhi and of a considerable number who 
took refuge at Agra. The loyalty and dip- 
lomacy of Sindhia and his minister Dinkar 
Rao restrained the Gwalior army from 
marching to Delhi. In September, Delhi 
was stormed and Lucknow was reinforced 
by the operations of Havelock and Outram. 
From that time, though Sindhia was 
no longer able to hold back the Gwalior 
regiments, the tide turned. Troops 
were arriving from England ; a contin- 
gent on its way to the Chinese war 
was detained for the more serious affair. 
In November, Sir Colin Campbell relieved 
the defenders of the Lucknow Residency ; 
in the spring, the British armies were 

amend the conspiracy laws ; but the 
French had assumed an attitude of such 
amazing and bombastic truculence that 
the Conspiracy to Murder Bill was regarded 
as a pusillanimous submission to foreign 
insolence — a curious charge against the Min- 
ister who was accustomed to being himself 
accused of arrogance rather than submis- 
siveness in foreign affairs, mainly to be 
explained by the tenacious pride with which 
the nation clung to its claim of offering 
an asylum to refugees from oppression. 

The Bill was defeated, the Government 
resigned, and again Lord Derby took 
office, though his party was in a minority 
in the House of Commons. Under such 
circumstances, the Ministry had no choice 


From the painting by Sir John Gilbert, R.A. 

everywhere triumphant, and in the summer 
the last efforts of the revolt were crushed. 
The Mutiny brought home to the British 
mind the necessity for terminating the 
unique and anomalous dual control, by the 
East India Company and Parliament, of 
the government of India. It was time that 
the Crown should assume the exclusive 
responsibility, and in February, 1858, 
Palmerston brought in a Bill for that 
purpose. By a curious accident, he was 
turned out of office before the Bill could be 
passed. An Italian named Orsini flung 
bombs under the carriage of Napoleon in 
January ; it turned out that the plot had 
been hatched and the bombs manufactured 
in England. The Government proposed to 


but to seek for compromises with the 
Opposition. Lord Derby's India Bill, 
when introduced, was obviously not 
destined to pass, and the Act which finally 
ended the career of the East India Com- 
pany, and transferred the Indian govern- 
ment to the Crown, was virtually the work 
of all parties combining to arrive at a 
settlement irrespective of party. Lord 
Canning, the Governor-General, who had 
remained at the helm throughout the 
Mutiny, inaugurated the new regime as the 
first Viceroy. In the same summer, the 
Lords were persuaded to pass a Bill 
removing the political disabilities under 
which the Jews still laboured, a principle 
repeatedly approved by the Commons 





Arising out of their common interests in the war against Russia, a kindly feeling sprang up between Britain and 
France, the rulers of the two countries exchanging visits of friendship. On April ICtn, 1855, the Emperor 
Napoleon III. and the Empress Eugt^nie arrived in England, visiting Queen Victoria at Windsor Castle, and in 
the above picture they are shown with the Queen and the Prince Consort at the Royal Italian Opera on April 19th. 

In the August following the visit of the French Emperor and Empress to England, Queen Victoria and the Prince 
Consort visited France. In this picture the British queen and her husband are seen at the Tuilenes, the former 
in the foreground on the arm of^Napoleon with Prince Albert and the Empress Eugenie immediately behind. 




The first distribution of V.C. medals is represented in the above picture, this event taking place on May 18th, 1856; 
. the queen is shown in the act of presenting a medal to Sir Thomas Troubridge, who had lost both his feet in action. 

and rejected by the Peers during the 
preceding twenty-five years. Electoral 
Reform — that is, extension of the fran- 
chise — was a subject in which the 
electorate and the unenfranchised masses 
were more interested than Ministers. 
Russell and a considerable section of 
the Liberals were becoming more strongly 
disposed in that direction, but the 
Palmerstonians preferred to keep the 
question shelved as long as possible. 
Disraeli, however, now saw a possibility of 

securing success to the conservative policy 
by a measure professedly democratic, but 
safeguarded by devices which, in the eyes 
of the Liberals, were intended to secure 
political preponderance for conservative 
influences. Defeated on a resolution intro- 
duced by Russell, Lord Derby appealed to 
the country ; the party returned some- 
what strengthened in numbers, but still in 
a minority, and the minority gave way 
to a new Palmerston administration, with 
Russell at the Foreien ^ff^ . t'r two 



liberal leaders having recognised the need 
of co-operation. Gladstone returned to 
the Exchequer, 

Palmerston remained at the head of the 
government till his death in 1865. It was 
inevitable that a Franchise Bill should be 
introduced, but it aroused no enthusiasm 
in Parliament or in the country, and 

When the Indian Mutiny broke out in 1857, the British army in India was not sufficiently 
strong-_adequately_to cope with the rising, and reinforcements were speedily despatched 

the abc 

from England. 

Farewell scenes are graphically represented in 
From the painting by Henry' O'Neill, A.R.A. 

Russell, who introduced it, found an 
excuse for its withdrawal, after which, by 
common consent, reform was shelved for 
the lifetime of the Prime Minister. There 
was little legislation during Palmerston's 
supremacy, and domestic interest centred 
mainly in the systematic extension of 
Free Trade principles, in the Budgets, and 

in the commercial treaty with France, 
negotiated by Richard Cobden, which 
was ratified in i860. 

The Budget of that year reduced the 
number of articles subject to customs 
duties from 419 to 48, the primary object 
being the removal of preferential and pro- 
tective duties. Financial questions, how- 
ever, narrowly 
missed producing 
a serious-constitu- 
tional crisis. It 
was proposed in 
1859 ^o remove 
the tax upon 
paper. Being in- 
troduced in a Bill 
separate from the 
Budget, the Lords 
claimed the right 
of rejecting the 
proposal. The 
Commons claimed 
that the Lords 
could not reject 
separately any 
part of the 
general financial 
scheme. The 
action of the 
Lords in rejecting 
the Bill was in. 
accordance with 
the law, but not 
with the custom 
of the Constitu- 
tion. The crisis 
was averted, 
partly by a series 
of resolutions in 
the Commons, 
which pointed to 
the inclusion of 
such proposals in 
the Budget as 
security against 
the repetition of 
such action by the 
Lords, and partly 
by the inclusion of 
the particular pro- 
posal in the Budget of the following year. 
These years, however, were marked by 
complications in the affairs of other 
nations which made the task of steering 
Great Britain successfully a difficult and 
delicate one. The sym})athies of the country 
and of the Government were with the 
ItaUans in their struggle for liberty from 


above picture. 

H o o 



the Austrian yoke, with Poland in her 
resistance to Russia, with Denmark in her 
hopeless contest with Prussia and Austria 
over Schleswig-Holstein. In the first case, 
the moral support of Great Britain was of 
considerable value to Victor Emmanuel ; 
in the other two, the action of the Govern- 
ment had the unfortunate appearance of 
exciting an expectation of material sup- 
port which they lacked the courage to 
carry into action. 

But it was the civil war in America which 
most seriously threatened -to involve this 
country. There were two grave causes of 

system the more easily because it had no 
use for slave-labour itself, and became 
determined to abolish slavery. Hence the 
Southern States asserted the right to 
secede from a confederation which they 
had entered voluntarily ; the North held 
that the union was federal, indissoluble, 
and that secession was rebellion. 

In 1861, a group of the Southern States 
formed themselves into a confederation 
claiming independence, under their own 
president, and the great struggle began. 
The sympathies of the British were 
sharply divided. Toryism had a fellow 


disagreement between the Northern and 
the Southern States of the Union, which 
issued in a third, the gravest of all. The 
Northern States were manufacturing com- 
munities, and determined to protect their 
manufactures by the exclusion of foreign 
competition. The Southern States, whose 
products were not exposed to competition, 
objected to the protectionist policy which 
raised prices for the consumer. The 
Southern States lived by the production 
of crops cultivated by slave labour ; the 
North was able to realise the faults of the 


feeling for the gentry of the South. 
Liberalism held slavery in horror, yet the 
general principles of political freedom 
were on the side of the right of secession. 
The Government was firm in its resolution 
not to intervene, not to declare itself on 
either side ; but it was obliged to com- 
mit itself on the question whether the 
Southerners were to be treated as lawful 
belligerents or as rebels. The position 
adopted was that the effective strength 
of the Southern States made them de facto 
belligerents, and that their recognition 



having been negligent of set purpose. 
At the same time, greatly as the South 
benefited by the resolute impartiality of 
Great Britain, it felt itself hardly less 
bitterly aggrieved thereby than the North, 
sinceitappearedtothem certain tliatBritish 

as such implied no judgment on the merits 

ol the dispute ; on the other hand, the 

time had not yet come when their claim 

for recognition as a separate nation could 

be officially acknowledged. The justice 

aijd impartiality of this attitude proved 

acceptable neither 

to North nor to 

South. In 1862 

Great Britain was 

all but compelled 

to commence hos- 
tilities by the 

action of the 

North in seizing 

the persons of two 


from the South on 

board a British 

vessel, the Trent, 
on which they had 
embarked in the 
neutral port of 
Havanna. The 
tardy recognition 
of this violation of 
international law 
and the liberation 
of the commis- 
sioners averted 
hostilities. Rela- 
tions were, more- 
over, perpetually 
strained to a high 
pitch of intensity 
by the action of 
the Alabama and 
other cruisers of 
the same type in 
the Confederate 
service. These 
were vessels con- 
structed in British 
dockyards, which 
sailed from British 
ports, professedly 
on harmless voy- 
ages, but with the 
actual intent of political riots in hyde pariT 

being handed over The defeat of the Reform BUI in 1866 gave rise to a considerable amount of feeling in the 

at some appointed fO""*^;; ^ mass meetmgr in favour of reform was shut out of Hyde Park, and as a protest, 

spot to Con- K "• A°^^ ?ri iu** li*"'"^"' "t''«'-«by convincing most of those who had hitherto 

federate officers, '""«'^"^°"'' *»"** the demand for the franchise wa, not a mere demagogic figment." 

who proceeded to employ them for the 
destruction of the Federal mercantile 
marine. Since the British Government 
had failed to display sufficient vigilance in 
detaining such craft, notably the Alabama, 
ihey were regarded by the North as 

intervention would have decisively ter- 
minated the war in favour of the Con- 
federates. Nothing could have been more 
creditable to the labouring population of 
the United Kingdom than the dogged 
determination with which they supported 

' •^^.#- fj 



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fli ^' '''^m^ '•'^H 

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the Government, from the conviction that 
the anti-slavery cause was the cause of 
righteousness, in spite of ^ _ 

the terrible sufferings 
entailed by the cotton 
famine, resulting from 
the Northern blockade of 
the Southern ports. No 
nobler example of self- 
restraint has been re- 
corded than that of the 
Lancashire operatives in 
those cruel times ; nor 
has the general public 
ever displayed its free- 
handed generosity more 
wisely and more gener- 
ously than in the efforts 
then made for the relief 
of the distress prevail- 
ing. The war was 
brought to an end with 



the complete success of Successor to Wordsworth as Poet-Laureate, 

the North, in the spring 7he"su'pre° ""^ T' ^^' ^''^'_ '^ '""" 

of 1865. In the summer, Browning, beside whom he sleeps in 

T)„_i,- ~ , „ J- minster Ar 

Government. That came with the deatn 
of the octogenarian Premier in October, 
-^ The democratic move- 

ment, which had been 
held in check by 
general consent until his 
demise, at once became 
active. At the same time, 
Irish discontent assumed 
a somewhat more 
threatening shape, owing 
to the formation of the 
" Fenian Brotherhood " 
by the physical - force 
party, whose strength lay 
amongst the crowds of 
emigrants who had been 
driven to America, and 
had there been learning 
practical lessons of war- 
fare in the ranks of 
Federal and Confederate 
armies alike. The Fenians 
set themselves to the 
secret organisation of 

solved, having sat for six years, but no 
immediate effect was produced on the 

supreme English poet, challenged onlv by 
e whom he sleeps in West- 

ini884herece.vedapeerage. ^rmed rebellion ; and the 
detection of the conspiracy and arrest of 
its leaders revealed a state of affairs 

Discontent in Ireland assumed a serious aspect towards the end of 1865, the formation of the " Fenian Brotherhood" 
by the physical-force party indicating the length to which the agitators were prepared to go. The Fenians set 
themselves to the secret organisation of armed rebellion, as well as opposing the authorities in England, the 
above picture showing an armed attack on the Manchester prison van for the liberation of Fenian prisoners. 



The largest vessel in existence when built in London in 1854-7, the Great Eastern, proved of great service in layirg 
the Atlantic cables in 1865, and recovered them, after being lost, in 1866; but the vessel was otherwise a failure. 

From the picture by R. Dudley 

which induced the Government to go so 
far as to suspend the Habeas Corpus Act 
in Ireland. The Reform Act of 1832 had 
abolished the old system of rotten boroughs, 
which placed the control of half the 
constituencies in the country in the 
hands of a few families ; it 
had given representation 
to the great towns, which 
had grown up mainly in the 
course of the industrial 
revolution ; it had applied 
uniformity to the methods 
of election ; it had trans- 
ferred the preponderance 
of political power from 
the landed to the com- 
mercial interests; inci- 
dentally it had trans- 
formed the House of 
Lords into a conserva- 
tive organisation. But its 
high franchise had still 
completely excluded the 


and Gladstone, now a convinced advocate 
of franchise extension, regarded it mainly 
as a measure of justice to which it would 
be wise to give effect while it was still not 
the subject of political passion. At the 
general election Disraeli had made it 
plain that the question 
would be forced to the 
front ; and accordingly 
Lord Russell, Palmerston's 
successor in office, intro- 
duced a Reform Bill. Its 
moderation, however — it 
would have added less 
than half a million voters 
to the electorate — pre- 
vented it from exciting 
enthusiasm, and did not 
prevent it from exciting 
the determined opposition 
of the anti - democratic 

of the Liberal 
who formed the 

" Cave of Adul- 
The AduUamites, 

labouring classes from the 

electorate. For a time, Robert browning in conjunction with the 

those classes had shown Zttt^^^iflti^ir^^r^'^r.^rt^tS. Conservatives all but 

signs of a tendency to poetic thought of enduring value, his crown- defeated the Bill on the 

believe that the woie '^J^%^^^'Z''hl^?''^''&^^'^ir^^^^ reading; when 

would be a panacea for Elizabeth Barrett, also a poet of genius, they Carried an amend- 
all ills, but the wave 

of industrial pro- 
sperity which attended the repeal of the 
Corn Laws, and the development of Free 
Trade, removed the more pressing incite- 
ments to the demand for political power ; 

ment against the Government in Com- 
mittee, the Ministry resigned. For the 
third time the Conservatives took office, 
with Lord Derby as their chief and Disraeli 
as their leader, while the party itself formed 



a minority in the House of Commons. 
The defeat of the Liberal Bill roused a 
fervour in the country which had not 
attended its introduction. A mass meet- 
ing in favour of reform was shut out of 
Hyde Park, whereupon the mob broke 
down the raihngs, thereby convincing 
most of those who had hitherto been 
'TV o » incredulous that the demand 
The Reform j^j. ^^^ franchise was not a 

_' . . mere demagogic figment. The 
Carried- ,, "j j 

impression thus produced was 

confirmed by a series of demonstrations 
during the latter part of 1866, and a Re- 
form Bill was announced as a part of 
Disraeli's programme for 1867. 

His first intention of proceeding by 
resolution — that is, by obtaining the 
assent of the House to a series of principles 
on which the actual Bill was then to be 
constructed — ^was abandoned ; the Cabinet 
was split on the moderate Bill which 
Disraeli then proposed to introduce, and 
the secession of Lord Cranborne (after- 
wards Lord Salisbury) and others decided 
Disraeli to adopt a much more audacious 
scheme which would capture support from 
the Opposition. He had hoped to be 
able to introduce sundry " fancy fran- 
chises," and other securities to prevent a 
complete subversion of the balance of 
political power, but it soon became clear 
that if the Bill was to pass the Govern- 
ment would have to accede with very little 
reservation to the amendments demanded 
by the Liberals. The result was that in 
the boroughs the franchise was granted 
to all householders and to ten-pound 
lodgers, with a twelve-pound occupation 
franchise in the counties ; the " fancy 
franchises " disappeared. The Act, in- 
deed, went very much further than the 
Liberal leaders had proposed to go in their 
own Bill ; it definitely transformed the 
House of Commons into a democratic 
body, though the change had still to be 
completed by the assimilation of the 

_. ,. , county franchise to that of the 

Disraeli at i -^ ■• t-i 

. H • ht boroughs. Ihe same year was 

fV ^P*' rendered notable in the colonial 
history of the Empire by the 
British North America Act, which even- 
tually united the British Colonies in 
North America, with the exception of 
Newfoundland, in the federation which 
bears the name of the Dominion of 
Canada. The conduct of King Theodore 
of Abyssinia, who thought himself justified 
in seizing a number of British subjects, 


confining them at Magdala, and refusing 
to pay any attention to representations 
demanding their liberation, necessitated 
the completely successful Abyssinian ex- 
pedition, under the command of Lord 
Napier, in the spring of tne following 
year, 1868. By this time Lord Derby had 
withdrawn, leaving Disraeli, long the actual 
chief of the party, as its avowed head. 

Renewed Fenian disturbances empha- 
sised the unsatisfactory condition of Ire- 
land, which was destined to occupy an 
exceedingly prominent position in the 
domestic politics of the succeeding period. 
In June it was clear that the Ministry was 
practically powerless in the face of the 
Opposition, and in the autumn Disraeli 
appealed to the new electorate. The result 
was that the first democratic Parliament 
of the United Kingdom returned the 
Liberals to power under Gladstone's 
leadership, with a decisive majority. In 
EngUsh history the inauguration of de- 
mocracy forms an epoch, which we must 
respect for clearness sake as a dividing 
line ; but as the dividing line in Conti- 
nental history is drawn by the German 
_ overthrow of France and the 

t 1 11 * 1 establishment of the German 
Intellectual -r- • j j.i- t> • 

M . Empire under the Prussian 

MoTements , ^ . , 

hegemony, we may here note 

that Great Britain abstained from taking 
any active part in those important events. 
Industrial movements are dealt with in 
a separate section. But in the intellec- 
tual movement of the period now under 
review we have to note the succession to 
Wordsworth as Poet Laureate of Alfred 
Tennyson, who held his supreme position 
unchallenged for the rest of his life, save 
in the eyes of those who recognised a 
still mightier genius in Robert Browning, 
whose crowning achievement, the " Ring 
and the Book," appeared in 1869. But 
the world at large was more deeply affected 
by another influence which had its birth 
in England. Simultaneously, Charles 
Darwin and Alfred Russel Wallace de- 
veloped their conception, which will al- 
ways be associated with the name of the 
former, of the evolution of species. That 
conception filled the minds of the orthodox 
with alarm, and called for an almost 
fundamental readjustment of ideas on the 
relations between " Nature, Man, and 
God," which a later generation has found 
to be in nowise subversive of the essential 
doctrines of Christianity. 

Arthur D. Innes 



«sr— — — n 





1 1 





'"V « 4 




U > ' 

' ■ ■ lis 





^_/*^ " ^.sfejaL 



m 1 



"THE year of revolutions, 1848, which 
*■ shook Western Europe with its con- 
ceptions of freedom, had left Turkey almost 
untouched. Shekib Effendi held a formal 
conference with Pope Pius IX., in 
Rome in 1848, under commission from the 
Sultan, who would have been glad to 
hand over to the Pope the protectorate 
of the Cathohcs in the East ; the Holy 
Father had sent out the Archbishop 
Ferrieri with an appeal to the Oriental 
communities, which, however, did not end 
in that union which the Porte and the 
Pope had hoped for. 

The revolt of the Boyars and of the 
Polish fugitives in Moldavia and Wallachia 
speedily resulted in the strengthening 
of the hospodar Michael Sturdza, and 
in the appointment of Kantakuzen in 
place of Bibeskos. The Hungarian rising, 
on which the Porte had staked its hopes 
for the infliction of a blow on Austria, 
came to nothing, on the capitu- 
lation of Vilagos. On the other 
hand, the Sultan, encouraged 
by the presence of a British 
fleet in the Dardanelles, declined to 
hand over the Hungarian fugitives. 

Austria and Hungary thereupon 
avenged themselves by taking advantage 
of a claim for damages which France had 
now set up. Two parties, the Catholics 
and the Greeks, were quarreUing about the 
Holy Places in Palestine. The powers 
protecting the Catholics were invariably 
France or the Pope, while the Greeks had 
been under a Russian protectorate since 
1720. It was to deliver these Holy 
Places from the hands of the Moslems 
that the Crusades had been undertaken. 
Saladin had permitted the Latin clergy 
to perform service in the Church of the 
Holy Sepulchre in 1187, while Robert of 
Anjou had purchased the Holy Places 
from the cahph in 1342. 

After the conquest of the Holy City by 
Sultan Selim, 1517, the Georgians secured 
part of Golgotha, all the other remaining 

of the 

The Holy 
in Dispute 

places being reserved expressly to the Sultan 
in 1558. The title was further confirmed by 
the capitulations of France with the Sul- 
tans in 1535, 1621, 1629, and 1740. Violent 
outbreaks of jealousy took place between 
the Armenians, Greeks, and Catholics 
concerning these marks of 
favour and especially concern- 
ing the possession of the Holy 
Sepulchre. In 1808 the Greeks, 
after the Church of the Holy Sepulchre 
had been destroyed by fire, actually 
reduced the tombs of Godfrey of Bouillon 
and Baldwin to ruins. The Greeks, 
aided by Russian money, restored the 
Church of the Holy Sepulchre ; mean- 
while the Latins, whose zeal was sup- 
ported by France, gained possession of 
two chapels in 1820. 

In the year 1850 the Pope and the 
Catholic Patriarch of Jerusalem applied 
first to France, and joined France in a 
further application to the Porte, to secure 
protection against the Greeks. Fear of 
Russia induced the Porte to decide almost 
entirely in favour of the Greeks, and the 
only concession made to the Catholics was 
the joint use of a church door in Bethlehem. 
In the realm of the blind the one-eyed 
man is king ; above the reactionary 
governments rose the " saviour of order," 
who had been carried to the throne of 
France by the Revolution. The presiden- 
tial chair, which had gained security and 
permanence from the coup d'etat of 
December 2nd, 1851, was made a new 
imperial throne within the space of a year 
by the adroit and not wholly untalented 
heir to the great name of Bona- 
parte. On January 14th, 1852, 
he had brought out a constitu- 
tion to give France a breathing 
space, exhausted as she was by the pas- 
sionate struggle for freedom, and to soothe 
the extravagance of her imaginings. But 
this constitution needed a monarchy to 
complete it. The basis of a national im- 
perial government was there in detail : a 


A New 
Throne in 


Napoleon III. 
of France 

legislative body dUtted by national suff- 
rage ; a,' senate to guarantee the constitu- 
tional legality of legislation ; an " appeal 
to the people " on every proposal which 
could be construed as an alteration of the 
constitution ; a strong and wise executive 
to conduct state business, 
whose " resolutions "were 
examined in camera, under- 
taking the preparation and 
execution of everything which could con- 
duce to the welfare of the people. 

The twelve million francs which 
the energetic senate had voted as the 
president's yearly income might equally 
well be applied to the maintenance 
of an emperor. When the question was 
brought forward, the country replied with 
7,840,000 votes in the 
affirmative, while 254,000 
dissentients appeared 
merely as a protest on be- 
half of the right of indepen- 
dent judgment. On Decem- 
ber 2nd, 1852, Napoleon III. 
was added to the number 
of crowned heads in Europe 
as Emperor of France by 
the grace of God and the 
will of the people. No 
Power attempted to refuse 
rfecognition of his position. 
The democratic origin of 
the new ruler was forgotten 
in view of his services in 
the struggle against the 
Revolution, and in view 

pleasing the Parisians, but also of 
fixing their attention and of raising 
their spirits by a never-ending series 
of fresh devices. No woman was ever 
better fitted to be a queen of fashion, 
and fashion has always been venerated 
as a goddess by the French. 

Nothing but a brilliant foreign policy 
was now lacking to secure the permanence 
of the Second Empire. It was not enough 
that Napoleon should be tolerated by his 
fellow sovereigns ; prestige was essential 
to him. There was no surer road to the 
hearts of his subjects than that of making 
himself a power whose favour the other 
states of Europe would be ready to solicit. 
For this end it would have been the most 
natural policy to interest himself in the 
affairs of Italy, considering 
that he had old connections 
with the Carbonari, with 
Mazzini, and with Gari- 
baldi. But it so happened 
that the Tsar Nicholas was 
obliging enough at this 
juncture to furnish the heir 
of Bonaparte with a 
plausible pretext for inter- 
fering in the afiairs of 
E astern Europe . N apoleon 
III. cannot be regarded as 
primarily responsible for 
the differences which arose 
in 1853 between Britain 
and Russia. But there can 
be no doubt that he seized 
the opportunity afforded 
by the quarrel of these 
and hurried 

also of the respect he had "e was in charge of the Russian forces 

shown for considerations of ^^^jr^pt^f^fheTrnclSS two PoweTs 

religion and armed force, topoi, but, in consequence of iiiness, he the British Government into 

Unfortunately the new was recaUed in i865 and died in 1869. an aggrcssive line of policy 

monarch could not gain time to con- which, however welcome to the electorates 

vince other Powers of his equality with 
themselves. The old reigning houses were 
not as yet sufficiently intimate with him 
to seek a permanent union through a 
marriage alliance ; yet he was bound to 
give France and himself an heir, for a 
throne without heirs speedily becomes 
uninteresting. Born on April 20th, 1808, 
he was nearly forty-five years of age, and 
dared not risk the failure of a courtship 
which might expose him to the general 
sympathy or ridicule. Without delay he 
therefore married, on January 29th, 1853, 
the beautiful Countess Eugenie of Teba, 
of the noble Spanish House of Guzman, 
who was then twenty-six years of age. 
She was eminently capable, not only of 


of British constituencies was viewed with 

misgiving by many British statesmen, and 

was destined to be of little advantage to 

any power but the Second Empire. 

The Tsar Nicholas had for a long time 

past regarded the partition of the Turkish 

Empire in favour of Russia as a step for 

_. _ , which the European situation 
The Tsar % • t> -i. • j 

g . was now ripe. Britain and 

-, . Austria were the Powers whose 
^ interests were most obviously 
threatened by such a scheme. But he 
thought that Austria could be disre- 
garded if the assent of Britain was 
secured ; and as early as 1844 he had 
sounded the British Government, suggest- 
ing that, in the event of partition, an 


understanding between that Power and was increased by the annoyance which 

Russia might be formulated with equal Napoleon felt at the arrogant demeanour 

Advantage to both. His overtures had of the Russian court towards himself, 
met with no definite reply; but he appears But N apoleon busied as he was at 

To have assumed that Britain would not the moment with preparmg for the 

stand in his way. It was not till 1854, re-establishment of t^e ^empire,^could n 

resistance to ex- 
tremes, and it 
would have been 
the wisest course 
for Nicholas to 
make sure of the 
jiey which he had 
in view by occupy- 
ing the Danube 
principalities in 
force, before 
Austria and Prus- 
sia had finished 
quarrelling over 
the question of 
federal reforms. 
The fact was that 
the development 
of his plans was 
checked for a 
moment by the 
unexpected sub- 
missiveness of the 
Sublime Porte, 
when it agreed to 
guarantee the 
Greek Christians 
of the Holy Land 
in the possession of 
the coveted privi- 
leges. New pre- 
texts for aggres- 
sion were, how- 
ever, very easily 
discovered ; and 
on May nth, 1853, 
Prince Menschikofi 
despatched an ulti- 
matvun, demand- 
ing for Russia a 
protectorate over 
the fourteen 
milhons of Greek 
Christians who in- 


In 1808 the Church of the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem, one of the shrines which the countries UUdet 

Crusaders had endeavoured to Wrest from the hands of the Mohammedans was destroyed „ , • . , o u 

b^^e ^d thrGreeks, with the aid of Russian money, had the sanctuary restored. TurklSh rUlC. ^UD 

however, that, feeling secure from further 
insurrections in Poland, he unmasked his 
batteries against the Porte. The tempta- 
tion to reassert the French protectorate 
over the Latin Christians of the East 

mission to such a demand was equivalent 
to accepting a partition of the Turkish 
dominions between Russia and the Sultan. 
Even without allies the Sultan might be 
expected to make a stand ; and allies were 





forthcoming. Though Napoleon had been 
first in the field against Russia, it was 
from Great Britain that Abd ul-Mejid 
now received the strongest encourage- 
ment. Some months bef 
tum Nicholas had con- 
fessed his cherished object 
to the British ambassa- 
dor ; and though the 
shock of this disclosure 
had been tempered by a 
proposal that Britam 
should take Egypt and 
Crete as her share of the 
spoil, the British Govern- 
ment was clear that, in 
one way or another, the 
integrity of the Turkish 
Empire must be secured. 
Lord Stratford de 
Redclif^e, the British 
representative at Con- 
stantinople, advised that 
no concession whatever 
should be made to Russia. 
The advice was taken. 
Although the Tsar had 
probably not counted 
upon war as a serious 
probability, nothing now 
remained but to face the 

r 1 • The son of Tsar Nicholas I. , he succeeded to 

consequences OI niS pre- t^e throne of Russia on March 2nd, ISS.-;. 
cipitation, to recall his The emancipation of 23,000,000 serfs in 1861, 

ambassador, and to send chiefly due to the Tsar's own efforts, was the standing with 

his troops into the Danube ^''^'''' achievement of Alexander's reign. ^^^-^ ^^^ ^^^ 

principalities. They were invaded on July 
2nd, 1853, the Tsar protesting " that it 
was not his intention to commence war, 
but to have such security as would ensure 

the restoration of the rights of Russia." 
Unprepared as he was, he had every 
prospect of success if he could secure the 
co-operation of Austria. Had these two 
Powers agreed to deliver a joint attack 
upon Turkey, inducing 
Prussia, by means of 
suitable concessions, to 
])rotect their rear, the 
fleets of the Western 
Powers could not have 
saved Constantinople, 
and their armies would 
certainly not have ven- 
tured to take the field 
against the combined 
forces of the two Eastern 
emperors. But the Tsar 
overrated his own powers 
and underrated the 
capacity of the Sultan for 
resistance. All that 
Nicholas desired from 
Austria was neutrality; 
and this he thought that 
he might confidently 
expect after the signal 
service which Russian 
armies had rendered in 
the suppression of the 
Hungarian rebellion. No 
advance was made on his 
part towards an under- 
Powers had appeared on the scene. This 
happened immediately after the Black 
Sea squadron of the Turkish fleet had 
been destroyed in the harbour of Sinope by 





Admiral NakimofE on November 30th, 1853. 
The allied French and British fleets had 
been in the Bosphorus for a month past 
with the object of protecting Constanti- 
nople ; now, at the suggestion of Napoleon, 
they entered the Black Sea in January, 
1854. At this juncture Prince Orloft was 
' despatched to Vienna, without authority 
. , to offer any concessions, but 

R^b ff* * merely to appeal to Austrian 

. * J* . gratitude. It would have needed 
to Russia *=• , , , 1 , 

a statesman of unusual penetra- 
tion to grasp the fact that Austrian in- 
terests would really be served by a friendly 
response to this dilatory and unskilfully 
managed application ; and such a states- 
'man was not to be found at the Hofburg. 
Schwarzenberg had died very suddenly on 
April 5th, 1852, and his mantle had fallen 
upon the shoulders of Count Buol, who 
had no qualifications for his responsible 
position beyond rigid orthodoxy and 
some small experience acquired in a 
subordinate capacity during the brief 
ministry of Schwarzenberg. Buol con- 
firmed his master, Francis Joseph, in the 
erroneous idea that the interests of 
Austria and Russia in the East were dia- 
metrically opposed. Accordingly, Prince 
Orloff was rebuffed, and Austria sup- 
ported a demand for the evacuation of 
the Danubian principalities issued by the 
Western Powers on February 27th, 1854. 
France and Britain were encouraged 
by this measure of Austrian support 
to conclude a defensive treaty with 
the Sultan on March 12th and to 
declare war on Russia on March 27th. In 
the first stages of hostihties they had the 
support of the Austrian forces. Austria 
accepted from Turkey a formal commis- 
sion to hold the Danube principalities 
during the course of the war, and co- 
operated with a Turkish army in compelling 
the Russian troops to withdraw. And on 
August 8th, Austria joined with France 
and Britain in demanding that Russia 
J- • p • ♦ should abandon her protec- 

ussia ejee s ^Qj-^^^g Q^gj. gervia and the 
the Demands -r-. 1. • ■ • i-x« 

of the Powers ^^ a n u b 1 a n pnncipalities, 
should allow free navigation 
of the Danube, should submit to a re- 
vision of the "Convention of the Straits" 
of July, 1841, in the interests of the 
balance of power, and should renounce 
the claim to a protectorate over the 
Greek Christians of the Turkish dominions. 
When these demands were rejected by 
Russia, and the war passed into its second 


stage, with France and Britain acting on 
the offensive in order to provide for the 
peace of the future by crippling Russian 
power in the East, it might have been 
expected that Austria would go on as she 
had begun. But at this point a fifth 
power made its influence felt in the already 
complicated situation. Frederic William 
IV, did not go to the lengths advised by 
Bismarck, who proposed that Prussia 
should restore peace by concentrating an 
army on the Silesian frontier, and threaten- 
ing to attack whichever of the two neigh- 
bouring empires should refuse a peaceful 
settlement. But the King of Prussia was 
by no means inclined to make capital out 
of Russian necessities, and turned a deaf 
ear to the suggestions of Austria for an 
armed coalition against the Tsar. The 
result was that Austria, though she con- 
cluded, in December, 1854, an offensive 
alliance with France and Britain, did not 
take part in the Crimean War, the opera- 
tions of which have already been described. 
The Tsar Nicholas died, worn out with 
chagrin and anxiety, on March 2nd, 1855. 
His policy had cost Russia a loss which 

„ ,. , was officially calculated at 
Death of „ -' J <( /^ 1 

. _ 240,000 men ; and Generals 

Nfcho'lal January and February " had 
treated him even more severely 
than the allied force which he had expected 
them to annihilate. Negotiations were 
opened by his son Alexander II., who 
declined, however, to limit the Russian 
fleet in the Black Sea. The allies, there- 
fore, proceeded with the attack upon 
Sebastopol ; and after a third unsuccessful 
attack upon their position in the battle of 
the Tchernaya, August i6th, 1855, the 
Russians were compelled, by a fearful 
cannonade and the loss of the Malakoff, 
September 8th, which was stormed by 
the French in the face of an appalling fire, 
to evacuate the city. The capture of the 
Armenian fortress of Kars by General 
Muravieff in November enabled the Rus- 
sians to claim more moderate terms of 
peace than would otherwise have been 
possible. On February 6th, 1856, a 
congress opened at Paris to settle the 
Eastern question, and peace was signed 
on March 30th of the same year. 

By the terms of the Peace of Paris, the 
Black Sea was declared neutral and open 
to the merchant ships of every nation. 
It was to be closed against the warships of 
all nations, except that Russia and Turkey 
were permitted to equip not more than 


ten light vessels apiece for coastguard 
service, and that any state interested in 
the navigation of the Danube might 
station two light vessels at the mouth of 
that river. The integrity of Turkey was 
guaranteed by the Powers, all of whom 
renounced the right of inter- 
fering in the internal affairs 
of that state, nothing beyond 
certain promises of reforms 
being demanded from the 
Sultan in return for these 
favours. For the regulation 
of the navigation of the 
Danube a standing commis- 
sion of the interested Powers 
was appointed. Moldavia and 
Wallachia were left in depend- 
ence on the Sultan, but with 
complete autonomy so far as 
their internal administration 
was concerned. They were 

Suez, by way of Cairo ; shortly afterwards 
the Suez Canal was begun. In Turkey 
itself new roads were built, harbours 
constructed, the postal service improved, 
and telegraph Hues erected, especially 
after the events in Jidda and Lebanon 
in 1858-1860. The dark 
side of this onward move- 
ment was the shattered 
condition of the finances. 
The financial embarrass- 
ments of the Porte had 
lieen steadily increasing since 
1848. At that date there was 
no foreign national debt ; 
there were about 200 millions 
of small coin in circulation, 
with an intrinsic value of 23 j 
per cent, of their face value. 
There was a large amount of 
uncontrolled and uncon- 
trollable paper money, covered 


to pay a tribute, and their Pnnce of Servia. he was driven out by no reserve in bullion, and 

foreign relations were to be L\3%qu7nSi°eca\Ld there were heavy arrears in 

controlled by the Porte, death, in imui, his son Michael the way of salaries and army 

Moldavia recovered that part "" acknowledged by the Porte, payments. During the 

of Bessarabia which had been taken 
from her by Russia, and in this way the 
latter Power was pushed back from the 

In Asia Minor the action of France and 
England restored the frontier to the status 
quo ante. Turkey, henceforward received 
into the concert of Europe, promised further 
reforms in the 
Hatti - humayun 
of February 
i8th, 1856, and 
reaffirmed the 
civic equahty of 
all her subjects. 
The " hat " was 
received with 
equal reluctance 
by both Otto- 
mans and Chris- 
tians. Only since 
1867 have 
foreigners been 
able to secure ,„ .^,^ 


Crimean War, apart from an enormous 
debt at home, a loan of $35,000,000 
had been secured in England. Three 
further loans were effected in 1858, 
i860, and 1861. Expenditure rose, in 
consequence of the high rate of inte- 
rest, to $70,000,000 annually, while the 
revenue amounted to $45,000,000 only. 
In 1861 the 
financial strain 
brought about a 
crisis ; an attempt 
was made to 
meet the danger 
by the issue of 
1,250 millions of 
piastres in paper 
money, with 
forced circula- 
tion. While 
the upper 
officials, bank 
managers, and 

f , • t\Du ui.-n^i<. ALl PASHA , . % 

a looting in Becoming sultan on the death of his brother, Abd ul-Mejid, In 1H61, COUtraClOrS, SUCH 

Turkey. If any Abdul-Aiiz found himself confronted by difficult tasks, and for ten aS LaUgiand- 

j > 1 years was gnided by two very distinguished men, Fuad and Ali Pasha, -pv „.. 

advance has ' s j » 6 Dumonceau, 

Eugene Bontoux, and Moritz Hirsch were 

years was gnided by two very distinguished men, Fuad and Ali Pasha 

been made since these paper promises, it 
is due not to the imperial firman but to 
the increase of international communica- 
tion, which brought the light of civilisation 
to the very interior of Asia. In 185 1 the 
first railway was built from Alexandria to 

growing rich, the provinces were im- 
poverished by the weight of taxation 
and the unnecessary severity with which 
the taxes were collected. The concert of 
Europe had guaranteed the first state loan- 



Hence in 1882 originated the international 
administration of the Turkish pubhc 
debt ; and this became the basis of the 
claim for a general supervision of Turkish 
affairs by Western Europe, which was 
afterwards advanced in the case of 
Armenia and Crete. 

The Porte was thus unable to prevent 
the appointment of Colonel Alexander 
_ , , Johann Cusa, at the instance of 

RrsT"** * France, as Prince of Moldavia 

ise o ^^ January 2Qth and of Walla- 
Prospenty ^^^ ^^ February 17th ; the 
personal bond of union thus established 
between these vassal states resulted in 
their actual union as Roumania in 1861. 
Cusa's despotic rule was overthrown on 
February 22nd, 1866, and under the new 
prince, Charles of Hohenzollern, the 
country enjoyed a rapid rise to prosperity, 
although the political in- 
capacity of the people, 
the licence granted by 
the constitution, and the 
immorality of the upper 
classes did not conduce 
to general order. In Ser- 
via the Sultan's creature, 
Alexander Karageorge- 
vitch, was forced to abdi- 
cate on December 21st- 
22nd, 1858, the family of 
Obrenovitch was recalled, 
and after the death of Milos 
at the age of eighty, on 
September 26th, i860, 
Michael Obrenovitch II. 
was elected and acknow- 
ledged by the Porte. Under 
the revolutionary and 
literary government of the 
" youth," Servia became the scene of 
Panslavonic movements, hostile to Hun- 
gary, which spread to the soil of Bosnia 
and Herzegovina, and even endangered 
the absolute monarchy of Michael. 

On March 6th, 1867, the last Turkish 
troops were withdrawn from Servian soil, 
in accordance with the agreements of Sep- 
tember 4th, 1862, and March 3rd, 1867. 
After the: murder of the prince, on June 
loth, 1868, the Skupshtina appointed the 
last surviving Obrenovitch, Prince Milan, 
then fourteen years of age, and passed the 
new constitution on June 29th, 1869. 
An additional, consequence was that 
Turkey became again involved in disputes 
with the Western Powers ; in 1858 the 
occasion was the murder of the British 

and French consuls at Jidda, in Arabia, 
and in i860 the atrocities of the Druses 
against the Christians in Lebanon and 
Damascus. To anticipate the interference 
of the Powers, the Grand Vizir, Fuad 
Pasha, one of the greatest statesmen that 
Turkey has produced in the nineteenth 
century, was sent to the spot with un- 
limited powers ; but it was not until a 
French army of occupation appeared that 
the leaders in high places were brought 
to punishment, and the province of 
Lebanon was placed under a Christian 
governor. The chief service performed by 
Fuad was that of introducing the vilayet 
constitution, the division of the Ottoman 
Empire into sanjaks and kasas, by which 
means he had already produced great 
effects on the Danube provinces. Had it 
not been for the opposition of the whole 
company of the Old Turks, 
the imams, mollas, miite- 
velis, hojas, the dervishes, 
and softas, in the mosques, 
the schools, the monasteries, 
and also the coffee-houses, 
he would possibly have 
succeeded in cleansing the 
great Augean stable of 
Arabic slothfulness. 

Upon the death of Abd 
ul-Mejid, on June 26th, 
1 861, his brother, the new 
ruler, Abd ul-Aziz, 1861- 
1876, was confronted by 
difficult tasks, and the ques- 

The'^dJspotf/Je o?Ki„ro^tfo''.ed to Jion arose as to his capacity 

his deposition, and in 1863 a new king lor dcalmg With them. 1 he 

r^ s^n'^o/^hrC^of De^S^ good-natured Abd ul-Mejid 
From an early photograph j^a,d generally allowcd his 

Omladina," Grand Vizirs to govern on his behalf, but 
after 1858, when the royal privy exchequer 
had been declared bankrupt, he relapsed 
into indolence and weak sensuality. Not- 
withstanding the shattered state of the 
empire, his brother and successor, Abd ul- 
Aziz, promised a government of 
of retrenchment, and 

VT e w reform. To the remote observer 

New Sultan , j 1 . r 

he appeared a character of 

proved strength, in the prime of life, and 

inspired with a high enthusiasm for his lofty 

calling. All these advantages, however, 

were paralysed by the criminal manner in 

which his education had been neglected. 

The ruler of almost forty millions of subjects 

was, at that time, scarcely able to write a 

couple of lines in his own language. The 

result was the failure of his first attempts 

:;z""" p'-^' 



to bring some order into the administra- 
tion and the finances, a failure which 
greatly discouraged him. Until 1871 he 
allowed himself to be guided by these two 
distinguished men, Fuad and Ali Pasha; 
at the same time his want of firmness and 
insight, his nervous excitability, which 
often made him unaccountable for his 
actions, and his senseless and continually 
increasing extravagance led him, not only 
to the arms of Ignatieff, " the father of 
lies," but also to his own destruction. 

In the commercial treaties of 1861-1862 
gunpowder, salt, and tobacco had been 
excepted from the general remission of 
duties. The salt tax, which, was shortly 
afterwards revived, was a lamentable 
mistake. Sheep farmers suffered terribly 
under it, for the lack of salt produced 
fresh epidemics every year among the 
flocks and destroyed the woollen trade and 
the manufacture of carpets. The culture of 
the olive and tobacco also suffered under 
the new imposts, while internal trade was 
hindered by octroi duties of every kind. 
-^. To these difficulties military 

'^.V ^J"^ and political complications 
on the Throne jj j t- ■ n j 

, _ were added. Especially dan- 

of Greece ,, i-- /-> x 

gerouswas the revolt m Crete, 

in the spring of 1866 ; in 1863 Greece had 

expelled the Bavarian prince and chosen 

a new king, George I., formerly Prince 

Wilhelm of Schleswig-Holstein-Sonder- 

burg-Gliicksburg, and had received the 

seven Ionian Islands from England in 1864 ; 

she now supported her Cretan brothers 

and co-religionists with money, armies, 

troops, and ships, notwithstanding the 

deplorable condition of her own finances. 

Only when an ultimatum had been sent 

to Greece did the Porte succeed in crushing 

this costly revolt under pressure from 

a conference of the Powers in 1869. 

Meanwhile, Ismail Pasha of Egypt had 

received, in 1866 and 1867, the title of 

" Khedive " and the right to the direct 

succession. Undisturbed by English 

jealousy, the " viceroy " continued the 

projects of his predecessor, especially the 

construction of the Suez Canal, which had 

been begun by Lesseps ; he increased his 

army, built warships, appointed his own 

Minister of Foreign Affairs in the person 

of the Armenian Nubar Pasha, travelled in 

Europe, and invited the courts of several 
states to a brilliant opening of the canal 
in 1869 ; by means of a personal visit to 
Constantinople, by large presents and an 
increase of tribute, he further secured in 
1873 the sovereignty which he had assumed. 
In the summer of 1867 the Sultan 
appeared in Western Eiu-ope accompanied 
The Grand ^^ F^ad ; it was the first occa- 
Tour of ^^^^ ^^ Ottoman history that 
the Sultan ^. ^ultan had passed the fron- 
tiers of his empire, not for the 
purpose of making conquests, but to secure 
the favour of his allies. He had already 
visited the Khedive in Egypt in 1863. 
Now he saw the World's Exhibition at 
Paris, and that of London in June, 1863. 
On July 24th he paid his respects to the 
King and Queen of Prussia at Coblentz 
and returned to Constantinople by way of 
Vienna on August 7th. The success of Fuad 
Pasha in inducing his master to take this 
step was a masterpiece of diplomacy 
and patriotism ; unfortunately, the 
journey, which had cost enormous sums, 
did not produce the hoped-for results. 

On February nth, 1869, Fuad died, as 
also did his noble friend and rival, Ali, on 
September 6th, 1871 ; thereupon, simul- 
taneously with the fall of the Second Em- 
pire, Ottoman politics entered upon that 
path which for Napoleon III. began before 
the walls of Sebastopol and ended at 
Sedan. In place of the influence of the 
Western Powers the eagles of Russia and 
Prussia were henceforward victorious on 
the Bosphorus. Upon his death-bed Fuad 
had written from Nizza on January 3rd, 
1869, to Sultan Abd ul-Aziz : " The rapid 
advance of our neighbours and the 
incredible mistakes of our forefathers 
have brought us into a dangerous position ; 
if the threatening collision is to 
** ." * - be avoided, your Majesty must 

warning of ^^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^ ^^^ j^^^ 
Fuad Pasha i • x i. ii >» 

your people m fresh paths. 
The committee of officials which travelled 
through the provinces of the empire in 
1864 expressed this thought even more 
bluntly : " The officials grow rich upon 
the taxes, while the people suffer, working 
like slaves under the whip. The income 
of the taxes is divided among the officials 
instead of flowing into the state exchequer." 










I7OR a short time, the diplomatic results 
*■ of the Crimean war made Napoleon 
HI. appear to be the most powerful ruler 
in Europe ; and he took upon himself 
the part of a second Metternich. He con- 
cealed his actual position and succeeded 
in inspiring Europe with a wholly un- 
founded belief in the strength of his 
country and himself. The World's Exhibi- 
tion of 1855, and the congress which im- 
mediately followed, restored Paris to her 
former prestige as the centre of Europe. 
Pilgrims flocked to the city of pleasure 
and good taste, upon the adornment of 
which the Prefect of the Seine, Georges 
Eugene Haussmann, was permitted to 
expend $20,000,000 per annum. 

The sound governmental principle laid 
down by the first Napoleon, of keeping 
the fourth estate contented by high wages, 
and thus securing its good behaviour and 

., , , silent approval of an absolute 
N&poleon s f'^ r i, , -,, 

^ . ^ monarchy, was followed with 

M . . . entire success for the moment 
Mistake • ., << i. j »» 

m the restored empire. 

However, Napoleon HI., like Metternich, 
was penetrated with the conviction that the 
ruler must of necessity be absolute. His 
greatest mistake consisted in the fact that 
he refrained from giving a material content 
to the constitutional forms under which 
his government was established. By this 
means he might have united to himself 
ihat section of the population which is not 
subject to the influence of caprice. 

The "legislative body" should have 
been made representative, and should have 
been given control of the finances and 
the right of initiating legislative proposals. 
Such a change would have been far more 
profitable to the heir who was born to 
the emperor on March i6th, 1856, than the 
illusory refinements which gained the 
Second Empire the exaggerated approba- 
tion of all the useless epicures in existence. 
K-ussia seemed to have been reduced to 


the War 

impotency for a long time to come, and 
her power to be now inferior to that of 
Turkey. She proceeded to accommodate 
herself to the changed conditions. Alex- 
ander II. assured his subjects that the 
war begun by his father had improved and 
secured the position of Christianity in 
the East, and proceeded with 
magnificent dispassionateness to 
make overtures to the French 
ruler, who had just given him so 
severe a lesson. The Russian politicians 
were correct in their opinion that Napoleon 
was relieved to have come so well out 
of his enterprises in the East, and that 
they need fear no immediate disturbance 
from that quarter. 

Napoleon III. showed himself worthy 
of this confidence. With real diplomacy 
he met Russia half way, respected her 
desires whenever he could do so, and 
received a tacit assurance that Russia 
would place no obstacle in the way of his 
designs against any other Power. Though 
Austria had not fired a shot against 
the Russian troops, she proved far less 
accommodating than France, whose troops 
had triumphantly entered Sebastopol. 
Austria had declined to repay the help 
given her in Hungary ; she had also 
appeared as a rival in the Balkans, and 
had only been restrained by Prussia from 
dealing Russia a fatal blow. Thus Austria's 
weakness would imply Russia's strength, 
and would enable her the more easily 
to pursue her Eastern policy. 
Prussia had fallen so low that 
no interference was to be feared 
from her in the event of any 
great European complication, though there 
was no immediate apprehension of any 
such difficulty. In a fit of mental weak- 
ness which foreshadowed his ultimate 
collapse, Frederic William IV. had con- 
centrated his thoughts upon the possi- 
bility of recovering his principality of 




the Dust 



.jusii...^^^it^.. xKOJmi 'j^. :- ^ il^ ^. 



Neuenberg. Success was denied him. 
After the ill-timed attempt at revolution, 
set on foot by the Prussian party in that 
province on September 3rd, 1856, he was 
forced to renounce definitely all claim to 
the province on May 26th, 1857. The fact 
that the principality was of 
no value to Prussia did not 
remove the impression that 
the German state had again 
suffered a defeat. Napoleon 
was one of the few statesmen 
who estimated the power of 
Prussia at a higher rate than 
did the majority of his con- 
temporaries ; in a conversation 
with Bismarck in March, 1857, 
he had already secured 
Prussia's neutrality in the 
event of a war in Italy, and 
had brought forward proposals 
of more importance than the 

programme of the union, a libera" "tatesm'ln,''h^"irbonred in. was no soldier ; he' could 
With the incorporation of strenuously for the restoration of not merely wave his sword, 
Hanover and Holstein a Italian nationality, and at last, like his great uncle, and 
northern sea-power was to ir.^'.t TJLTrPaitmeTt announce to Europe that 
be founded strong enough, in this or that dynasty must 

alliance with France, to oppose England, be deposed. Principles must be followed 


was now necessary to apply the second 
fundamental principle of the Bonapartist 
rulers, to avoid any thorough investigation 
of internal difficulties by turning attention 
to foreign affairs, by assuming a command- 
ing position among the Great Powers, and 
by acquiring military fame 
when possible. Polignac had 
already made a similar at- 
tempt. He had failed through 
want of adroitness ; the 
capture of Algiers came too 
late to prevent the July 
Revolution. Napoleon did 
not propose to fail thus, and 
for once, at least, his at- 
tempt .proved successful. 
Naturally the methods by 
which Ministers had begun 
war under the " old regime " 
were impossible for a popular 
emperor. Moreover, Napoleon 

All that he asked in return was a " small 
delimitation " of the Rhine frontier ; this, 
naturally, was not to affect the left bank, 
the possession of which would oblige France 
to extend her territory and would rouse a 
new coalition against her. Bismarck 
declined to consider any 
further projects in this 
direction, and sought to ex- 
tract an undertaking from the 
emperor that Prussia should 
not be involved in any great 
political combination. Great 
Britain's resources were 
strained to the utmost by 
conflicts with Persia and 
China, and by the outbreak of 
the Indian Mutiny, and she 
needed not only the goodwill 
but the friendly offices of 
France. For these reasons 

out, modern ideas must be made trium- 
phant ; at the least, the subject nation 
must be made to believe that the individual 
was merely the implement of the great 
forces of activity latent in peoples. He 
had turned constitutionalism to excellent 
account ; the struggles of the 
Liberal party to obtain a 
share in the government had 
ended by raising him to the 
throne. Another idea with 
which modern Europe was 
fully penetrated, that of 
nationality, might now be 
exploited by an adroit states- 
man. Napoleon neither ex- 
aggerated nor underestimated 
its potency ; only he had not 
realised how deeply it was 
rooted in the hearts of the 

,T- • X I.- 1. URBANO RATTAZzi people. He kncw that it was 

tne lory Ministry, which He was twice Prime Minister of Constantly foundcd upon foUy 

came into office in 1858 upon ^IKcl^^r^oX^^Sl^eVVea^^^ and presumption, and that 

tne tail ol Falmerston, could each occasion, resigning through the participation of the people 

not venture to disturb the ^'^ "ppo^'^'O" *» Garibaldi ■ '■ k . . v ^ 

good understanding with Napoleon, how- 
ever strongly inchned to this course. 

Napoleon was thus free to confront the 
apparently feasible task of increasing his 
influence in Europe and conciliating the 
goodwill of his subjects to the empire. It 


in the task of solving state 
problems fostered the theory that the 
concentration of the national strength was 
ever a more important matter than the 
maintenance of the state ; hence he 
inferred the value of the national idea as a 
means of opening the struggle against 



existing political institutions. But of its 

moral power he had no conception ; he 

never imagined that, in the fulness of time, 

it would become a constructive force 

capable of bending 

statecraft to its will. 

Here lay the cause of 

his tragic downfall — he 

was like the apprentice 

of some political 

magician, unable to 

dismiss the spirits 

whom he had evoked 

when they became 


His gaze had long 
been directed towards 
Italy ; the dreams oi 
his youth returned upon 
him in new guise and 
lured him to make that 
country the scene of his I 
exploits. It was, how 

ever, in the East, which [ 

had already proved so garibaldi 

favourable to NapO- The central figrure in the battle for Italian independ- and it bccamC manifest 

destroyed Austria's hopes of extending 
her territory on the Black Sea, but also 
became a permanent cause of disturbance 
in her Eastern possessions, was now to 
, justify its application in 
Italy. The attempt of 
the Italian, Orsini, and 
his three associates, who 
threw bombs at the 
imperial couple in Paris 
on January 14th, J858, 
wounding both of them 
and 141 others, is said 
to have materially con- 
tributed to determine 
Napoleon's decision for 
the Italian war. He was 
intimidated by the 
weapons which the 
Nationalist and Radical 
party now began to 
employ, for Orsini in 
the very face of death 
a]:»pealed to him to help 
lis oppressed fatherland, 

Icon's enterprises, that .%\^o'ite?rSnst\'h\ r>s?ria1a ?Sie%'oS^^ that this outrage was 

he was to make his first struggle till Italy became a nation, with Victor merely the expression 

attempt to introduce E-—1 as her W, and then retiring to Caprera. ^^ national CXCitement. 

the principle of nationality into the concert 
of Europe. Turkey was forced to recognise 
the rights of the Roumanian nation, of 
which she had hardly so much as heard 
when the question arose of the regulation 
of the government in 
the Danube principali- 
ties. She could ofEer no 
opposition when 
Moldavia and Wal- 
lachia, each of which 
could elect a hospodar 
tributary to the Sultan, 
united in their choice 
of one and the same 
personality. Colonel 
Alexander Johann Cusa, 
and appointed him their 
prince at the beginning 
of 1859 on January 29th 
and February 17th. 
Bv this date a new 

A similar state of tension existed in the 
Sardinian state, its dynasty and its 
leader. Count Camillo Cavour, who had 
been the Prime Minister of King Victor 
Emmanuel since November 4th, 1852. At 
first of moderate views, 
he had joined the 
Liberals under Urbano 
Rattazzi and Giovanni 
Lanza, and had entered 
into relations with the 
revolutionary party 
tliroughout the penin- 
sula. He had succeeded 
in inspiring their leaders 
with the conviction 
that the movement for 
Italian unity must pro- 
ceed from Piedmont. 
Vincenzo Gioberti, 
Daniel Manin, and 
Giuseppe Garibaldi 

rising of the kingdom victor emmanuel ii. adopted Cavour's pro- 

ot Sardinia against He ascended the throne of Sardinia in 1849, in prrammc, and promiscd 

A i. • u J 1 J succession to his father, and in 1861 he was ° j. -^ ^ i i 

Austria had already proclaimed King of Italy at Turin, reigning until SUpport if he WOUld 

been arranged for the "'* **«***•• ^'*'<=*> occurred in January, 1878. oreranise a new risinor 

purpose of overthrowing the foreign 
government in Italy. The victorious 
progress of the national idea in the 
Danube principalities, which not only 


organise a new risin? 
against Austria. Cavour, with the king's 
entire approval, now made this rising las 
primary object ; he was confident that 
Napoleon would not permit Austria to 




fe^ y ^^. 






1»-- ••1 

4^5V|^-'^ 4i« 



■# ' ^jk 







I-roiM the paii;t;:.., -.: . the !..• 

On Jane 24th, 1859, was fougrht the battle of Solferino, " one of the bloodiest conflicts of the century." Three hundred 
thousand men, with nearly 800 gruns, were opposed in the terrible fight, and while the French had no definite plan of 
action, the Austrian leaders were unable to avoid a series of blunders. Rarely, indeed, have troops been handled 
with so little generalship. In the battle, which ended in the defeat of the Austrians, no fewer than 12.000 Austrians 
and nearly 17,000 allies were killed or wounded, and 9,000 Au.strian prisoners were taken, as against 1,200 Italians. 

From the painting by Jules Rigo in the Versailles Museum 


aggrandise herself by reducing Italy a 
second time. The Austrian Government 
played into his hands by declining to con- 
tinue the arrangements for introducing an 
entirely autonomous and 
national form of admini- 
stration into Lombardy 
and Venice, and by the 
severity with which the 
aristocratic participants 
in the Milan revolt of 
February 6th, 1853, were 
punished, Sardinia 
sheltered the fugitives, 
raised them to honour- 
able positions, and used 
every means to provoke 
a breach with Austria. 
The schemes of the House 
of Savoy and its adherents 
were discovered by the 
Viennese government, but 
too late ; they were too 
late in recognising that 
Lombardy and Venice 

Sardinia at once began the task of mobili- 
sation, for which preparation had been 
already made by the construction of 250 
miles of railway lines. On January ist, 
1859, ^t the reception on 
New Year's Day,Napoleon 
plainly announced to the 
Austrian ambassador, 
Hiibner, his intention of 
helping the Italian cause. 
On January 17th, the 
community of interests 
between France and 
Sardinia was reaffirmed 
by the engagement of 
Prince Joseph Napoleon 
— ^Plon-Plon — 'Son of 
Jerome of Westphalia, to 
Clotilde, the daughter of 
Victor Emmanuel. Even 
then the war might have 
been avoided had Austria 
accepted British inter- 
vention and the condition 
of mutual disarmament. 

Many improvements in internal administration 
were carried out under Napoleon III., but the 

must be reconciled to the emperor's policy was one of vaciUation, and Napolcou dared not pro- 
Austrian supremacy by the story is told that Bismarck on one occasion yoke England, and in- 

•' - •' ''""cribed him as "an undetected incapable." i j /-P . i 

formed Cavour on April 

by the 
relaxing the severity of the *^"' ^ 
military occupation. Too late, again, was 
the Archduke Maximilian, the enlightened 
and popular brother of the emperor, des- 
patched as viceroy to Milan, 
to concentrate and strengthen 
the Austrian party. Cavour 
gave the Lombards no rest ; 
by means of the national union 
he spread the fire throughout 
Italy, and continually incited 
the Press against Austria. 
The Austrian Government was 
soo:.> forced to recall its am- 
bassador from Turin, and 
Piedmont at once made the 
counter move. 

In July, 1858, Napoleon 
came to an agreement with 
Cavour at Plombieres ; France 
was to receive Savoy if 
Sardinia acquired Lombardy 
and Venice, while the county 
of Nizza was to be the price 
of the annexation of Parma ?^^* "''" °V^,'''°r °i[ ^"^p!'*"^ 

J-., J T,, TT fhe married Clotilde, the daughter of 

and Modena. The House of victor Emmanuel, thus strength- 


20th that it was advisable to fall in with 
the British proposals. But the Cabinet of 
Vienna had in the meantime been so ill-ad- 
vised as to send an ultimatum 
to Sardinia threatening an 
invasion within thirty days if 
Sardinia did not forthwith and 
unconditionally promise to 
disarm. This action was the 
more ill-timed, as Austria was 
herself by no means prepared 
to throw the whole of her 
forces into Italy. By accept- 
ing British intervention Cavour 
evaded the necessity of reply- 
ing to the ultimatum. France 
declared that the crossing of 
the Ticino by the Austrians 
would be regarded as a casus 
belli. The crossing was none 
the less effected on April 30th, 
1859. The war which then 
began brought no special 
honour to any of the com- 

^ batants, though it materially 

Savoy thus sacrificed its ening the community of interests altered the balance of power in 
ancestral territories to gain between France and Sardinia. Europc. In the first place, 
the paramountcy in Italy. The term the Austrian army showed itself entirely 
"Italy" then implied a federal state unequal to the performance of its new 
which might include the Pope, the Grand tasks ; in respect of equipment it was far 
Duke of Tuscany, and the King of Naples, behind the times, and much of its innate 




Capacity had disappeared since the cam- 
paigns of 1848 and 1849 ; leadership 
and administrative energy were ahke 
sadly to seek. Half-trained and often 
whoUy uneducated officers were placed in 
highly responsible positions. High birth, 
irrespective of capacity, was a passport to 
promotion ; a fine presence and a kind 

_. . ^ . of dandified indifference to 

The Austrian 111 1 

. ^ ^ knowledge and expenence 
Army Corrupt ° , j ..t 

J I ti were more esteemed than 
and Incapable ..., . , ^, 

any military virtues. There 

was loud clashing of weapons, but general 

ignorance as to their proper use. The 

general staff was in an unusually benighted 

condition ; there were few competent men 

available, and these had no chance of 

employment unless they belonged to one 

of the groups and coteries which made the 

distribution of offices their special business. 

At the end of April, 1859, the army in 
Italy amounted to little more than 100,000 
men, although Austria was said to have 
at command 520,000 infantry, 60,000 
cavalry, and 1,500 guns. The commander- 
in-chief, Count Franz Gyulay, was an 
honourable and fairly competent officer, 
but no general. His chief of the staff, 
Kuhnenfeld, had been sent to the seat of 
war from his professorial chair in the 
military academy, and while he displayed 
the highest ingenuity in the invention of 
combinations, was unable to formulate or 
execute any definite plan of campaign. 

With his 100,000 troops Gyulay might 
easily have overpowered the 70,000 Pied- 
montese and Italian volunteers who had 
concentrated on the Po. The retreat from 
that position could hardly have been 
prevented even by the French generals 
and a division of French troops, which 
had arrived at Turin on April 26th, 
1859 ; however, the Austrian leaders were 
apprehensive of being outflanked on the Po 
by a disembarkation of the French troops 
at Genoa. Gyulay remained for a month 
in purposeless inaction in the Lomellina, 
j^ the district between Ticino 

d'*G*°'b Id* ^^^ Sesia ; it was not until 
in Batu" * * ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^^ ^^ ventured 
upon a reconnaissance to 
Montebello, which produced no practical 
result. The conflict at Palestro on May 30th 
deceived him as to Napoleon's real object ; 
the latter was following the suggestions 
of General Niel, and had resolved to 
march round the Austrian right wing. 
Garibaldi, with three or four thousand ill- 
armed guerrilla troops, had crossed the 


Ticino at the south of Lake Maggiore. 
This route was followed by a division 
under General MacMahon, and Niel 
reached Novara on the day of Palestro 
and proceeded to threaten Gyulay's line 
of retreat, who accordingly retired behind 
the Ticino on June ist. He had learned 
nothing of MacMahon' s movement on 
his left, and thought his right wing 
sufficiently covered by the division of 
Clam-Gallas, who was advancing from the 
Tyrol. The battle on the Naviglio followed 
on June 3rd, and Gyulay maintained 
his position with 50,000 men against 
the 58,000 under the immediate command 
of the Emperor Napoleon in person. 

MacMahon had crossed the Ticino at 
Turbigo, driven back Clam-Gallas, and 
found himself by evening on the Austrian 
left flank at Magenta on June 4th, 1859. 
Unable to rely on his subordinates for a 
continuance of the struggle, Gyulay aban- 
doned his position on the following day, 
evacuated Milan, and led his army to 
the Mincio. At this point the Emperor 
Francis Joseph assumed the command 
in person ; reinforcements to the number 
. of 140,000 troops had arrived, 

_ * ,*'^" together with reserve and oc- 
Battle i- J. J.- J. 

- g . - . cupation troops amounting to 

another 100,000. With these 
the emperor determined to advance again 
to the Chiese on the advice of General 
Riedkirchen, who presided over the council 
of war in association with the old quarter- 
master-general Hess. 

On June 24th they encountered the 
enemy advancing in five columns upon 
the Mincio, and to the surprise of the 
combatants the Battle of Solferino was 
begun, one of the bloodiest conflicts of 
the century, which ended in the retreat 
of the Austrians, notwithstanding the 
victory of Benedek over the Piedmontese 
on the right wing. Three hundred thou- 
sand men with nearly 800 guns were 
opposed on that day, and rarely have such 
large masses of troops been handled in 
an important battle with so little intelli- 
gence or generalship. The French had 
no definite plan of action, and might have 
been defeated without great difficulty 
had the Austrian leaders been able to 
avoid a similar series of blunders. The 
losses were very heavy on either side. 
Twelve thousand Austrians and nearly 
17,000 allies were killed or wounded ; on 
the other hand, 9,000 Austrian prisoners 
were taken as against 1,200 Italians. 


l-Fiiii !!!■• p^iiming by Cassioli in the Palace of the Sitjnory at Siena 


While the main battle was in pi'0(;rRss at Solferino, other sections of the combatants were eng:ag:ed in a pro- 
longed and deadly conflict near Sau Martino, and, ignorant of the fate which had overtaken the Austrian army, 
Benedek, who had twice repulsed the Sardinians, continued the struggle for several hours after the issue had been 
decided, retiring at last when a severe storm had broken out. This engagement was noteworthy for the conspicuous 
part taken in it by Marshal Niel, "who distinguished himself above all the other leaders on the French side." 

P'roni the painting by Professor Adcmollo in the Gallery of Modem Paintings at Florence 




The Emperor Napoleon had not yet 
brought the campaign to a successful 
conclusion ; his weakened army was now 
confronted by the " Quadrilateral " formed 
by the fortresses of Peschiera, Mantua, 
Verona, and Legnago, which 
was covered by 200,000 Aus- 
trians. Moreover, Austria 
could despatch reinforcements 
more rapidly and in greater 
numbers than France. Aus- 
trian sympathies were also 
very powerful in South 
Germany, and exerted so 
strong a pressure upon the 
German Federation and on 
Prussia that a movement 
might be expected at any 
moment from that direction. 
Frederic William IV. had 
retired from the government 

neighbour's misfortunes ; he had even 
transferred Bismarck from Frankfort to St. 
Petersburg, to remove the influence upon 
the Federation of one who was an avowed 
opponent of Austrian paramountcy. But 
1k' awaited some definite 
proposal from the Vienna 
trovernment. Six army corps 
were in readiness to advance 
upon the Rhine on receipt of 
the order for mobilisation. 
The Emperor Francis Joseph 
sent Prince Windisch-Graetz 
to Berlin, to call on Prussia 
for help as a member of the 
Federation, although the 
terms of- the federal agree- 
ment did not apply to the 
Lombard-Venetian kingdom ; 
but he could not persuade 
GENERAL HESS himself to grant Prussia the 

since October, i8S7, in con- chief of the staff in the Austrian leadership of the narrower 

, rr 1- c army under Field-Marshal Radet- . ^ • . •, ., 

sequence of an affection of zky, General Hess shared with that uuiou, Or cvcu to permit the 

the brain; since October 7th, great leader many of his victories, foundation of a North Ger- 

1858, his brother William had governed 
Prussia as prince-regent. He had too 
much sympathy with the Austrian 
dynasty and too much respect for the 
fidelity of the German Federal princes to 
attempt to make capital out of liis 

man Union. A politician of the school 
of Felix Schwarzenberg was not likely 
to foiTnulate a practicable compromise. 
Austria thus threw away her chance of 
defeating France and Bonapartism with 
the hel}~) of her ("itM'nian brethren, and of 

torn the painting by Aldi 'n the Palace of the Signoiy, Siena 



remaining a permanent and honoured 
member of the Federation which had 
endured a thousand years, merely because 
she decUned an even smaller sacrifice 
than was demanded in 1866. 

During the progress of these Federal 

negotiations at Berlin the combatants had 

themselves been occupied in bringing the 

war to a conclusion. The 

e renc Emperor Napoleon was well 
Emperor s ^^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^ temper of the 
Peace Terms t- j .• i.- i_i j 

Federation was highly dan- 
gerous to himself, and that Great Britain 
and Prussia would approach him with offers 
of intervention. He therefore seized the 
opportunity of extricating himself by 
proffering an armistice and a provisional 
peace to the Emperor Francis Joseph. 

After two victories his action bore 
the appearance of extreme moderation. 
Austria was to cede Lombardy to France, 
the province then to become Sardinian 
territory ; the Grand Duke of Tuscany 
and the Duke of Modena were to be per- 
mitted to return to their states, but were 
to be left to arrange their governments 
for themselves, without the interference 
of either of the Powers ; Austria was to 
permit the foundation of an Italian 
Federation ; the desire of the Emperor 
Francis Joseph to retain Peschiera and 
Mantua was granted. On these terms 
the armistice was concluded on July 8th, 
and the provisional Peace of Villafranca 
on July nth ; and Napoleon withdrew. 

The official account of the war of 1859 
by the Austrian general staff attempts to 
account for the emperor's conclusion of 
peace on military grounds, emphasising 
the difficulty of continuing hostilities and 
the impossibility of placing an army on 
the Upper Rhine, in accordance with the 
probable demands of the Federation. 
This is an entirely superficial view of the 
question. Had Prussia declared war on 
France on the ground of her agreement 
with Austria, without consulting the 
_„ Federation, and sent I "50,000 

Influence -.i • ,1 r 

f th E withm a month from 

° E* '^^^'°' the Rhine to the French 
frontier, the anxieties of 
the Austrian army in Italy would have 
been entirely relieved. Napoleon would 
certainly have left Verona if the Prus- 
sians had been marching on Paris by 
routes perfectly well known to him. 

Although the Italian policy of Napoleon 
III. seemed vague and contradictory, even 
to his contemporaries, yet he was still in 


their eyes entitled to the credit of being 
the creator of the kingdom of Italy ; so 
that in the year i860 he stood at the zenith 
of his influence in Europe. He successfully 
concealed from public opinion how much 
had really been done contrary to his wishes. 
It was discovered that his character was 
sphinx-like, and what was really weakness 
seemed to be Machiavellian calculation. 

Cavour, indeed, saw through him and 
made full use of his vacillation ; and 
years later the story was told how Bis- 
marck, even in those days, called the French 
emperor " une incapacite meconnue," 
an undetected incapable. But as against 
this unauthenticated verdict we must re- 
member that the emperor possessed a wide 
range of intellectual interests and a keen 
comprehension of the needs of his age. On 
the other hand, he was lacking in firmness ; 
natures like Cavour and Bismarck easily 
thwarted his plans, and could lead him 
towards the goal which they had in view. 

Outside France, Napoleon's advocacy 

of the national wishes of the smaller 

nations of Europe made him popular. 

When Moldavia and Wallachia, contrary 

_ ,^ to the tenor of the treaties, 

France as the 1 

_, . . chose a common sovereign, 

s 11 N f Alexander Cusa, Napoleon 
™ * III., with the help of Russia, 
induced the Great Powers to recognise him, 
and protected the Roumanians when their 
principalities were united into a national 
state. Cusa, it is true, was deposed by a 
revolution on February 23rd, 1866. Prince 
Charles of HohenzoUern, who was chosen 
on April 20th, obtained for the youthful 
state, by the force of his personality, com- 
plete independence on May 21st, 1877, and 
the title of a kingdom on March 26th, 1881. 
It was Napoleon's purpose to perform 
equal services for the Poles. The Tsar 
Alexander II., in order to conciliate them, 
placed, in June, 1862, their countryman, 
the Marquess of Wielopolski, at the side 
of his brother Constantine, the viceroy of 
Poland. Wielopolski endeavoured to re- 
concile his people to Russia, in order to 
help his countrymen to win some share, 
however modest, of self-government. But 
the passionate fury of the Poles frustrated 
his purpose, and he was unable to prevent 
the outbreak of the insurrection in J anuary , 
1863. He thereupon gave up his post, 
and the Russian Government adopted the 
sternest measures. In February, Prussia 
put the Russian emperor under an obliga- 
tion by granting permission to Russian 



How France 
the Poles 

troops to follow Polish insurgents into 
Prussian territory. This compact, it is 
true, did not come into force, since it 
aroused the indignation of Europe ; but 
it showed the goodwill of Prussia, and 
Bismarck, by this and other services in 
the Polish question, won the Tsar over so 
completely that Russia's neutrality was 
assured in the event of a 
quarrel in Germany. Napo- 
leon now induced England, 
and, after long hesitation, 
Austria also, to tender to Russia a request 
that the Poles should be granted a com- 
plete amnesty ; but this was refused. The 
support of Prussia was peculiarly valu- 
able to Russia, because France, England, 
and Austria resolved to intercede further 
for the Poles. In a note of June 27th, 
1863, the three Powers recommended 
to Russia the grant of six demands, of 
which the most important were a Polish 
Parliament and a complete amnesty. 

Palmerston supported these first steps of 
Napoleon, in the interests of British rule 
in India. In Poland he saw a wound to 
Russian power, which he determined to 
keep open. But he refused his assent to 
more serious measures which Napoleon 
pressed on his consideration, because the 
Polish question was not so important for 
the British that they would embark on a 
war for this sole reason ; still less could 
Austria, since it was one of the participa- 
tory Powers, follow Napoleon on his path. 
The Tsar, however, was so enraged at 
Austria's vacillating attitude that he 
thereupon immediately proposed to King 
William an alliance against France and 
Austria. Bismarck advised his sovereign 
not to accept the Tsar's proposal, because 
in a war against France and Austria the 
brunt of the burden would have' devolved 
on Prussia. Napoleon then proposed to 
the Austrian emperor, through the Due 
de Gramont, that he should cede Galicia 
to Poland, which was to be emancipated, 

r.»t «. t but ifi return take possession 
The French r^. -rw u- • • li.- 

_ . 01 the Danubian prmcipalities. 

th°''L "^^ V Count Rechberg answered that 
it was strange to suggest to 
Austria to wage a war with Russia for 
the purpose of losing a province, when it 
was customary to draw the sword only to 
win a fresh one. Napoleon thus saw him- 
self completely left in the lurch, and 
Russia suppressed the rebellion with 
bloodshed and severity ; the Governor- 
general of Wilna, Michael Muravjev, was 


conspicuous for the remorseless rigoui 
with which he exercised his power. It 
would be a mistake to consider Napo- 
leon as a sympathetic politician who, if 
free to make his choice, would have 
devoted the resources of his country to 
the liberation of oppressed nations. ., His 
selfishness was revealed in the expedition 
against Mexico ; and there, too, he -tried 
to veil his intention by specious phrases. 
He announced to the world that he 
wished to strengthen the Latin races in 
America as opposed to the Anglo-Saxons, 
who were striving for the dominion over 
the New World. He had originally started 
on the expedition in concert with Great 
Britain and Spain, in order to urge upon 
the Mexican Government the pecuniary 
claims of European creditors. The two 
allies withdrew when Mexico conceded 
their request ; the French general. Count 
Lorencez, thereupon, in violation of the 
treaty, seized the healthy tableland above 
the fever-stricken coast of Vera Cruz, where 
the French had landed. General Forey 
then conquered the greatest part of the 
land, and an assembly of notables, on July 
. nth, 1863, elected as emperor 
PoweV"*''* the Archduke Maximilian, 
fjj j brother of Francis Joseph. 
apa eon ^^ ^^^^ hesitated to accept 

the crown, because Francis Joseph gave his 
assent only on the terms that Maximilian 
should first unconditionally renounce all 
claim to the succession in Austria. After 
Napoleon had promised, in the treaty of 
March 12th, 1864, to leave at least 20,000 
French soldiers in the country until 1867, 
the archduke finally consented to be em- 
peror ; he did not shut his eyes to the fact 
that monarchy would be slow to strike root 
in the land. Napoleon, by placing the Em- 
peror Maximilian on the throne, pursued 
his object of gradually withdrawing from 
the Mexican affair, since the United States 
protested against the continuance of the 
French in Mexico. The reader is referred 
to a later volume for the history of the way 
in which Napoleon deserted the unhappy 
emperor, and incurred a partial respon- 
sibility for his execution at Queretaro. 
The restless ambition of Napoleon's 
policy aroused universal distrust in 
Europe. When the war of 1866 broke out, 
after his failures in the Polish and Mexican 
affair, his star was already setting ; and 
a growing republican opposition, sup- 
ported by the younger generation, was 
raising its head menacingly in France. 








THE greatest political event of the 
nineteenth century on the European 
Continent is the simultaneous estabUsh- 
ment of the national unity of the German 
and Italian peoples. The aspect of Europe 
was more permanently changed by this 
than by any event since the creation of an 
empire by Charles the Great. The feeling- 
of nationality is as old as the nations them- 
selves, and the history of the two nations 
with their divisions "and subdivisions 
records in almost every generation proud 
exhortations or plaintive appeals to assert 
their unity by force of arms. From Dante 
and Petrarch, from Machiavelli and Julius 
II. — " Out with the barbarians from 
Italy ! " — down to Alfieri and Ugo Foscolo, 
the line is almost unbroken. 

The Germans show the same sequence. 
But the appeals of the writers of the 
German Renaissance, from Hutten to 
Puffendorf and Klopstock, never had such 
. a passionate ring, since the 
wa ening j^^tion, even when most divided, 
of uerman , , , , 

N f rt ^^^ always strong enough to 
a lona i y ^^^^ ^^ ^j^^ foreign yoke. At 

last the intellectual activity of the eigh- 
teenth century raised the spirit of nation- 
ality, and the German people became 
conscious that its branches were closely 
connected. The intellectual culture of the 
Germans would, as David Strauss says in 
a letter to Ernest Renan, have remained 
an empty shell if it had not finally pro- 
duced the national State. 

We must carefully notice that the sup- 
porters of the movement for unification 
both in Germany and Italy were drawn 
exclusively from the educated classes ; 
but their efforts were powerfully sup- 
ported by the establishment and expansion 
of foreign trade, and by the construction 
of roads and railways, since the separate 
elements of the nation were thus brought 
closer together. The scholar and the 
author were joined by the manufacturer, 
who produced goods for a market outside 
his own small country, and by the merchant, 

who was cramped by custom-house restric- 
tions. Civil servants and military men 
did not respond to that appeal until much 
later. The majority of the prominent 
officials and officers in Germany long 
remained particularists, until Prussia 
_ declared for the unity of the 

c cw nation. In Italy the course of 
■ * hT affairs was somewhat different. 
There the generals and 
officers of the Italian army created by 
Napoleon were from the first filled with the 
conviction that a strong political will was 
most important for the training of their 
people ; the revolution of 182 1 was greatly 
due to them. Similarly, the officers of the 
smaller Italian armies between 1859 ^.nd 
1 86 1 joined in large numbers the side of 
King Victor Emmanuel. The movement 
reached the masses last of all. But they, 
even ' at the present day in Italy, are 
indifferent towards the new regime ; while 
in South Germany and Hanover, and occa- 
sionally even on the Rhine, they are still 
keenly ahve to their own interests. 

When Garibaldi marched against the 
army of the King of Naples, the soldiers 
of the latter were ready and willing to strike 
for his cause, and felt themselves betrayed 
by generals and officers. It is an un- 
doubted fact that the Neapolitan Bour- 
bons had no inconsiderable following 
among the lower classes. The Catholic 
clergy of Italy were divided ; the leaders 
supported the old regime, while the in- 
ferior clergy favoured the movement. The 
mendicant friars of Sicily were enthusiastic 
for ^Garibaldi, and the Neapohtan general, 
Bosco, when he marched 

th "p t • t ^S^^"^* ^^^ patriot leader, was 
c a no {Qj-ced to warn his soldiers in 
a general order not to allow 
themselves at confession to be shaken in 
their loyalty to their king. Pius IX. 
endured the mortification of seeing that 
in 1862 no less than 8,493 priests signed a 
petition praying him to place no obstacles 
in the way of the unification of Italy. 



It was from Germany, the mother of so 
many ideas, that at the beginning of the 
nineteenth century the modern movement, 
of which the watchword is national and 
political unity, took its start. But the 
impulse was not given by the current of in- 
ternal development ; it came from outside, 
through the tyranny of Napoleon. The 
nation recognised that it could only attain 
independence by union, and keep it by unity. 

The conception of emperor and empire 
found its most powerful advocate in 
Stein. But he and his friends, as was 
natural, considered the overthrow of the 
foreign tyranny more important at first 
than formal unity. In his memorial 
addressed to the Tsar in 1812 he pointed 
out how desirable it was that Germany, 
since the old monarchy 
of the Ottos and the 
Hohenstauffen could not 
be revived, should be 
divided between the 
two Great Powers, 
Prussia and Austria, on 
a line corresponding to 
the course of the Main. 

He would, however, 
have regarded this solu- 
tion only as an expedient 
required by existing cir- 
cumstances. " I have only 
one fatherland," he wrote 
to Count Miinster at Lon- 
don, on December ist, 
1812 — " that is called 
Germany ; and since I, 
according to the old con 

towards unity 
tion, and the 


the first summons to unity was uttered by 
Murat, who, when he marched against the 
Austrians in 1815, wished to win the nation 
for himself, and employed Professor Rossi 
of Bologna, who was murdered in 1848, 
when a Liberal Minister of the Pope, to 
compose a proclamation embodying the 
principle of Italian unity. The peoples of 
the Austrian monarchy were subsequently 
roused by Germany to similar efforts. 

There was this distinction between Ger- 
many and Italy — in the former the Holy 
Roman Empire had served to keep alive 
the tradition of unity, while in Italy 
no political unity had existed since 
Roman times. In Italy the movement 
had no historical founda- 
" municipal spirit " was 
everywhere predominant 
until the middle of the 
nineteenth century. 
When, in 1848, a number 
of officers, who were not 
natives, were enrolled in 
the Piedmontese army, 
the soldiers long made a 
sharp distinction between 
their " Piedmontese " and 
their " Italian " superiors. 
So again in the Crimean 
War, when 15,000 Pied- 
montese were sent to fight 
on the side of the French 
and English, most of them 
heard for the first time 
that the foreign nations 
termed them Italians. 
In Germany, again, it 

stitution, belong to it and The Italian patriot who suffered in the cause was a qucstion of Uniting 
to no particular part of SL^'orh^efu±et!.c^oTht\de\Ts*l^^^^^ prosperous states, but in 
it, I am devoted, heart as his watchword " God and the People," Italy of Overthrowing un- 
and soul, to it alone, and p""""'' "^^ p"'^"''' "" """""-*" —' 
not to one particular part of it. At this 
moment of great developments the 
dynasties are a matter of absolute indiffer- 
ence to me. They are merely instruments." 
Stein's efforts at the Congress of Vienna, 
where he vainly stood out for the emperor 
and the imperial Diet, remained as noble 
examples to the next generation. The 
thought of nationality radiated from Ger- 
many, where Arndt, Uhland, Komer, and 
Riicicert had written in its spirit. But 
Napoleon had roused also the Italians and 
the Poles, the former by uniting at least 
Central and Upper Italy, with the exception 
of Piedmont, into the kingdom of Italy ; 
the latter by holding out to them the bait of 
a restored constitution. It is significant that 

with passionate zeaJ. < i i r i 

stable ones — for example, 
the States of the Church and Naples. In 
Germany it was necessary to reckon with 
superabundant forces and the jeEilousy of 
two Great Powers; and by the side of 
them stood a number of prosperous petty 
states where culture flourished. Italy, on 
the other hand, was dependent on the 
Austrians, who were termed 
Tedeschi, or Germans ; in this 
connection, however, the 
Italians were forced to admit 
that an organised government and a legis- 
lature, which in comparison with Piedmont 
itself showed considerable advance, existed 
only in the Austrian districts. And in 
addition the Italians had to struggle against 
the great difficulty that the papacy, as a 

on Avstria 



spiritual empire, opposed their unification. 
The risings of 1821 in Naples and 
Piedmont, as well as that of 1831 in the 
Romagna, aimed far more at the intro- 
duction of parliamentary forms than at 
the attainment of national unity. The 
thought of liberty was stronger then than 

. ., that of nationality. Only in 

0^^ Work *^^ background did the secret 

'*U •• °^ society of the Carbonari enter- 

*" ^ tain the vague idea of the 
union of Italy. The followers of the 
Genoese, Joseph Mazzini, 1805-1872, claim 
for him the honour of being the first to 
follow out the idea of unity to its logical 
conclusion. Certain it is that Mazzini, 
undeterred by failures, devoted liis wliole 
life to the realisation 
of this idea. " I have 
just taught the Italians," 
he said, on one occasion 
after the war of 1859, " to 
lisp the word ' unity.' " 

It was after his arrest in 
1830 by the Piedmontese 
Government as a member 
of the Carbonari, when he 
spent several.months as a 
prisoner in the fortress of 
Savona, that he formed 
the plan of founding a 
league under the name of 
' Young Italy," with the 
object of creating an 
Italian republic. Ani- 
mated by a faith which 
amounted to fanaticism, 
he took as his watchword 
"God and the People!" 
He described later his 
feelings as a prisoner : 
" I saw how Rome, m 
the name of God and of 
a republican Italy, offered the nations a 
common goal and the foundation of a new 
religion. And I saw how Europe, wearied 
of scepticism, egoism, and anarchy, re- 
ceived the new faith with enthusiastic 
acclamations. These were my thoughts 
in my cell at Savona." He did not shrink 
from employing all the weapons of con- 
spiracy, mcluding even assassination. 

All the rebellions and conspiracies which 
he plotted proved failures ; but even under 
the stress of conscientious scruples as to 
the right he had to drive so many highly 
gifted colleagues to death and long years of 
captivity, he was supported by the thought 
that only thus could the ideal of nationality 

The great champion of Italian liberty, Giuseppe 
Garibaldi, became associated with Mazzini in 
the early days of the movement, and was con- 
demned to death, but escaping, he returned 
later to Italy to lead his people to victory. 

From' a photograph 

Garibaldi took 

be kept before the eyes of the people. In 
the oath which he administered to the 
members of his secret league they vowed : 
"By the blush which reddens my face 
when I stand before the citizens of other 
countries and convince myself that X 
possess no civic rights, no country, no 
national flag ... by the tears of Italian 
mothers for their sons who have perished 
on the scaffold, in the dungeon, or in 
exile . . . I swear to devote myself entirely 
and always to the common object of creat- 
ing one free, independent, and republican 
Italy by every means within my power." 
The league spread over Italy and every 
country where Italians lived. Giuseppe 
Garibaldi heard for the first time of 
Mazzini in 1833, when 
as captain of a small 
trading-vessel he was 
sitting in an inn at 
Taganrog on the Black 
Sea, and listened to the 
conversation at the next 
table of some Italian 
captains and merchants 
with whom he was unac- 
quainted. " Columbus," 
he wrote in 1871, " cer- 
tainly never felt such 
satisfaction at the dis- 
covery of America as I 
felt when I found a man 
who was endeavouring to 
liberate his country." He 
eagerly joined the fiery 
orator of that dinner- 
party, whose name was 
Cuneo, and, armed with 
an introduction from him, 
hastened to Mazzini, who 
was then plotting his 
conspiracies at Marseilles, 
part in one of the futile 
risings of February, 1834, was condemned 
to death, and escaped to Argentina, 
where he gathered his first experiences 
of war. He long followed the leadership 
of Mazzini, although the natures of the 
two men were too different to permit 
of any very intimate relations between 
them. Garibaldi called Mazzini the 
" second of the Infallibles " ; but he 
esteemed him so highly, that at a banquet 
given in his honour at London in 1864 he 
toasted him as his master. 

Mazzini was the central figure of the 
Italian movement only up to the middle 
of the fifties. After that an amelioration 



was traceable in the life of his nation. 
When the middle classes took up the 
cause of freedom as one man, the import- 
ance of the conspiracies disappeared and 
the entire system of secret societies — for 
t>he Carbonari and the Young Italy were 
opposed by the Sanfedists, the league of 
the reaction — became discredited. Public 
. . life was now more instinct with 
Mazzmi vitality. A blind and biassed 
Condemned i_i- ■ i ^i. 

D th republicanism was no longer the 

only cry ; the leaders of the 
movement began to take the actual condi- 
tions into account, and the Piedmontese, 
in particular, worked in the cause of con- 
stitutional monarchy. Mazzini, on the other 
hand, hated the house of Savoy equally 
with every other dynasty. Two of his 
conspiracies were aimed against Piedmont, 
so that sentence of death was pronounced 
on him by the courts of that kingdom. 

The new ideas started from Piedmont. 
The noble priest Vincenzo Gioberti pro- 
posed the plan that all Italy should rally 
round the Pope, and follow him as leader 
in the war of independence. A number of 
Piedmontese nobles, Count Cesare Balbo, 
Marquis Massimo d'Azeglio, and the 
greatest of them. Count Camillo Cavour, 
were filled with the conviction that the 
government of Italy belonged by right to 
the constitutional monarchy of Piedmont. 
They had all grown up in an atmosphere of 
conserval- re ideas, respectful towards the 
monarchy, and filled with admiration for 
the army and the civil servjce of Piedmont. 
The revolutionists of 1848 were united only 
in their hatred of the foreign yoke ; their 
views for the future were of the most con- 
flicting character, and must have led to dis- 
sension if they had been clearly formulated. 

The hope that Pope Pius would be 
permanently won for the great thought 
soon faded away. In the whole agitation 
the idea of federalism was still widely 
predominant. Venice and Rome under 
Daniel Manin and Mazzini declared for 
_ independent republics ; even 

. *p°vr. Lombardy felt some reluctance 
jj. J to unite with Sardinia. Rossi, 

the papal Minister, wished 
merely for a league of the sovereign 
princes of Italy, not a united Parliament. 
In Piedmont the middle-class citizens 
opposed with suspicion the representatives 
of the monarchical military state, and 
Cavour, who defended the royal authority, 
was in 1849 ^^^ ^f the most unpopular of 
politicians. Even then he was opposed to 


Urbano Rattazzi, who was soon destined 
to become the leader of the bourgeois 
circles. Italy thus succumbed to the 
sword of Radetzky. Napoleon, as Presi- 
dent of the French Republic, put an end 
to the Roman Republic, since he did not 
wish to allow all Italy to be subjugated 
by the Austrians. The heroic and, for 
some time, successful defence of Rome by 
Garibaldi — on the scene of this memorable 
fight, at the summit of the Janiculum, a 
colossal monument has been erected in his 
honour — raised him to be the popular 
hero of the nation, while Mazzini's re- 
publican phrases began to seem vapid to 
the intelligent Italians. 

The wars of 1848 and 1849 ^^^t the 
Italians with the definite impression that 
only Piedmont could have ventured to 
face the Austrian arms in the open field. 
King Charles Albert was clearly a martyr 
to the cause of Italian unity ; he died 
soon after his abdication, a broken-hearted 
man, in a Portuguese monastery. Since 
his son, Victor Emmanuel, alone among the 
Italian princes maintained the constitu- 
tion granted in 1848, the hopes of Italy 
-, were centred in him. In the 

^.^^Z^' ^ , year 1852, Cavour reached the 
the Goal of •< j- , i r i,- u 

. , . .... immediate goal of his burning 
his Ambition , , . ,-c Vi i •■• r 

but justifiable ambition ; lor 

after he had allied himself with Rattazzi 
and the liberal middle class, he was 
entrusted with the direction of the govern- 
ment. He soon ventured openly to 
indicate Piedmont, which had been over- 
thrown so recently, as the champion in the 
next war of liberation. He drew his 
weapons from the arsenal of the clever 
Ministers who, in the seventeenth and 
eighteenth centuries, had helped the 
Dukes of Savoy to hold their own between 
France and Austria. He was the heir of the 
old dynastic policy of Savoy, but in a 
greater age, dominated by the thought of 
nationality. He formed an alliance with 
the man whom the republicans of Italy 
hated intensely, and against whose life 
they plotted more than one conspiracy. 

The question may well be asked whether 
the Italian blood was stirred in the veins 
of the Bonapartes when, in 1805, the first 
Napoleon created the kingdom of Italy, 
and when, in 1830, his nephew entered 
into a secret Italian alliance, and, finally, as 
Napoleon III., allied himself with Cavour 
for the liberation of Italy. It is not 
an unlikely supposition, although diplo- 
matic reasons and the lust of power were 


the primary motives which actuated the 
nephew of the great conqueror in forming 
this alUance ; for he considered that his 
uncle had bequeathed to him the duty 
of destroying the work of the Congress of 
Vienna, especially in Italy, where Austria 
had entered on the inheritance of France. 

Napoleon won friends for France on all 
sides when he came forward as the advo- 
cate for the idea of nationality. While 
he did so, there lay in the bottom of his 
heart the intention of increasing the 
territory of France on the basis of this 
idea, by the annexation of Belgium and 
Savoy, and of thus uniting all French- 
speaking peoples under the Empire. On 
the other side, he thought it dangerous 
to stretch out his hand to the Rhine, 
where the Germans, whom he called the 
coming race, might oppose 
him. He wished to free Italy 
from the Austrian rule, but 
only in order to govern it as 
suzerain. For this reason he 
declined from the outset to 
entertain the idea of giving 
political unity to the penin- 
sula. He only agreed with 
Cavour at Plombieres that 
Sardinia should be enlarged 
into a North Itahan kingdom 
with from 10,000,000 to 
12,000,000 inhabitants. 

There was to be a Central 
Italian kingdom, consisting of 

Cavour is 
Deceived by 
Napoleon III. 


luscany and the greater part onthe flight of the Grand Ouke in 

of the States of the Church. ISSO, he was made dictator of Tus- 

Naples was to be left un- ^^^y- ^"'*. ^** ^* ^^/' ^^^'^. °' *^« of Napoleon, he gave vent 

, ^ 1 J T-, T» - 1 Ministry in 1861 and again in 1866. . . i . . ' . o . 

touched. The Pope was to be 

announcing that " Italy shall be free from 
the Alps to the Adriatic," with which 
he had opened the war on May 3rd. 
Cavour felt himself deceived and exposed. 
His old opponent, Mazzini, had derided 
his policy before the war, and had warned 
the Italians not to exchang«; 
the rule of Austria for that of 
France. However unwise this 
attitude of the old conspirator 
might be, he now seemed to be connect 
in the prediction that Napoleon would 
deceive the Italians. The passionate 
nature of Cavour, which slumbered behind 
his half good-natured, half mockingly- 
diplomatic exterior, burst out in him with 
overwhelming force. He hurried to the 
headquarters of Victor Emmanuel and 
required him to lay down his crown, as 
his father, Charles Albert, 
had done, in order to show 
clearly to the world the 
injustice perpetrated by 
Napoleon. Cavour displayed 
such violence that the two 
men parted in downright 
anger. But Cavour, without 
further demur, resigned his 
office. That was the wisest 
step he could take to turn 
aside the reproach of 
treachery, which the re- 
publican party was already 
bringing against him. In 
the course of a conversation 
with the senator Joachim 
Pietri, an intimate friend 

restricted to the territory of the city of 
Rome and its vicinity, and in com- 
pensation was to be raised to the headship 
of ths Italian Confederacy. Napoleon 
reserved to himself the nomination of his 
cousin, Joseph, called Jerome, to the 
throne of Central Italy, but concealed his 
intention from Cavour, while he hinted to 
him that he wished to place the son of King 
Murat on the throne at Naples. In return 
_, for his armed assistance the 

J. ° , emperor stipulated for the 
mperor s (,gggJQj^ ^f Savov and Nice. The 
Promises . ^ ^, -^ . r a 

Story of the campaign of 1859 

and of its termination by the Treaty of 
Villafranca has been told in the last 
chapter. By the treaty. Napoleon's 
promises, therefore, were only partially 
fulfilled. By allowing Venetia to remain 
Austrian he belied the proclamation 

to his displeasure in the most 
forcible terms, and threw in the teeth of 
the emperor the charge of deceit. " Your 
emperor has insulted me," he cried ; " yes, 
sir, insulted me. He gave me his word, and 
promised me to relax no efforts until the 
Austrians were completely driven out of 
Italy. As his reward for so doing he 
stipulated for Nice and Savoy. I induced 
my sovereign to consent to make this 
sacrifice for Italy. My king, my good and 
honourable king, trusted me and consented. 
Your emperor now pockets his reward and 
lets us shift for ourselves. ... I am dis- 
honoured before my king. But," added 
Cavour, " this peace will lead to nothing ; 
this treaty will not be carried out." 

One of the causes which led Napoleon 
to conclude peace so rapidly was the fear 
that the Itahans would go far beyond 
his original intention and win complete 



political independence for themselves. 
Cavour, in spite of his proud words about 
the integrity of the Piedmontese policy, 
had really wished on his side to outwit 
the emperor. For, at his instigation and 
in consequence of the agitations of the 
National Union, which he had secretly 
organised, not merely had Parma, Modena, 
■rt. n X ^^^ th^ Romagna risen against 
The Demand ^j^^ Pope, but even in Central 

u''t alt 1 ^^^^y* ^^ Tuscany, in the 
* y Marches and in Umbria, the 
authorities had been driven out, and every- 
where there was an outcry for United Italy. 
Victor Emmanuel had certainly, at the 
wish of Napoleon, refused this request, 
and had only accepted the supreme 
command of the volunteer corps which 
were forming everywhere. 

Napoleon wished to preclude any further 
extension of this movement. Hence the 
hasty conclusion of the armistice, and the 
provisions of the Peace of Zurich, November 
loth, 1859, that Sardinia might retain Lom- 
bardy, but not extend her territory further. 
In Tuscany, Parma, and Modena the old 
order of things was to be restored, if the 
people agreed to accept it ; and the States 
of the Church, and this condition was 
taken as obvious, must once more be 
subject to the Pope. 

All Italian States were to form a Con- 
federation, which Austria, as representing 
Venice, wished to j oin. Cavour, incensed at 
these fetters imposed on the Italians, said as 
he left the Ministry : " So be it ! they will 
force me to spend the rest of my life in 
conspiracies." And in the last letters before 
his retirement he secretly urged the leaders 
of the movement in Central Italy to collect 
money and arms, to wait their time loyally, 
and to resist the wishes of Napoleon. 

Rattazzi, Cavour's successor, was an 
eloquent and practised advocate, of a 
tractable disposition, and therefore more 
acceptable to the king than Cavour ; he 
possessed a mind more capable of words 
_ , and schemes than of action. 
avours Cavour, speaking of him, said 

oqven ^j^^^ j^^ ^^^ ^j^^ ^^^^ among the 
Successor i-.- • c ,-> 11 

politicians of the second class. 

In accordance with the popular feeling 
Giuseppe Dabormida, the new Minister of 
Foreign Affairs, declared on July 23rd that 
Sardinia would never enter into an Italian 
Confederation in which Austria took any 
part. This policy was absolutely essential 
for self-preservation, since Piedmont, in a 
league vtith Austria, the Pope, and Naples, 


would always have been in the minority. 
The new Cabinet was wavering and in- 
secure, and so dependent on the will of 
Napoleon that it did not venture to take 
any forward step without his consent. 
But at this point the fact became evident 
that the work of unification was not 
dependent on the ability of individuals, 
but on the attitude of the whole nation. 

It is astonishing with what political tact 
the several Italian countries struggled for 
union with Sardinia. The Sardinian 
Government was compelled to recall, 
immediately after the preliminary peace, 
the men it had sent to Bologna, Florence, 
Modena, and Parma to lead the agitation. 
These districts were consequently thrown 
upon their own resources ; but Tuscany 
found, on August ist, 1859, i^^ Baron 
Bettino Ricasoli, and the Romagna and the 
duchies in Luigi Carlo, a retired physician, 
leaders who governed the provisional 
commonwealths with sagacity, and guided 
the public voting which declared for sub- 
mission to Victor Emmanuel. 

Only in quite exceptional cases was any 
violence used against the hated tools 
_. _ . of the former governments; 

The Swiss ju • j -i j 

^ . otherwise order prevailed 

Mercenaries n , i^-in-i 

fth P generally, and a childlike, 

almost touching, enthusiasm 

for the unity of Italy. The Pope 

attempted a counter-blow, and succeeded 

in conquering Perugia on July 20th, 1859, 

by means of his Swiss mercenaries, who 

did not shrink from outrage and plunder. 

Thereupon the Romagna, Tuscany, and 
Modena concluded a defensive alliance. 
General Maiifredo Fanti organised in 
October, 1859, ^ force of 40,000 men ; 
so that the Pope desisted from further 
attacks. Since the Treaty of Villafranca 
left the return of the former governments 
open, so long as foreign interference was 
excluded, the Pope and the dukes calcu- 
lated upon an outbreak of anarchy, which 
would provoke a counter-blow. They 
centred their hopes on the Mazzinists ; 
and Walewski, the Minister of Napoleon, 
who was unfavourable to the Italians, 
said that he preferred them to a party 
which styled itself a government. But 
this hope faded away before the wise 
attitude of the Central Italians. 

The Emperor Napoleon now saw him- 
self confronted by the unpleasant alterna- 
tive of allowing the Italians full liberty, 
or of restoring the old regime by force. 
But ought the liberator of Italy to declare 


war on the country ? And it was still 
more out of the question to allow the 
interference of the defeated Austrians. 
He repeatedly assured the Italians that 
he persisted in his intention to carry out 
his programme of federation. 

Doubt has been felt whether the letter to 
this effect which he addressed on October 
2oth, 1859, to Victor Emmanuel really ex- 
pressed his true intention. In that letter 
he repeated his demand for the restoration 
of the old regime in Central Italy and for 
the formation of an Italian Confederation 
with the Pope at its head. But it is 
clear that this was really his own and his 
final scheme ; for he was too wise not to 
foresee that a united and powerful Italy 
might one day turn against France. 

With this idea, therefore, he said to 
Marquis Napoleone di Pepoli:^ "If the 
movement of incorporation crosses the 
Apennines, the union of Italy is finished, 
and I do not wish for any union— I wish 
simply and solely for independence." His 
programme would have proved the most 
favourable solution for France, since it 
would then always have had a hand in the 
affairs of Italy, from the simple 

DisHke oP ^^^^^" ^^^* *^^ ^^^^^ Italian 
^. _ . kingdom, which owed its exist- 
the French .1' u u u j 

ence to him, would have had no 

other support against Austria and the 
remaining sovereigns of Italy. That was 
the precise contingency which Cavour most 
feared ; and for that reason he secretly urged 
the leaders of Central Italy not to comply 
with the intentions of Napoleon. In fact, 
deputations from the Romagna, Tuscany, 
and the duchies offered the sovereignty to 
King Victor Emmanuel. He did not dare 
to accept the offer against the wish of 
Napoleon, and merely promised in his 
reply that he would represent to Europe 
the wishes of the Central Italians. 

It is a remarkable fact that Victor 
Emmanuel, in these complications, enter- 
tained for a moment the idea of joining 
hands with Mazzini and raising the standard 
of revolt against Napoleon. By the agency 
of Angelo Broflerio, the leader of the 
democratic opposition in the Piedmontese 
Parliament, and the opponent of Cavour's 
diplomacy, the king negotiated witli the 
old republican conspirator on whom first 
his father, and later, he himself, in 1857, 
had caused sentence of death to be passed 
on account of his organisation of a revolt 
in Piedmont. Mazzini showed at this crisis 
how greatly the welfare of his country out- 

weighed with him all other considerations. 
He sent a message to that effect to the king, 
and only asked him to break off entirely 
with Napoleon, whom the Republicans 
regarded as Antichrist. In return Mazzini 
offered to raise the whole of Italy, including 
Rome and Naples, after which would follow 
the promotion of Victor Emmanuel to be 
Th K" • king of the peninsula. But then 
Advice to* ~for Mazzini expressly made 
Brofferio *^'^ proviso — he intended to 
fight, as previously, for the re- 
public and for the expulsion of the House of 
Savoy. The king is reported to have said 
to Brofferio : " Try to come to an under- 
standing ; but take care that the Public 
Prosecutor hears nothing of it." 

The negotiations, however, did not lead 
to the desired goal, for the game seemed 
to the king to be too dangerous. Mazzini 
certainly promised on that occasion 
more than he could perform ; his schemes 
could not have been carried into execu- 
tion against the express wishes of 
Napoleon, who would not have abandoned 
the Pope and Rome. Italy had only 
obtained the support of the emperor 
against Austria because the monarchical 
policy of Cavour offered a guarantee that 
in Italy at least the revolutionaries, who 
threatened his rule in France, were kept in 
restraint. The emperor, as his action in 
the year 1867 clearly proves, would have 
certainly employed force against Italy, even 
though Rome had been raised in rebellion ; 
for since the French Democrats were im- 
placably hostile to him, he was bound at 
least to have the clerical party on his side. 

Garibaldi, who then was entrusted by 
the provisional government with the com- 
mand of the Tuscan troops, overlooked all 
these considerations, and was already 
determined to ad,vance on Rome. But 
Farini, the dictator of Romagna and of the 
duchies, thought his enterprise dangerous, 
and, going to meet him, induced him to 
withdraw from Central Italy. Having 
. returned to Turin, Garibaldi 

an a t s ^^^ received with consideration 

*. I by Victor Emmanuel, who was 
^ privy to this plot ; he then 
addressed a manifesto to Italy, in which he 
condemned the miserable, fox-like politi- 
cians, and called upon the Italians to place 
their hopes exclusively on Victor 
Emmanuel. That monarch, under his out- 
ward simplicity, possessed natural shrewd- 
ness enough to remain on good terms with 
all who wished to further the unity of Italy. 



In this consists his inestimable services 
in the cause of the unification of Italy. 
Towards the end of the year 1859, 
Napoleon was forced to admit that he 
could not carry out his programme in 
Central Italy by peaceful methods. He 
thus ran the risk of losing 
Savoy and Nice, which had 
been promised him as a reward 
before the war. His own 
mterests and his predilection 
for the Italian cause com- 
bined to induce him to leave 
a part, at any rate, of Central 
Italy to Victor Emmanuel. 
In order to carry out this 
change of policy, Walewski 
was dismissed and Edouard 
Antoine Thouvenel, a liberal 
who shared Napoleon's pre- 
ference for Italy, was nomi- 
nated Foreign Minister on 
January 5th, i860. But the 


to give up my place to him. But he was 
still more impatient than I was. I am 
sorry that he expended so much trouble in 
bursting the doors that stood open to him. 
But he has the right to be ambitious." 
Napoleon, although not disposed to a 
grand and sweeping policy, 
had the astuteness requisite 
to disguise his frequent 
changes of front, and to veil 
his machinations with a sem- 
blance of magnanimity. Since 
he knew that the British dis- 
trusted him, and foresaw that 
the annexation of Savoy and 
Nice would appear to them 
the prelude to an extensive 
policy of aggrandisement, he 
lulled their suspicions by 
concluding a commercial 
treaty on free-trade principles, 
January 23rd, i860. At the 


Admiral of the Italian fleet Per- g^j^g ^[^q J^C informed 
sano, on the occasion of Garibaldi s *» vx 

new policy was not possible bold expedition to Sicily, was Popc that France no longer 
with the Cabinet of Rattazzi, °£fpTbet'JeenTaribaid.^*"trans! wishcd to iusist ou the 
since that Minister did not po^s and the Neapoutan fleet, restoration of the legations 

possess the courage to assume the 
lesponsibility for the cession of Savoy 
and Nice. A bold and broad policy 
could only be carried out with the assist- 
ance of Cavour. The latter was already 
thirsting for power, while Rattazzi was 
vainly trying to block his 
road. It is true that the 
king was not pleased with 
the exchange of Ministers ; 
he still cherished some 
rancour against Cavour for 
the " scene " which the 
latter had made with him 
after the Peace of Villa- 
franca. Public opinion, on 
the other hand, more 
especially in Central Italy, 
looked to Cavour alone 
for the reahsation of its 
wishes. Since his ambi- 
tion was fired by the 

One of the leaders of the Legitimist 

of the Romagna, Bologna, and Ferrara 

to the States of the Church. 

This change in the policy of Napoleon 

could not have been more unwelcome to 

anyone than to the Pope. After all, Pius IX. 

had himself to blame for it, since he opposed 
the sensible counsels of 
Napoleon, The emperor 
had requested him in a 
letter of July 14th, 1859, 
to grant to the already 
rebellious legations a sepa- 
rate administration and a 
lay government nominated 
by the Pope. " I humbly 
conjure your Holiness," so 
the letter ran, " to listen to 
the voice of a devoted son 
of the Church, who in this 
matter grasps the needs of 
his time, and knows that 
force is not sufficient to 
solve such difficult prob- 

prospect of new and grand 

exploits, he induced his prrty""in"Fran«7 he' was Ipp'oi^ed Icms. In the decision of 

friends to work vigorously commander-in-chief ofthe papal forces in your Holiucss I scc either 

on his behalf, so that the ^^^o- '^^^° **>« p°p« surrounded himself the germs of a peaceful and 

r^K;^«4. ^( T>^4.4-r.,.r,i ,„„o with an army of 20, 000 enlisted soldiers, ^j-g^j^q^jj futurC '^" '''-" 

Cabinet of Rattazzi was 
compelled to make way for him on 
January i6th, i860. Rattazzi and his 
colleagues were not all so candid in their 
views as Dabormida, the Foreign Minister, 
who felt he could not compare with Cavour, 
and wrote at the time : "I was impatient 


or the 
continuation of a period of violeiice and 
distress." But the Curia continued ob- 
stinate, and declared that it could not break 
with the principles on which the States of 
the Church had been governed hitherto. 
The Pope, in fact, protested against 


the concession of religious liberty which 
had been granted by the provisional 
government at Bologna. Napoleon now 
adopted a severer tone. He published in 
December, 1859, ^ pamphlet, " The Pope 
and the Congress," in which it was stated 
that a restoration of papal rule in Central 
Italy had become impossible. Granted 
that a secular kingdom was necessary for 
the Pope in order to maintain his inde- 
pendence, a smaller territory would be 
sufficient for that purpose. Shortly after- 
wards Napoleon addressed a second letter 
to Pius IX., in which he called upon the 

throne. Cavour, however, met the refusal 
of Napoleon by a bold move, on which 
Rattazzi would never have ventured. 
Without asking the emperor, and against 
his will, a plebiscite was taken in March, 
i860, in all the provinces of Central Italy, 
including Tuscany, on the question 
whether they wished for incorporation in 
the kingdom of Italy. The elections for 
the Parliament of Upper Italy proceeded 
at the same time with equal enthusiasm. 
All the capitals entrusted Cavour with full 
powers in order to express their confidence. 
It was no rhetorical fi.<?ure when Napoleon, 

Rebelling: against their Neapolitan rulers, the Sicilians looked eagerly for the assistance of Garibaldi, who at last 
decided to join the movement, sailing on May 5th, 1860, with about a thousand volunteers. In the above picture 
released prisoners are seen leading their gaoler through the streets of Palermo before putting him to deatht 

Pope on his side also to make some sacri- 
fice for the union of Italy, which was slowly 
and surely progressing. 

Cavour, meantime, had not reached his 
goal. On February 17th, i860, Italy 
learnt the latest of the constantly changing 
programmes of Napoleon. According to 
this, only Parma and Modena were to be 
incorporated with Sardinia. Victor Em- 
manuel would rule the legations as Vicar 
of the Pope ; but Tuscany must remain 
independent ; at most a prince of the 
House of Savoy might be placed on the 

in a speech delivered on March ist, ex- 
pressed his dissatisfaction at the arbitrary 
action of Italy. Cavour, however, had 
cleverly secured the goodwill of Britain, 
which had quite agreed to the proposal that 
Italy should withdraw from the influence 
of Napoleon. Palmerston was malicious 
enough to praise Cavour in the British 
Parliament for the boldness of his action. 
Now, at length Cavour opened regular 
negotiations about the cession of Savoy 
and Nice, which had been promised by 
the treaty of January, 1858. What was 



the emperor to do ? Was he, on his side, 
to risk the loss of the two provinces by 
his obstinacy ? Perhaps even at the 
eleventh hour he might have prevented the 
incorporation of Tuscany if he had de- 
clared that under these conditions he 
would be contented with Savoy ; but now 
the expectations and the covetousness of 
_ , the French had been whetted, 
•▼oor t ^^j j^g could not draw back. 
J **"* There is no question that 
Napoleon then abandoned the 
real interests of France, and was van- 
quished by Cavour. It had often been 
said, and subsequent events have proved 
the truth of the statement, that Cavour 
exercised a positively magical influence 
on Napoleon's vacillating mind. The 
Italian had probed the soul of the French 
emperor, and knew how far he might go. 
Having correctly gauged on the one hand 
the selfish interests of Napoleon, and on 
the other his sympathetic attitude towards 
the Italian question, Cavour could venture 
to play with him up to a certain point. 

But there were limits to this policy. 
Cavour in vain tried all the arts of his 
diplomacy, and every expedient which his 
subtle mind suggested, to save Nice at 
least for the Italians. But here he was 
confronted by the definite resolution of 
the emperor, who would have exposed 
himself m the face of France, had he given 
in. Cavour and Benedetti signed the 
treaty on March 24th, i860. When this 
was done, the Italian Minister, with a flash 
of humour, turned round suddenly and 
whispered in the ear of Benedetti : " We 
are partners in guilt now, are we not ? " 

But an anxious time was in store for 
Cavour — the debate in the Italian Parlia- 
ment. The great majority of the people, 
certainly, understood that King Victor 
Emmanuel and Cavour could not have 
acted otherwise. Rattazzi, however, the 
old rival of Cavour, placed himself at the 
head of the opposition ; and he had a 
G "b Id' ^^^^^S supporter in Garibaldi, 
D**^' '* a ^^° ^^'^^ ^^* ^^ Parliament 
by'cavoar ^'^^ ^^^ express object of 
opposing the cession of Nice, his 
native town, to France. Henceforth he 
hated Cavour, who, as he said, had made 
him an alien in his own country. Garibaldi 
was not so indignant at the fact itself as 
he was that Cavour had deceived him ; 
since a year previously, in answer to a 
direct question, the Minister had denied 
the cession of Nice. In no other way 

could the crafty statesman have secured 
Garibaldi's sword for the war of liberation. 
On the other hand. Garibaldi esteemed 
the king highly, because some months 
later to the question, " Yes or no," he 
had returned the true answer. Victor 
Emmanuel then added that, if he as king 
submitted to cede Savoy, the country of 
his ancestors, to France, Garibaldi must 
be prepared to make equal sacrifices for 
the sake of the union of Italy. 

We are told that Cavour, at this critical 
time, in order to soothe Garibaldi's 
feelings, sent him a note with the brief 
question, " Nice or Sicily ? " He is thus 
said to have incited the enthusiastic 
patriot to conquer the island. The story is 
quite improbable ; for Cavour would cer- 
tainly have preferred to mark time for the 
present, and consolidate the internal and 
economic conditions of the kingdom of 
North Italy, which consisted of 4,000,000 
Piedmont ese, 2,500,000 Lombards, and 
4,000,000 Central Italians. This state, 
without the States of the Church, which 
were in an impoverished condition through 
bad administration, and without the 
-. , pauper population of Naples, 
»ci y s would certainly have risen to 
ommg considerable prosperity. It 
would have been well for North 
Italy not to have been burdened with the 
task of drawing the semi-civilised districts 
of the south into the sphere of its higher 
culture and its greater prosperity. " We 
must first organise ourselves," Cavour 
said at the time, " and form a powerful 
army ; then we can turn our eyes to 
Venetia a^d further to the south, and to 
Rome." '^t was certainly, therefore, no 
hypocrisy when, up to March, i860, he 
repeatedly sent envoys to Naples, in order 
to induce the Bourbons to follow a national 
policy and enter into an alliance with 
the kingdom of North Italy. 

But here the genius of the Italian people 
took other paths. The wary statesman 
soon saw himself carried onward by the 
party of action farther than he himself had 
wished ; for Mazzini and his partisans wci e 
incessantly scheming the revolt of Sicily. 
Under their instructions Francesco Crispi, 
who had long before been condemned to 
death by the NeapoUtan courts, travelled 
through the island at great personal risk, 
collecting on all sides sympathisers with 
the cause, and preparing for the day of 
rebellion. The Sicilians did indeed rise 
in various places, but their attempts 


were hopeless if Garibaldi could not 
be induced to invade Sicily. He de- 
clared to the Mazzinists from the very first 
that he would only join the struggle under 
the standard of " Italy and Victor Em- 
manuel " ; in spite of his republican 
leanings he saw with unerring perception 
that Italy could only be united by means 
of the Piedmontese monarchy. Mazzini 
also declared, as in the previous year, that 
he wished first and foremost to conform 
to the expressed will of the people. 

But the conscientious Garibaldi still 
hesitated ; he was weighed down by the 
enormous responsibility of leading the fiery 
youth of Italy to danger and to death, 
since all former plots against the Bourbons 
had miscarried and been drowned in 
the blood of their promoters. King Fer- 
dinand II. of Naples, called " Bomba " 
since the savage bombardment of Messina 
in September, 1848, understood how to 
attach the soldiers of his army to his 
person ; he was hard-hearted but cunning, 
and by his affectation of native customs 
won himself some popularity with the 
lower classes on the mainland. The 
G 'h lA" Sicilians, indeed, hated their 
„ ' . Neapolitan rulers from of old ; 

-. .... and the people gladly recalled 
Expedition ,, r i' ? x. "^ c- i- 

the memory of the Sicilian 

Vespers, by which they had wrested their 
freedom from Naples in 1282. King 
Ferdinand died on May 22nd, 1859, and 
was succeeded by his weak son, Francis 
II., a feeble nature, with no mind of 
his own. Since the outbreak in Sicily 
was suppressed, and seemed to die away, 
Cavour urgently dissuaded Garibaldi from 
his enterprise, even though he later secretly 
aided it by the supply of arms and am- 
munition. It was Cavour's business then 
to decline any responsibility in the eyes of 
the diplomatists of Europe for the uncon- 
stitutional proposal of the general. 

Garibaldi finally took the bold resolu- 
tion of saihng for Sicily on May 5th, i860, 
with a thousand or so of volunteers. 
This marks the beginning of his heroic 
expedition, and also of the incomparable 
game of intrigue played by Cavour ; for 
the whole body of European diplomatists 
raised their voices in protest against the 
conduct of the Italian Government which 
had allowed a warlike expedition against 
a neighbouring state in time of peace. 
Cavour, assailed by all the ambassadors, 
declared, with some reason, that Garibaldi 
had acted against the wishes of the 

Government, and informed the French 

emperor that the Government was too 

weak to hinder the expedition by force, 

since otherwise there was the fear of a 

republican rising against the king. At 

the same time Cavour adopted measures to 

avert all danger from Garibaldi. Admiral 

Persano received commands from him to 

, ^. place his ships between Gari- 

Insurreetion f ij> j. ^ j ^i 

Amon baldi s transports and the 

thTsiciliaas Neapolitan fleet which was 

watching for them. To this 

intentionally cryptic order Persano replied 

that he believed he understood ; if need 

arose Cavour might send him to the fortress 

at Fenestrelles. He must have made up his 

mind to be repudiated, like Garibaldi, in 

the event of the failure of the expedition. 

Garibaldi landed at Marsala, the Lily- 
baeum of the ancients, on May nth, i860. 
He obtained but little help from the 
Sicilians ; when he attacked on May 15th, 
near Calatafimi, the royal troops, the 
2,400 Sicilians who had joined him, ran 
away at the first shot, while he won a 
splendid victory with his volunteers. 
At Palermo, however, all was ready for 
the insurrection. In concert with his 
friends there Garibaldi, notwithstanding 
the great numerical superiority of the 
Bourbon troops, ventured on a bold attack 
during the night of the 27th-28th May. 
The people sided with him ; the troops 
of the king were fired upon from the 
houses and withdrew to the citadel, 
whence they bombarded Palermo. Rebel- 
lion blazed up through the whole island, and 
the scattered garrisons retired to the strong 
places on the coast, especially to Messina. 

Alarmed at the revolt of the island. 

King Francis of Naples changed his tone ; 

in his dire necessity he summoned liberal 

Ministers to his counsels, and promised 

the Neapolitans a free constitution. He 

sent an embassy to Napoleon III. with a 

petition for help. The attitude of the 

latter was significant. He explained to 

the envoys that he desired the continuance 

. of the Kingdom of Naples, but 
King Francis ^^^^ -^ ^-^ ^^^ j-^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ 

Appeals to ^^ check the popular move- 
Napoleon III. ^^^^ .^j^g Italians, he said, 
were keen-witted, and knew that, after 
having once shed the blood of the French 
for their liberation, he could not proceed 
against them with armed force. He added : 
" The power stands on the national side, 
and is irresistible. We stand defenceless 
before it." He advised the King of 



Naples, however, to abandon Sicily, and 
to ofier an alliance to King Victor Em- 
manuel. Napoleon promised to support 
his proposal. This was done, and all 
the Great Powers assented to the wishes 
of France — even Great Britain, which, 
with all its inclination to Italy, still 
wished that the peninsula should be 
divided into two kingdoms. Cavour was 
in the most difficult position ; it was 
impossible, in defiance of Europe, to 
refuse negotiations with Naples, yet he 
could not but fear to risk his whole work 
if he offered his hand to the hated 
Bourbons. He therefore consented to 
negotiations, for form's sake, and even 
induced Kin§ Victor Emmanuel to write a 
letter to Ganbaldi, calUng upon the latter 
to discontinue landing troops on the 
mainland of Naples. 

Garibaldi thereupon repUed to the king 
on June 27th : " Your Majesty knows 
the high respect and affection which I 
entertain for your person ; but the state 
of affairs in Italy does not allow me to 
obey you as I should wish. Allow me, 
then, this time to be disobedient to you. 
So soon as I have accomplished my duty 
and the peoples are freed from the detested 
yoke, I will lay dpwn my sword at your 
feet, and obey you for the rest of my fife." 

But Cavour was harassed by a still 
further anxiety. Garibaldi, on his march 
through Sicily, surrounded himself almost 
exclusively with partisans of Mazzini, and 
was resolved, so soon as Naples was 
hberated, to march on Rome. If then the 
repubhcan party of action in this way did 
their best for the hberation of Italy, the 
fate of the monarchy was sealed. Cavour, 
therefore, staked everything to provoke a 
revolution on the mainland, by which not 
Garibaldi, but Persano or the king him- 
self, should be proclaimed dictator. He 
entered into a compact wath 
one of the Ministers of the King 
of Naples, Liborio Romano, 
who equally with Alessandro 
Nunziante, Duke of Majano, adjutant- 
general of Ferdinand II., was ready for 
treachery. Cavour hoped by aid of the 
latter to rouse a part of the Neapolitan 
army to revolt. He wrote to Persano : 
" Do not lose sight of the fact. Admiral, 
that the moment is critical. It is a question 
of carrying out the greatest enterprise of 
modem times, by protecting Italy from 
foreigners, pernicious principles, and fools." 
But Nunziante, awakening the suspicion 
of the Bourbon Government, was obliged 
to take refuge on board the Piedmontese 
fleet. The king's uncle, Prince Louis, 

Suspicions of 
the Bourbon 


During the bombardment of Gaeta by the Piedmontese in 1«01 . the King and Queen of N aples sought refuge in the damp, 
unwholesome vaults illustrated in the above picture. " Their fear," says a contemporary account.of the siege, must 
have been very great indeed to have induced them to live in such a wretched hole. The stench, on entering, js ^eat ; and 
in some chambers through the doorway four generals died during the siege from the bad atmosphere and confinement 

Count Aquila was ordered by his nephew 
to quit the kingdom. It was thus 
evident that Garibaldi's services must 
once more be utilised in order to over- 
throw the Bourbons. He landed on 
August 19th, i860, on the coast of the 
peninsula near Melito, and marched di- 
rectly on Naples. The generals who v/exe 
sent against him were unreliable, since 
their hearts were in the ItaHan cause. The 
, soldiers who supported the 
Garibaldis Bo^-bons thought themselves 
• *1i I betrayed, and murdered Gen- 
into Naples ^^^ p.^^^^ Briganti at Mileto, 

August 25th, after he had concluded 
terms of capitulation with Garibaldi. The 
latter was received everywhere with 
enthusiasm ; the common people regarded 
him as an invulnerable hero. When he 
entered Naples on September 7th, i860, 
with his 18,000 volunteers, he was greeted 
by Liborio Romano as Uberator ; the king 
withdrew with his army of 60,000 men 
into a strong fortress on the Volturno. 
A momentous crisis had arrived. For the 

adherents of Mazzini in the train of Gari- 
baldi it was of vital importance to prevent 
the people of Naples from being called upon 
to vote whether they wished Victor 
Emmanuel to be king. They confirmed 
Garibaldi in the idea of marching inrune- 
diately on Rome, of driving out the 
French troops, and of putting an end to 
the hierarchy. Garibaldi's breast swelled 
with his previous successes ; he was 
susceptible to flattery, and firmly per- 
suaded himself that it was merely Cavour's 
jealousy if Victor Emmanuel did not follow 
the noble impulses of his heart and throw 
open to him the road to Rome and Venice. 
When Cavour sent his trusted envoy, 
the Sicilian Giuseppe La Farina, in order 
to put himself in communication with 
Garibaldi, the latter insulted him by 
ordering his expulsion from Sicily. At 
^st Garibaldi acquiesced in the dictator- 
ship of Agostino Depretis, who was sent 
by the king ; but on September i8th he 
replaced him, from suspicion of his con- 
nection with Cavour, by Antonio Mordini, 



an intimate friend of Mazzini. In this way 
Garibaldi succeeded in involving Italy 
simultaneously in a war with France and 
Austria. The Emperor Napoleon looked 
sullenly at Naples, where a revolutionary 
focus was forming that threatened his 
throne with destruction. 

Once more Cavour faced the situation 
with the boldest determination. He was 
firmly convinced that the monarchy and 
the constitutional government of North 
Italy must contribute as much to the 
union of the peninsula as Garibaldi ; he 
therefore counselled the king to advance 
with his army into the papal territory and 

itself and its immediate vicinity, had 
surrounded himself with an army of 
20,000 enlisted soldiers, at whose head 
he placed General Lamoriciere, one of 
the leaders of the legitimist party in 
France. The mercenaries consisted of 
French, Austrians, Belgians, and Swiss ; 
their officers were partly the flower of 
the legitimist nobility of France — a fact 
which could not be very pleasant to 
Napoleon. But King Victor Emmanuel 
sent 40,000 men, under the command of 
General Manfredo Fanti, against the 
States of the Church ; and Lamoriciere, 
who was obliged to leave half his troops 


to occupy it— with the exception of Rome, 
which was protected by Napoleon — to 
march on Naples and to defeat the army 
of the Bourbon king, which was encamped 
on the Voltumo. Matters had come to 
such a crisis that, when Victor Emmanuel 
sent his Minister Luigi Farini, from 1859- 
1860 dictator of the Emilia, and General 
Cialdini to Napoleon III., to expound his 
plan, the emperor gave a reply which showed 
that he was not blind to the necessity of 
the action taken by Victor Emmanuel. 

The Pope, in order not to be entirely 
dependent on the help of France, which 
was intended merely to protect Rome 


to suppress the inhabitants of the States 
of the Church, was attacked by a greatly 
superior force. He was so completely 
defeated at Castelfidardo on September 
1 8th, i860, that he was only able to escape 
to Ancona with 130 men, while almost the 
entire papal army was taken prisoners. 
Persano received orders to bombard An- 
cona ; it surrendered on September 29th. 

The troops of Garibaldi had in the 
meantime attacked the Bourbon army on 
the Voltumo, but without any success. 
The Bourbon troops crossed the Voltumo 
in order, in their tum, to attack. Garibaldi 
boldly held his ground with his men, and 




321 5047 



the Neapolitans, although three to one, 
could not gain a victory ; but Garibaldi 
was far from being able to calculate upon 
a rapid success. Under these circumstances 
public opinion was strongly impressed when 
the army of Victor Emmanuel appeared on 
the bank of the Volturno ; the Neapolitans 
withdrew behind the Garigliano. 

It was high time that King Victor 
Emmanuel appeared in Naples ; for 
Garibaldi was now so completely under 
the influence of the opponents of ( ,i\ in 
that he flatly refused to 
allow the incorporation 
of Naples and Sicily in 
the kingdom of Italy to 
be carried out. Mordini, 
his representative in 
Sicily, worked at his 
side, with the object 
that independent Parlia- 
ments should be sum- 
moned in Naples and 
Palermo, which should 
settle the matter. Gari- 
baldi actually informed 
the king that he would 
not agree to the union 
unless Cavour and his 
intimate friends were 
first dismissed from the 
Ministry. By this de- 
mand, however, he ran 
counter to almost the 
entire public opinion of 
Italy. In Naples especi- 
ally and in Sicily all 
prudent men wished for 
a rapid union with Italy, 
since the break-up of the 
old regime, in Sicily 
especially, had brought 
in its train confusion, 
horrors, and political 
murders. Garibaldi long 
debated with himself 

quered by him, had not Garibaldi attached 
the condition to it that he should be 
allowed to march on Rome in the coming 
spring. As this could not be granted, he 
withdrew in dignified pride, although 
deeply mortified and implacably hostile to 
Cavour, to his rocky island of Caprera. 
In his farewell proclamation he called 
upon the Italians to rally round "II Re 
galantuomo " ; but he foretold his hope 
that in March, 1861, he would find a 
million Italians under arms, hinting in 
— ] this way that he wished 
] by their means to liberate 
Rome and Venice. But a 
fact, which many years 
later was disclosed in the 
memoirs of Thouvenel 
and Beust, shows how 
correct the judgment of 
Cavour was when he 
kept the Italians at this 
time away from Rome. 
When Garibaldi wished 
to march against Rome, 
Napoleon told the Vienna 
Cabinet that he had no 
objection if it wished to 
draw the sword against 
Italy to uphold the Treaty 
of Ziirich — that is to say, 
for the papacy ; only, it 
could not be allowed to 
disturb Lombardy again. 
It is conceivable that 
Rechberg, the Foreign 
Minister, dissuaded the 
Emperor Francis Joseph 
from a war which could 
bring no gain to Austria 
even in case of victory. 
The Bourbon army could 
not hold its groimd 
against the troops of 
Victor Emmanuel, and 
King Francis threw him- 

whether he should yield ; garibaldi's statue at Florence ^^^-^^^^ the fortress of 

but when the Marquis Pallavicino — who 
had fretted away the years of his manhood 
as a prisoner in the Spielberg at Briinn and 
was now the leader of the party of action — 
and with him virtually the whole popu- 
lation of Naples, went over to the other 
side, the patriot general mastered himself 
and ordered the voting on the union with 
Italy to be arranged, October 21st. 

The king would have been prepared to 
grant his wish and to nominate him 
lieutenant-general of the districts con- 

Gaeta. When he surrendered there with 
8,000 men on February 13th, 1861, the 
Union of Italy was almost won. Cavour 
himself was not fated to see the further 
accomphshment of his wishes. He was 
attacked by a deadly illness not long after 
an exciting session of Parliament, in 
which Garibaldi heaped bitter reproaches 
on his head. In his delirium he dreamed 
of the future of his country. He spoke of 
Garibaldi with great respect ; he said that 
he longed, as much as the general, to go 



to Rome and Venice. He spoke with 
animation of the desirability of reconciling 
the Pope with Italy. When his confessor 
Giacopo handed him the sacrament on 
June 6th, 1861, he said to him : " Brother, 
brother, a free Church in a free state " 
(" Frate, frate, libera chiesa in libero 
stato "). There were his last words. 
, No problem had engrossed 

^*'^* months of his life so much as 
the Roman question. There 
was a section of his friends who considered 
it necessary to yield Rome to the Pope, 
in order that the secular power of the 
papacy might remain undisturbed. Such 
was the idea of D'Azeglio. Stefano J acini 
thought that Rome, on the model of the 
Hanse towns, might be turned into a 
Free State, where the Pope might main- 
tain his residence in the character of 
a protector and suzerain. 

Cavour, on the contrary, was convinced 
that Italy without its natural capital was 
an incomplete structure. He would have 
granted the Pope the most favourable con- 
ditions if the latter would have met the 
wishes of the Italians. The Throne of Peter, 
which so many able statesmen had filled 
in the past, was now held by Pius IX., a 
man of deeply religious nature, who 
allowed himself to be influenced by the 
irreconcilable ideas of Giacomo Antonelli 
and his followers, and by his persistence 
proved the greatest obstacle to the union 
of Italy. 

In spite of repeated pressure from the 
Emperor Napoleon, he refused to admit 
the introduction of reforms in the adminis- 
tration of the Papal States, or to conciliate 
The Po e *^^ national feelings of the 
an Obstacle ^^^^'^"s. Victor Emmanuel, 
to Uaioa ^^^^ before his march into the 
States of the Church, professed 
his readiness to recognise the papal sove- 
reignity within the old territorial limits, 
provided that the Curia transferred to 
him the vicariate over the provinces taken 
from it. It was an equally helpful 
circumstance for the infant state that 
the Pope, in his Encyclical of Decem- 

ber 8th, 1864, and in the Syllabus, 
Syllabus complectens prcecipuos nostrcB 
cBtatis errores, estranged and lost the 
support of many Catholics who wished 
for the maintenance of the temporal 
power, but did not wish to plunge back 
mto mediaevalism. Liberal ideas would 
not have been able to continue their 
victorious progress between i860 and 1870 
in the Catholic countries of Austria, Italy, 
and France if the Papal Chair had not 
involuntarily proved their best ally. 

Baron Bettino Ricasoli, the successor 
of Cavour, thought that he acted in his 
predecessor's spirit when he made dazzling 
proposals to the Pope, on condition that 
the latter should recognise the status quo. 
Ricasoli proposed a treaty, which not 
merely assured all the rights of the papal 
primacy, but offered Pius, as a reward 
for his conciliatoriness, the renunciation 
by the king of all his rights as patron, 
especially that of the appointment of the 
G 'h \A' t)ishops. By this the Pope 

*" * * would have completely ruled the 
. « . Church of Italy ; and that State 
would have been deprived of 
a sovereign right, which not merely 
Louis XIV., but Philip II. of Spain and 
Ferdinand II. of Austria, would never 
have allowed themselves to lose. In place 
of any answer the cardinal secretary, 
Antonelli, declared, in the official " Gior- 
nale di Roma," that the proposal of 
Ricasoli was an unparalleled effrontery. 

This unfortunate attempt overthrew the 
Ministry of Ricasoli, and under his 
successor, Rattazzi, Garibaldi hoped to 
be able to carry out his design against 
Rome. He mustered his volunteers in 
Sicily, and landed with 2,000 men on 
the coast of Calabria ; but the Govern- 
ment was in earnest when it announced 
that it would oppose his enterprise by 
arms. Garibaldi, wounded by a bullet 
in the right foot, was forced to lay 
down his arms after a short battle at 
Aspromonte on August 29th, 1862. The 
road to Rome was not opened to the 
Italians until the power of France was 
overthrown by the victories of Germany. 










/^AVOUR, on his death-bed, spoke un- 
^ ceasingly of the future of his country, 
and thus expressed himself about Ger- 
many : " This German Federation is an 
absurdity ; it will break up, and the union 
of Germany will be established. But the 
House of Hapsburg cannot alter itself. 
What will the Prussians do, who are so 
slow in coming to any conclusions ? 
They will need fifty years to effect what 
we have created in three years." This 
was the idea of the future which the 
dying statesman, to whom the name of 
Bismarck was still probably unknown, 
pictured to himself. It is quite possible 
that Germany, notwithstanding its effi- 
ciency and its culture, would have re- 
quired, without Bismarck, another half- 
century for its union. King Frederic 
William I. had possessed an efficient army, 
without being able to turn it to account, 
as his great son did. Twice the tools 
_^ ^ were procured and ready before 

J.. °* the master workman appeared 
wir*"*' I °^ ^^^ scene who knew how 
to use them. We know pre- 
cisely the goal which King William L 
put before himself in the German 
question before Bismarck became his 
Minister. The plans which, as Prince 
Regent, he unfolded to the Emperor Francis 
Joseph at the conference at Toplitz, 
towards the end of July, i860, were modest. 

He was prepared to form an alliance 
with Austria which would have guaranteed 
to that country its existing dominions, 
thus including Venice. In return he 
required a change in the presidency of the 
German Federation as well as the com- 
mand in the field over the troops of North 
Germany in future federal wars ; the 
supreme command in South Germany 
was to fall to Austria. Thus, for the 
future there would be no possibility of 
the Federation choosing a general for 
itself, as Austria had desired on June 6th, 
1859, when Germany armed against 
Napoleon III. Prussia was bound to 

prevent a majority in the Federation 
deciding the question of the supreme 
command of its army. Neither William 
I. nor his Ministers then aimed at the 
subjugation of Germany. But even those 
claims were rejected by Austria. Francis 
-^ , Joseph declared that the presi- 

W * k T^ * dency in the Federation was 
.. J. an old prerogative of his house, 

'°^^ and therefore unassailable. On 
the other matter no negative answer 
was returned, and negotiations were 
opened with the Federal Diet ; but 
Austria was certain that the Assembly 
would reject the proposition. 

If we leave out of sight the army 
reforms, the inestimable work of William 
I., we shall observe, until the appearance 
of Bismarck on the scene, serious vacilla- 
tion in the home policy no less than in 
the foreign policy of Prussia. When the 
Prince Regent became the representative 
of King FreSeric William IV., he issued 
on October 9th, 1858, a programme which 
announced in cautious language the breach 
with the reactionary method of govern- 
ment. The avoidance of all canting 
piety produced a beneficial impression ; 
but there were only platitudes on the 
German question, among others the phrase : 
" Prussia must make moral conquests 
in Germany." When the Prince Regent 
soon afterwardis summoned a Ministry of 
moderate Liberals, with Prince Anton von 
Hohenzollern at its head, public opinion 
breathed more freely, and the dawn of 
a " new era " was expected. The name of 
Count Maximilian Schwerin, Minister of the 
Interior, seemed to guarantee 
a broad-minded policy of 
,, refonn. Count Alexander 
von Schleinitz, the Minister 
of Foreign Affairs, was, on the contrary, 
still firmly attached to the old system. 

The Prussian people meantime under- 
stood the good intention, and the new elec- 
tions to the Chamber brought a majority 
of moderate Liberals which was prepared 


Prussia in 
the Dawn of 
a " New Era 


to support the Government. A number 
of Liberal leaders intentionally refrained 
from standing, in order not to arouse 
in the Prince Regent misgivings lest a 
repetition of the state of things in 1848 
was intended. The leading figure in the 
Chamber, which met in January, 1859, 
was Vincke, whose loyalty was beyond 
suspicion. Commendable pohtical wisdom 
was shown in this moderation on the part 
of the constituencies. As a matter of 
fact, the new Government introduced 
schemes of reform touching the abolition 
of the land-tax privileges of the nobility 
and the abolition of the police powers 
of the owners of knight-estates. Great 
efforts were expended to 
induce the Upper House, 
where the Conservatives 
possessed a majority, to 
accept the reforms. In 
a matter of German 
politics, where the con- 
science of the people 
chimed in, the new era 
fulfilled the expectations 
formed of it. Prussia 
spoke boldly in the 
Federal Diet on behalf of 
the restoration of the 
constitution of Electoral 
Hesse, which had been 
meanly curtailed. The 
Government could not 
rise superior to these 
attacks. The Prince 
Regent was unable to 
bring himself to make a 
clean sweep of a set of 

abroad, was thus stamped by conservatism 
and uncertainty. The Austrian Minister, 
Rechberg, at the conferences of the 
Emperor Francis Joseph with the Prince 
Regent and with the Tsar at Toplitz and 
Warsaw, succeeded in confirming these 
two monarchs in the conviction that they, 
too, were threatened by the national and 
Liberal tendencies. Austria was no longer 
isolated in that respect as in 1859. 

All these circumstances co-operated to 
close the ears of the Prussian people when 
the king, who succeeded his brother on the 
throne on January 2nd, 1861, came before 
the Chamber with th^ plan of army reform. 
William L was superior to the majority of 
his German contempor- 
aries in recognising that 
a comprehensive Prussian 
policy could only be 
carried out with a strong 
army. Leopold von 
Ranke says of a con- 
versation which he had 
with the king on June 
13th, i860 : " The sum 
of his resolution was . . . 
to leave the German 
princes undisturbed in 
their sovereignty, but to 
effect a union in military 
matters which would con- 
duce to a great and general 
efficiency. He full,y 
grasped the idea that the 
military power comprised 
in itself the sovereignty." 
As long before as the 
preparations which might 

, ... rr ■ , KING WILLIAM I. OF PRUSSIA . x 

uni)opular fiigh othcials. He was bo™ in 1797, and on the death of have led to a war with 

who had been much to l^%^hrth%nl^;f^';l^^a"'t^L''thl"s^^^^^^^^^^ Austria in 1850, the 

Diame m tne reactionary kmg: of that country, and on January 18th, priuce was convinced that 

period for open violations '''"' ^^' P™ciau»ed fi"t German Emperor. ^^^ Prussian army, which 

of the laws. The revolt of Italy had a nominally, on a war footing, numbered 

great and immediate effect on the German 
people. The founding of the National 
Society, with Rudolf von Bennigsen at 
its head, in July, 1859, was a direct con- 
sequence of the Italian war. The society 
aimed at the union of all German -speaking 
races outside the Austrian Empire under 
the leadership of a Liberal Prussia. The 
Regent, far from being encouraged, felt 
alarmed by the events in Italy; the re- 
volutionary rising in Naples and Garibaldi's 
march repelled him. He could not con- 
vince himself that the national will was 
entitled to override legitimist rights. 
His whole policy, both at home and 


200,000 men with the colours and 400,000 
in the Landwehr, was not sufficient for 
protracted campaigns. The existing organ- 
isation had been formed in the critical 
times when the distrust of Napoleon I. 
and vexatious treaty obligations compelled 
Prussia to keep up a small peace army. 
Under the financial stress of the period 
subsequent to 1815, she was forced to 
continue with this defensive army, which 
in comparison with that of other miUtary 
states was much weaker than the army 
which Frederic II. had raised in his far 
smaller kingdom. The mobilisation of 1859 
had shown serious deficiencies in every 




direction. Besides this the Prince Regent 
even then, in order to remedy the most 
crying evils, had instituted an important 
reform on his own authority. Hitherto 
there had been few or no permanent staffs 
for the Landwehr regiments ; so that on a 
fresh mobiUsation the troops could not 
be placed in the ranks as soon as they were 
called out, but had first to be formed into 
regiments. Such a state of things seems 
incredible at the present day. 

At the demobilisation of 1859, the Prince 
Regent directed that the recently formed 
staffs of the Landwehr regiments should be 
kept up. This change could not, however, 
go far enough ; for since the members of 
the Landwehr were bound to be dismissed, 
those staffs consisted mostly of officers 
only, and were not sufficient to form the 
basis of a powerful new organisation. The 
attention of William L was now directed 
to this point. But the War Minister of the 
day, Bonin, was too timid to undertake 
the responsibility of the necessary mea- 
sures, and on December 5th, 1859, Roon 
had to be summoned in his place. 

The new proposal came before the 
Prussian Diet on February loth, i860. 
One of the great drawbacks of the existing 
constitution of the army 
lay in the fact that, 
while annually, on the 
average, 155,650 men 
reached their twentieth 
year, only 20,000 men 
were enrolled in the army. 
Thus twenty-six per cent, 
of the young men capable 
of bearing arms bore the 
whole burden of military 
service, which was 
especially heavy, since 
the obligation to serve 
in the Landwehr lasted 
to the thirty-ninth year. 
The consequence of this 
was that in the first levy 

the Army 
of Prussia 

government therefore proposed to levy 
annually, instead of 40,000 men, 60,000 
men — forty per cent,., that is, of all those 
liable to serve ; white in return the obliga- 
tion to serve in the Landwehr was to last 
only to the age of thirty-five years. Besides 
this, the three years' service in the reserve 
was to be raised to five years. 

This change signified a considerable 
strengthening of the standing army and 
a reduction of the Landwehr. This is 
shown by the figures of the full war 
footing which it was hoped to 
reach. The army was intended 
henceforth to consist of 371,000 
men with the colours, 126,000 
men in the reserve, and 163,000 in the 
Landwehr. The scheme demanded the 
attention of the Diet in two respects. 
On the one side a money grant was 
necessary, since it was impossible to 
enrol the numerous new corps in the old 
regiments, and thirty-nine new line regi- 
ments had to be raised. An annual sum, 
6,750,000 dollars, was required for the 
purpose. Besides this, the existing law as 
to military service required to be consider- 
ably modified. ' This applied not merely 
to the division of the period of service 
between the standing 
army and the Landwehr, 
but also concerned the 
length of compulsory 
active service. At that 
time, in order to spare 
the finances, the soldiers 
were often dismissed after 
serving two or two and a 
half years. King William 
did not consider this 
period sufficient, and de- 
manded the extension of 
the period of service to 
three, and in the case of 
the cavalry to four, years. 
Measures of no less im- 
portance had then been 


of the Landwehr one-half Among the Ministry of moderate Liberals taken with regard to the 
of the total numbers, and ^Tort^sfhwUS ^^ster ^rtU"inS^^^ tactics of the infantry. 
,. ... .....^ ,.,.,. .... •;^^-^^r.-'^^.s^con^^^^^^ After the war of 1859, 

there arose the question 
of the conclusions to be drawn from the 

in the second levy five 
sixths, were married men 
The number of men liable to serve had 
remained the same for more than forty 
years, although the population of the 
country had increased from ten to eighteen 
millions. The obligatory period of service 
in the standing army, three years with the 
colours, two years in the reserve, was too 
short for the body of the army. The 


experiences of the Italian campaign. The 
defensive methods of the Austrians had 
proved inferior to the offensive tactics of 
the more dashing French. The French 
had often succeeded, in infantry combats, 
in rushing with an impetuous charge under 
the Austrian bullets, which had a very 


curved trajectory, and in thus winning the 
day. For this reason it was the ordinary 
behef in the Austrian army that defensive 
tactics must once for all be given up. 

The successes of the French were over- 
estimated, and there was a return in 
the years 1859-66 to " shock tactics " ; 
these attached little importance to the 
preliminary musketry 
engagement, and con- 
sisted in firing a few 
volleys and then charging 
with the bayonet. Many 
voices even in the 
Prussian army advocated 
a similar plan. Colonel 
Ollech was sent by the 
Prussian General Staf^ to 
France in August, 1859, 
in order to investigate 
the condition of the 
French army. He re- 
turned strongly preju- 
diced in favour of the 
system of shock tactics, 
and advised the king to 
issue an order, in con- 
nection with a similar 
order issued by Frederic 
the Great for the cavalry, that " every 
infantry commander would be brought 
before a court-martial who lost a position 
without having met the attack of the 
enemy by a counter attack." 

King William was at all times clever in 
discovering prominent men for leading 
positions. The chief of the General Staff, 
Lieutenant-General Helmuth von Moltke, 
clearly saw the risk of this advice. In his 
remarks on Ollech's report he laid great 
weight on the attacking spirit in an army ; 
but he recognised correctly that the needle- 
gun, introduced in 1847, secured 
the Prussians the advantage 
in the musketry fighting, and 
that in the reorganisation of 
the army stress should be laid on that 
point. Moltke's principle was that the 
infantry should make the fullest use of 
their superior firing power at the beginning 
of the battle, and should for that purpose 
select open country, where the effect of 
fire is the greatest. An advance should not 
be made before the enemy's infantry were 
shattered, and in this movement attacks 
on the enemy's flank were preferable. 
The Prussians fought in 1866 with these 
superior tactics, and they owed to them 
a great part of the successes which they 

Professor of History at Berlin from 1825 till 
1872, Leopold von Ranke was the author of 
many works dealing with European history. 

Principle in 

achieved. The Prussian Landtag did not 
mistake the value of the proposals made 
by the Government, but raised weighty 
objections. The majority agreed to the 
extension of the annual recruiting, to the 
increase of the officers and under-officers, 
and to the discharge of the older members 
of the Landwehr. On the other hand, the 
great diminution in the 
number of the Landwehr 
on a war footing, and the 
resulting reduction of 
their importance, but 
especially the three-years' 
compulsory service, 
aroused vigorous oppo- 
sition. General Staven- 
hagen, who gave evidence 
for the proposal, char- 
acterised the two-years' 
service as sufficient. The 
Government recognised 
that it could not carry 
the Bill relating to com- 
pulsory service, and 
therefore withdrew it. It 
was content to demand 
an increase of 9,000,000 
thalers — 6,750, 000 
dollars — in the war Budget, in order to 
carry out the increase of the regiments. 
The Finance Minister, Baron von Patow, 
explained in the name of the Government 
that the organisation thus created was 
provisional, and would not assume a 
definite character until the Government 
and the popular representatives had agreed 
about the law itself. The Old Liberal 
majority of the Chamber of Representatives 
adopted this middle course, and sanctioned 
the required increase. Thus the yearly 
budget for the army was raised to 
32,800,000 thalers — 24,600,000 dollars, or, 
roughly, a quarter of the entire revenue of 
130,000,000 thalers — 97,500,000 dollars. 
This expedient was manifestly illusory. 
The king at once ordered the disbanding 
of thirty-six regiments of Landwehr, 
whose place was taken by an equal 
number of line regiments. Altogether 
117 new battalions and twelve new 
squadrons were formed. Obviously the 
king, who presented colours and badges 
to the new regiments on January i8th, 
1 86 1, in front of the monument of Frederic 
the Great, could not disband these newly 
formed units or dismiss their ofiicers. 
The Chamber of Representatives became, 
in fact, suspicious, but agreed to the 



increased army budget once more for the 
next year. Since the elections to the 
Landtag were imminent, the final decision 
stood over for the new House. 

It would be a mistake to treat the events 
which followed in the ordinary manner, 
relating how the king 
was prudent but the, 
Chamber petty in the 
army question, and how 
in this struggle the 
wisdom of the Regent 
fortunately prevailed 
over the meddlesomeness 
of the professional poli- 
ticians. The state of 
affairs was quite other- 
wise. The dispute in the 
matter itself was not 
indeed beyond settle- 
ment. In case of necessity 
it would have been 
possible to arrive at a 
compromise as to the 
amount of compulsory 
service, and the Prussian 
army would hardly have 
been less effective if 
the two-years' military 
service had been intro- 
duced then and not post- 
poned until after 'the 
death of Emperor 
William I. This consideration does not in 
any way lessen the credit due to the king. 
But, as the new elections showed, there 
was another and greater issue at stake. 
The influence of Liberal ideas in Europe 
was precisely then at its height, and public 
opinion tended towards the view that the 
royal power in Prussia must be checked, 
exactly as it had been in that model 
parliamentary state, England. The citizen 
class had then, it was thought, come to 
years of maturity, and it possessed a right 
to take the place of the monarchy and 
nobility in the power hitherto enjoyed by 
them. At the new elections, on December 
6th, 1861, the Progressive party, in which 
the members of the movement of 1848 
assumed the lead, was formed in opposition 
to the Old Liberals, who had left their 
stamp on the former Chamber. This 
political group had not yet the whole 
electorate on its side ; it carried a hundred 
seats, barely a third of the whole Assembly. 
The Old Liberals felt themselves mean- 
while outstripped, especially since the 
king no longer extended his confidence to 


Entering the Prussian army n 1821, he re- 
vealed a thorough grasp of military matters, 
and his reorganisation of the army found 
brilliant justification in the success of the 
national arms in the wars of 1866 and 1870-1. 

From a photojjr.iph 

the Liberal Ministers, who were defeated 
on the army question. While this 
change was being effected among the 
citizen class, the nobihty and the 
Conservative party on the other hand, 
who had been greatly chagrined at being 
dismissed from the helm 
of state after the assump- 
tion of the regency by 
the prince, put forward 
their claim not less reso- 
lutely. The great services 
of the Prussian nobility 
to the army and the civil 
service, to which, both 
before and after, it sup- 
plied first - class men, 
could not, of course, be 
disputed. But to justifi- 
able pride at this fact 
was joined such intense 
class prejudice that even 
a man like Roon could 
not for a long time bring 
himself to recognise the 
justification of an elected 
representation of the 
people. General Man- 
teuffel, as chief of the 
royal military cabinet, 
worked with him in the 
same spirit. Ernst von 
Gerlach and Hermann 
Wagener represented in the " Kreuz- 
zeitung " similar views. Karl Twesten, 
one of the most prominent members of 
the Liberal party, called General Man- 
teuffel a mischievous man in a mis- 
chievous position— a taunt which Man- 
teuffel answered by a challenge to a duel, 
in which Twesten was wounded. 

The Liberal Ministers saw with concern 
how the king inclined more and more 
towards the paths of the Conservative 
party. They counselled him, in 
view of the impending struggle 
over the military question, to 
conciliate public opinion by 
undertaking reforms in various depart- 
ments of the legislature. Roon vigorously 
opposed this advice, which he saw to 
be derogatory to the Crown. He induced 
the king on March ist, 1861, to adjourn 
these Bills, which had already been settled 
upon. He unceasingly urged the king 
to dismiss his Liberal colleagues and to 
adopt strong measures. In a memorial 
laid before the king, dated April, 1861, 
he wrote of the Hohenzollern-Schwerin 

Advice to 
the King 


P ras a i an 

in Power 

Cabinet, in which, nevertheless, he himself 
had accepted a seat, that "it is only 
compatible with the pseudo-monarchy of 
Belgium, England, or of Louis Philippe, 
not with a genuinely Prussian monarchy 
by the grace of God, with a monarchy 
according to your ideas. People have 
tried to intimidate your Majesty by the 
loud outcry of the day. All the unfortunate 
monarchs of whom history tells have so 
fared ; the phantom ruined them, simply 
because they believed in it." 
The opposition was apparent 
as soon as the new Chamber 
assembled on January 14th, 
1862. Opponents of the proposal were 
elected on the commission for discussing 
the Army Bill in a large majority. When 
the Budget was discussed, a resolution 
was adopted which called for more precise 
details of the state finances. This was a 
reasonable demand, and was soon after- 
wards conceded by Bismarck. But the 
Conservative advisers of the king then 
stigmatised the wish as an encroachment 
on the rights of the Crown, and the 
Chamber of Representa- 
tives was dissolved on 
March i8th, 1862, after 
a short term of life. At 
the same time the Liberal 
Ministry was dismissed. 
Its place was taken by 
a Cabinet in which 
officials preponderated, 
but which, on the whole, 
bore a Conservative 
character. It is certainly 
to the credit of Roon and 
Manteuffel that their in- 
fluence on the king paved 
the way for Bismarck. 
But they made the be- 
ginning of his term ot 
office more difficult for 
the great Minister, since 
he was at once drawn 
into the most violent 
antagonism to popular 
representation. The 
question must be raised 
whether Prussia, with 
her great military and 
intellectual superiority, 
would not have obtained the same results 
if there had been no such rupture with 
public opinion. The Crown Prince Frederic 
William held this view, and it was shared 
not only by Albert, the English Prince 

The only son of William I., he married Vic- 
toria, Princess Royal of Eng^land, in 1858. A 
man of courage, he opposed the reactionary 
policy of Bismarck, and foug^ht with distinc- 
tion in the various wars waged by Prussia, 
h'rom a photoi^ntph 

Consort, but also by the king's son-in-law, 
the Grand Duke Frederic of Baden, who 
just then was reforming his country' with 
the help of the Liberal Ministers, Baron 
Franz von Roggenbach and Karl Mathy. 
Men of a similar type would have gladly 
co-operated to help King William to gain 
the imperial crown. King WiUiam him- 
self felt that, in consequence of his quarrel 
with the Chamber, many sincere friends of 
Prussia were mistaken as to his country's 
German mission. This point was em- 
phasised even in the National Assembly. 

In order to counteract this tendency, 
the king had appointed Bemstorff, who 
advocated the union of Germany under 
the leadership of Prussia, to be Minister 
of Foreign Affairs in the place of Schleinitz, 
who held legitimist views. Bemstorff 
adopted, in fact, most vigorous measures, 
when several states of the German ZoU- 
verein, on the conclusion of the Free-Trade 
commercial treaty with France, threatened 
that they would in consequence withdraw 
from the Zollverein. They found a sup- 
porter in Austria, who would gladly have 
broken up the Zollverein ; 
but they were forced to 
yield to Prussia, since 
their own economic 
interests dictated their 
continuance in the Zoll- 
verein. Bemstorff 
furthermore, in a note 
addressed to the German 
courts on December 20th, 
I 861, announced as a 
programme the claim of 
Prussia to the leadership 
of Lesser Germany. By 
this step the Berlin 
Cabinet reverted to the 
p)olicy of union which 
had been given up in 
1850. The party of 
Greater Germany col- 
lected its forces in oppo- 
sition. Austria resolved 
to anticipate Prussia by 
a tangible proposition to 
the Diet, and proposed 
federal reforms : that a 
directory with corre- 
sponding central autho- 
rity should be established, and by its side 
an assembly of delegates from the popular 
representatives of the several states. But, 
before this proposal should be agreed to, 
steps were to be taken to elaborate a 



common system of civil procedure and con- 
tract law for the whole of Germany. Both 
the Prussian note and the Austrian pro- 
posal met with opposition and a dissentient 
majority in the Federal Diet at Frank- 
fort, for the secondary states did not 
wish to relinquish any part of their 
sovereignty in favour of either the Prus- 
sian or the Austrian Govern- 
/S"!i- V ment. The necessary con- 
Liberalism ^^*^°" ^^^ *^^ success of the 
era ism Prussian policy would have 
been a majority in a German Parliament 
on the side of Prussia, as in 1849. But Bern- 
storff, although in his heart he favoured 
the plan, could not advise the king to 
summon a National Assembly, because, as 
things then stood, its majority would 
have approved of the opposition of the 
Prussian progressive party. 

In the new elections to the Chamber of 
Representatives Radical Liberalism gained 
the greatest number of seats. The two 
sections of this party numbered together 
235 members — two-thirds, that is, of the 
352 representatives of the Landtag ; the 
Old Liberals under the leadership of 
Vincke had dwindled to 23 votes. The new 
majority gladly accepted the challenge 
flung to them ; for the idea, which Roon 
had erroneously termed the ultimate goal 
even of the moderate Liberals, was actively 
dominant among them. They wished for 
no compromise, but aimed at the subordi- 
nation of the king to the Parliament. The 
examples of England and Belgium domi- 
nated their plans in every detail. 

The army question became the out- 
ward pretext on which the two consti- 
tutional theories came into conflict with 
each other. Since the king did not con- 
cede the two years' compulsory service, 
which the Chamber demanded as a con- 
dition of the army reform, the House 
resolved, on September 23rd, 1862, to 
strike out entirely the costs of the 
reform, which was tantamount to dis- 
_^ _ J . banding the new regiments. 
St d°f ^" ^^^^ ^^y ''■ humiliation was 
the'iCia ^^^^ °" ^^^ l^ing. which was 
"** intended to bend or break him. 
King William was resolved rather to 
lay down the Crown than to submit to a 
compulsion by which, according to his 
view, he would have been degraded to 
the position of a puppet ruler. He 
seriously contemplated this step, when the 
Ministry of Hohenlohe, seeing no way out 
of the difficulty, asked to be dismissed. 


The king doubted whether men would be 
found bold enough to confront the Cham- 
ber of Representatives. Whenever Roon 
and Manteuffel had formerly spoken of 
Bismarck, the king had hesitated to en- 
trust the government to a man whom he 
considered to be a hot-head. Now, he told 
Roon, Bismarck would no longer enter- 
tain any wish to be at the head of affairs ; 
besides that, he happened to be on leave, 
travelling in Southern France. 

Roon, however, could assure the king 
that Bismarck, who had been already 
recalled, was prepared to enter the service 
of the king. Soon afterwards the latter 
learned that Bismarck had, immediately on 
his return, paid a visit, by invitation, to 
the Crown Prince. King William's sus- 
picions were aroused by this, and he 
thought, " There is nothing to be done 
with him ; he has already been to my son." 

All doubts, however, were dissipated 
when Bismarck appeared before him and 
unfolded his scheme of government. The 
king showed him the deed of abdication, 
which he had already drafted, because, so 
he said, he could not find another Ministry. 
_. , "Bismarck encouraged him by 

jj . the assurance that he intended 

p to stand by him in the struggle 

between the supremacy of the 
Crown and of Parliament. On the day when 
the Chamber of Representatives passed the 
resolution by which the monarch felt him- 
self most deeply wounded, on September 
23rd, 1862, the nomination of Bismarck as 
President of the Ministry was published. 

Bismarck's work is the establishment of 
the unity of Geri^any no less than the 
revival of the power of the monarchy 
and of all conservative forces in that 
country. His contemporaries have passed 
judgment upon him according to their 
political attitudes. Those who regarded 
the advancing democratisation of Great 
Britain and France as equally desirable 
for Germany, and as the ultimate goal of 
its development, were bound to see an 
opponent in the powerful statesman. A 
difficult legal question was put before 
Bismarck at the very outset of his 
activity. He counselled the king to 
disregard the Budget rights of the 
Chamber of Representatives. 

For the historical estimate of Bismarck 
it is not of primary importance whether 
the constitutional arguments which he 
employed on this occasion are tenable 
or not ; this legal question must certainly 


be decided against him. He took his 
stand on the ground that the Budget 
was, according to the constitution, a 
law on which the Crown, the Upper 
Chamber, and the Chamber of Representa- 
tives must agree ; and that the authors of 
the Prussian constitution had on this point 
reversed the practice of England, where 
money grants are exclusively the province 
of the Lower House. They had not pro- 
vided for the event that the three might 
not be able to agree and the law could thus 
not be passed ; there was therefore an 
omission. But since the state could not 
stand still, a constitutional deadlock had 
resulted, which would be fatal unless 
the Budget for the year were provided 
by the arbitrary action of the Crown. 

The consequence of this theory was 
that the Crown could enforce aJl the 
larger Budget demands, even though 
the two Chambers had pronounced in 
favour of the smaller sum. From this 
point of view every theory turned on the 
exercise of the powers of the constitu- 
tional authorities. In the great speech in 
which the Prussian Minister-President 
„. , explained his views, he con- 

D "*" fronted the Chamber with his 
^angerovs pQiJti(.g^l principles : " The 

Prussian monarchy has not yet 
fulfilled its mission ; it is not yet ripe to 
form a purely ornamental decoration of the 
fabric of your constitution, nor to be in- 
corporated into the mechanism of parlia- 
mentary rule as an inanimate piece of the 
machinery." Even the king wavered for 
a moment when Bismarck in the Budget 
commission of the Chamber of Representa- 
tives, September 30th, 1862, made his 
famous assertion that " the union of 
Germany could not be effected by speeches, 
societies, and the resolutions of majorities ; 
a grave struggle was necessary, a struggle 
that could only be carried through by 
blood and iron." Even Roon considered 
this phrase as dangerous. 

The state was administered for four 
years without a constitutionally settled 
Budget. The Chamber of Representatives 
declared this procedure illegal, and great 
excitement prevailed throughout the 
country. In order to suppress the oppo- 
sition, strict enactments were published 
on June ist, 1863, which were directed 
against the freedom of the Press and of the 
societies. At this period the Crown Prince 
Frederic William joined the opponents 
of Bismarck, because he thought the 

procedure of the Ministers might provoke 
a new revolution in Prussia. He made a 
speech on June 5th, in the town hall at 
Danzig when receiving the municipal 
authorities, which was directed against the 
Government : "I, too, regret that I have 
come here at a time when a quarrel, of 
which I have been in the highest 
-,. f. degree surprised to hear, 

The Crown u u i ^ i. x 

PrSn.., rr5»i,!.-. "^^ broken out between 
Bismarck Government and the 

people. I know nothing 
of the enactments which have brought 
about this result." The Crown Prince at 
the same time sent a memorandum to the 
king to the same effect ; but on June 30th 
he wrote to the Minister-President a letter 
full of indignation and contempt, which 
would have shaken the resolution of any 
other man than Bismarck : "Do you believe 
that you can calm men's minds by con- 
tinual outrages on the feeling of legality ? 
I regard the men who lead his Majesty 
the king, my most gracious father, into 
such paths as the most dangerous 
counsellors for Crown and country." 

The king was deeply hiirt at the public 
appearances of his son ; he contemplated 
harsh measures against him, and Bismarck 
was compelled to dissuade him from his 
purpose. The Minister reminded the king 
that in the quarrel between Frederic 
William I. and his son the sympathy of 
the times, as well as of posterity, had been 
with the son ; and he showed the inadvis- 
ability of making the Crown Prince a 
martyr. Thus the situation in Prussia 
seemed to be strained to the breaking 
point. The Representative Chamber 
adopted in 1863, by a large majority, the 
resolution thart Ministers should be liable 
out of their private fortune for any 
expenditure beyond the Budget. 

It is marvellous with what independence 
and intellectual vigour Bismarck guided 
foreign policy in the midst of these com- 
motions. We need only examine the pages 
_ . , of history from 1850 to 1862 

Prussia s ^^ ^^^ ^^^^^^^ j^^^ j-^ig 

• H-*^.* Prussia counted as a European 
in History p^^^^ j^ played, in con- 
sequence of the vacillation of Frederic 
William IV., a feeble role, especially at 
the time of the Crimean War. Even later, 
when WilUam I. was governing the country 
as prince regent and as king, Cavour, 
who was continually forced to rack his 
brains with the possibilities which might 
effect a change in the policy of France and 




Austria, Great Britain and Russia, hardly 
took Prussia into consideration. That 
state, during the Italian crisis of i860, had 
little more weight than a Power of the 
second rank — only about as much as 
Spain, of which it was occasionally said 
that it would strengthen or relieve the 
French garrison in Rome with its troops. 
_, Great as are the services of 

an*Ob "ct of ^^"^ William to the army and 
R^d' Y*^ ° ^^^ State of Prussia, he could 
not have attained such great 
successes without a man like Bismarck. 
Considering the feebleness of Prussia, 
which had been the object of ridicule 
for years, every one was, at first, surprised 
by the vigOTOus language of Bismarck. 
When, in one of the earliest Cabinet 
councils, he broached the idea that Prussia 
must watch for an opportunity of acquir- 
ing Schleswig-Holstein, the Crown Prince 
raised his hands to heaven, as if the orator 
had uttered some perfectly foolish thing, 
and the clerk who recorded the proceed- 
ings thought he would be doing a favour 
to Bismarck if he omitted the words ; the 
latter was obliged to make the additional 
entry in his own writing. 

The newspapers and political tracts of 
that time almost entirely ridicule the atti- 
tude of the new Minister, whom no one 
credited with either the serious intention or 
the strength to carry out his programme. 
His contemporaries were therefore only 
confirmed in their contempt for him when, 
on November 26th, 1862, he suddenly ended 
the constitutional struggle in Electoral 
Hesse, which had lasted several decades, 
by sending an orderly to the Elector 
Frederic William, with the peremptory 
command that he should give back to the 
country the constitution of 1831. 

And now came his ameizing conversation 
' wit h the Austrian Ambassador, Count Aloys 
Karolyi. Austria, shortly before, without 
coming to terms with Prussia, had brought 
before the Assembly in Frankfort the pro- 
B k k II f P^^^^ already mentioned for 
th*" T * 'bl " ^^deral reform. Bismarck, in 
g . . that conversation, taunted 

Austria with having deviated 
from the method of Prince Metternich, 
who came to a previous arrangement with 
Prussia as to all measures concerning 
German affairs ; and he declared to the 
count that Austria would soon have to 
choose between the alternatives of vacating 
Germany and shifting its political centre 
to the east, or of finding Prussia in the 

next war on the side of its opponents. 
This assertion fell like a bombshell on 
Vienna. Count Rechberg was not so 
wrong when he talked of the " terrible " 
Bismarck, who was capable of doing any- 
thing for the greatness of Prussia. 

The two great parties in Germany were 
organised at the precise moment when 
Bismarck entered upon office. A Diet of 
representatives from the different German 
Parliaments, which was attended by some 
200 members, met at Weimar on Sep- 
tember 28th, 1862. This assembly de- 
manded the summons of a German 
Parliament by free popular election, and 
the preliminary concentration of non- 
Austrian Germany ; to begin with, at 
any rate, Austria would have to remain 
outside the more restricted confederation. 
This assembly and the activity of the 
National Society led on the other side to 
the formation of the Greater Germany 
Reform Society, which came into existence 
at Frankfort. It demanded a stricter 
consolidation of the German states under 
the leadership of Austria. The narrow 
particularism of the princes and their 
immediate followers, who were 
unwilling to sacrifice for the 

The Greater 

M V nt welfare of the whole body any 
of the sovereignty of the indi- 
vidual states, kept aloof from these efforts. 
Their underlying thought was expressed by 
the Hanoverian Minister, Otto, Count 
Borries, who, when opposing the efforts of 
the National Society on May ist, i860, 
went so far as to threaten that the 
secondary states would be forced into 
non-German alliances in order to safe- 
guard their independence. 

The Greater Germany movement gained 
adherents not merely by the constitutional 
struggle in Prussia but also by the move- 
ment towards liberalism in Austria. The 
absolute monarchy, which had ruled in 
Austria since 1849, ended with a defeat 
on the battlefield and the most complete 
financial disorder. The pressure of the 
harsh police regulations weighed all the 
more heavily, as the state organs, since the 
conclusion of the concordat with Rome, 
were put equally at the service of eccle- 
siastical purposes. The discontent of 
every nationality in the empire impelled 
the emperor, after Solferino, June 24th, 
1859, ^^ make a complete change. It 
would have been the natural course of 
proceedings if the emperor had at once 
resolved to consolidate the unity of the 


Empire, which had been regained in 1849, 
by summoning a General ParUament. But 
the Crown, and still more the aristocracy, 
were afraid that in this imperial repre- 
sentation the German bourgeoisie would 
come forward with excessive claims. For 
this reason an aristocratic interlude 
followed. Count Goluchowski, a Pole, 
hitherto Governor of Galicia, became 
Minister of the I nterior on August 2 ist , 1859, 
while Count Rechberg, who had already 
succeeded Count Buol as Minister of the 
Interior and of the Imperial House on May 
17th, was given the post of President. 

The administrative business of the 
entire monarchy was, by the imperial 
manifesto of October 20th, i860, concen- 
trated in a new body, the National 
Ministry, at whose head Goluchowski was 
placed, while the conduct of Hungarian 
affairs was entrusted to Baron Nikolaus 
Bay and Count Nikolaus Szecsen ; at the 
same tiine orders were issued that the 
provincial councils — Landtage— and a 
council of the empire elected from them — 
Reichsrat — should be summoned. These 
bodies were, however, only to have a 
deliberative voice ; and besides 
tK^'v*'^ °^ that, a preponderant influence 
/r b'^ir ^" ^ provincial bodies was 
assigned to the nobility and the 
clergy. It was a still more decisive step 
that the members of the conservative 
Hungarian haute noblesse, in their aver- 
sion to German officialism, induced the 
emperor once more to entrust the adminis- 
tration of Hungary and the choice of 
officials to the assemblies of nobles, known 
as " county courts," as had been the case 
before the year 1848. These measures 
produced a totally different result from 
that anticipated by Bay and Szecsen. 

The meetings of the county courts, which 
had not been convened since 1849, were 
filled with a revolutionary spirit, and, 
while offering at once the most intense 
opposition, refused to carry out the 
enactments of the Ministers, because, so 
they alleged, the constitutionally elected 
Reichstag was alone entitled to sanction 
taxation ; and they chose officials who 
refused to collect taxes, or only did so in 
a dilatory fashion. The country in a few 
months bordered on a state of rebellion. 

As the Hungarian Ministers of the em- 
peror had plunged the Empire into this 
confusion, they were compelled to advise 
him to entrust a powerful personality 
from the ranks of the high German ofiicials 

with the conduct of affairs. Anton 
von Schmerling was nominated Minister 
of Finance on December 17th, i860, 
in the place of Goluchowski. He won over 
the emperor to his view, which was 
unfavourable to the Hungarians, and 
carried his point as to maintaining one 
united constitution and the summoning 
The Ma a ' °^ '^ central parliament. He 
e »sy&rs proposed also that a limited 

Expectations of ^ ^ , , . , , . 

Independence ^^^pe should be conceded 
to the diets of the individual 
provinces. These were the fundamental 
principles of the constitution granted on 
February 26th, 1861. Schmerling deserves 
credit for having restored the prestige of 
the constitution in Hungary without blood- 
shed, even if severe measures were used. 

The county assemblies were dissolved, 
and trustworthy native officials sub- 
stituted for them. The vacillation of the 
emperor in i860 strengthened, however, 
the conviction of the Magyars that in the 
end the Crown would yield to their oppo- 
sition, and once more concede the inde- 
pendence of Hungary in the form in 
which it was won by the constitution of 
April, 1848. The leadership of this 
opposition in the Landtag summoned ia 
1861 was taken by Franz Deak ; the 
Landtag, in the address which was agreed 
upon, refused to send representatives 
to the central Parliament, and complete 
independence was demanded for Hungary. 
Schmerling advanced unhesitatingly on 
the road which he had taken. At the 
same time he won great influence over the 
management of German affairs, and for 
some period was more powerful in that 
sphere than the Minister of the Exterior, 
Count Rechberg. The latter considered it 
prudent to remain on good terms with 
Prussia, and not to stir up the German 
question. Schmerling, on the other hand, 
put higher aims before himself, and wished 
to give Germany the desired federed 
reform, and to strengthen Austria's influ- 
ence in Germany by the estab- 
lishment of a strong central 

Influence in 

German P"^^'" ^" Frankfort. He hoped 
ermany ^^ overcome the resistance of 
Prussia by help of the popular feeling in 
non- Prussian Germany. He enlisted 
confidence in Germany also by the intro- 
duction of constitutional forms in Austria. 
Austria tried to sweep the German 
princes along with her in one bold rush. 
The emperor, in deference to a suggestion 
of his brother-in-law, Maximilian, the 



hereditary prince of Thurn and Taxis, 
resolved to summon all German princes 
to a conference at Frankfort-on-Main, and 
to lay before them his plan of reform. 
The King of Prussia 
in this matter was 
not treated differently 
from the pettiest and 
weakest of the Federal 
princes. The emperor 
communicated his in- 
tention to King William 
at their meeting in 
Gastein on August 2nd, 
1863, and, without 
waiting for the stipu- 
lated written decision 
of the king, handed 
him by an adjutant on 
August 3rd the formal 
invitation to the Diet 
of Princes summoned 
for August i6th. 

The blow aimed by 
Austria led to a tem- 

but made two additional proposals, which 
were not quite friendly to Prussia, He first 
induced the meeting to declare that it 
considered the Austrian proposals suitable 
as a basis for reform; 
and it was also soon 
settled that the refusal 
of the King of Prussia 
was no obstacle to 
further deliberation. 
After these resolutions, 
which were taken on 
August i8th, King 
John went to Baden- 
Baden, in order to 
take the invitation to 
the King of Prussia. 

King William did 
not seem disinclined 
to accept the invi- 
tation, and said to 
Bismarck : " Thirty 
princes sending the 
invitation, and a king 
as Cabinet messenger, 

porary success. Public „ ^ ^^.'^t- i Tf ,«...-,, i«-. a how can there be any 

r . .J iu n Under this kmg:, who reigned from 1854 till 1873, and ^ i ^ >> d 4- r>- 

Opimon m bOUth Ger- who was distinguished for learning and culture, many rctUSal ? tSUt CIS- 

many waS aroUSed, and schemes for the betterment of the people of Saxony marck SaW that this 

in some places became ''«'■« introduced, while the army was reformed, surprise, planned by 
enthusiastic ; the sovereigns and princes Austria, was a blow aimed at Prussia, 

gave their services to the Austrian reform 
AH this made a deep impression on King 
William ; the Bavarian queen, Marie, and 
her sister-in-law, the widow of King 
Frederic William IV., urged him on his 
journey from Gastein to Baden-Baden 
to show a conciliatory attitude towards 
the Austrian proposal. Never- 
theless he followed Bis- 
marck's advice, and kept 
away from the meeting at 
Frankfort. The Emperor 
Francis Joseph made his 
entry into the Free Town 
amid the pealing of the bells 
and the acclamations of the 
inhabitants, who favoured 
the Austrian cause. He skil- 
fully presided over the debate 
of the princes, and King John 
of Saxony, 1854-1873, an 
experienced man of business 
and an eloquent speaker, 
confuted the protests which 
were preferred by a small 
minority. The Grand Duke Frederic 
Francis H. of Mecklenburg-Schwerin pro- 
posed to invite King William to make the 
journey to Frankfort. King John assented, 

Minister of Finance, he restored 
the prestige of the constitution 
in Hungary without bloodshed. 

and he would have felt deeply humiliated 
by the appearance of his monarch at 
Frankfort. Germany was to see that 
any alteration of the German constitu- 
tion must prove abortive from the mere 
opposition of Prussia. Bismarck required 
all his strength of will to induce William 
to refuse ; he declared that 
if the king commanded him, 
he would go with him to 
Frankfort, but that when 
the business was ended he 
would never return with him 
to Berlin as Minister. The 
king, therefore, took his 
advice. What Bismarck had 
foreseen now occurred. It 
is true that the Austrian 
proposal was in the end 
discussed and accepted, 
against the votes of Baden, 
Schwerin, Weimar, Luxem- 
burg, Waldeck, and the 
younger line of Reuss. But 
since the meeting only 
pledged itself in the event of an 
agreement with Prussia as the basis 
of these resolutions, Austria had failed 
in the achievement of her main result. 








ALL these debates and intrigues between 
Prussia and Austria sank into the 
background when the fate of Schleswig- 
Holstein was destined to be decided 
by arms. The occasion for this was 
given by the death of the Danish king, 
Frederic VIL, on November 15th, 1863, 
with whom the main line of the royal 
house became extinct. The collateral 
line of Holstein-Gliicksburg possessed the 
hereditary right to Denmark, while the 
House of Augustenburg raised claims to 
Schleswig-Holstein. All Germany thought 
that the moment had come to free Schles- 
wig-Holstein from the Danish rule by 
supporting the Duke of Augustenburg. 
The two great German Powers were, how- 
ever, pledged in another direction by the 
Treaty of London. 

Denmark had expressly engaged by that 

arrangement to grant Schleswig-Holstein 

an independent government ; on this 

_ , basis the Great Powers on their 

enmar s ^^^^ guaranteed the possession 

it ^ V of the duchies to the King of 
the Duchies -r^ , j n i_- 

Denmark and all his suc- 
cessors. The two great German Powers 
were to blame for having compelled the 
inhabitants of Schleswig-Holstein in 1850 
to submit to Denmark. From hatred of 
Liberalism and all the mistakes it was sup- 
posed to have made in 1848, they destroyed 
any hopes which the inhabitants of 
Schleswig-Holstein might have formed foi 
the future, after the royal house should 
have become extinct. Duke Christian of 
Augustenburg sold his hereditary rights to 
Denmark for2,250,ooothalers — $2,500,000 
— although his son Frederic protested. But 
Denmark did not think of fulfilling her 
promise. The German Federation was con- 
tent for years to remonstrate and propose 
a court of arbitration. Finally, the Federal 
Council resolved on armed intervention 
against Denmark. Hanoverian and Saxon 
troops occupied Holstein, but they were 
forced to halt on the Eider, as Schleswig 
did not belong to the Federation. 


In Copenhagen the Eider-Danish party 
drew peculiar conclusions from these 
circumstances ; since, they said, Schles- 
wig did not belong to the Federation, the 
Treaty of London might be disregarded, 
the bond between Schleswig and Holstein 
_._,., dissolved, and Schleswig, at 

Duke Frederic , 1 a j • j. 

„. any rate, amalgamated mto 


the unified State of Denmark. 

Threatening crowds forced 
the new monarch. Christian IX., in spite 
of his superior insight, to consent to the 
united constitution. The Treaty of London 
was to all intents and purposes broken. 

The claim of Duke Frederic of Augusten- 
burg to Schleswig-Holstein was thus unani- 
mously applauded by the popular voice of 
Germany. He declared himself ready to 
follow loyally the democratic constitution 
which the duchies had given themselves in 
1848, and surrounded his person with 
liberal counsellors. A large proportion of 
the governments of the petty German 
states recognised the duke as the heir, 
and the majority of the Federal Council 
decided in his favour. 

Prussia and Austria, indeed, as signa- 
tories of the Treaty of London, felt them- 
selves bound by it towards Europe. They 
possessed, according to it, the right to 
compel Denmark to ^ant to the duchies 
independence and union under one sove- 
reign ; but they could exempt themselves 
from recognising the hereditary right of 
King Christian IX. Austria in particular, 
whose stability rested on European treaties, 
did not venture to admit that the right of 
nationality could undo those treaties. 
Was Prussia able to confront 

A """t IK *^^ °^^^^ ^^^^* Powers with her 
gainst the ^j^gj^jg^j resources ? Bismarck, 

""^^ with all his determination, 
thought such a move too dangerous. The 
stake in such a struggle would have been 
too trivial ; for, as Bismarck showed the 
Prussian House of Representatives, Prus- 
sia would have lent its arms to establish the 
claims of a duke who, like the other petty 



states, would have mostly voted with 
Austria at Frankfort. " The signing of the 
Treaty of London," so Bismarck said on 
December ist, 1863, in the Prussian House 
of Representatives, " may be deplored ; 
but it has been done, and honour as well 
as prudence commands that our loyal 
observance of the treaty be 
beyond all doubt." These 
reasons did not, however, con- 
vince the House. It pro- 
nounced in favour of the 
hereditary right of the Duke 
of Augustenburg. Bismarck 
vainly put before the Opposi- 
tion that, as soon as Prussia 
abandoned the basis of the 
Treaty of London, no pretext 
whatever could be found 
for interfering in Schleswig, 
which stood entirely outside 
the German Confederation. 
The violent opposition of 

would have been justified if Bismarck 
had still been, as he was in 1848, a man 
of exclusively Conservative party politics. 
The German people could not know that 
he had become a far greater man. He 
had now fixed his eye on the acquisition 
of the duchies by Prussia, and steered 
steadily towards that goal 
which King William still con- 
sidered unattainable. Just 
now he won a great diplo- 
matic triumph. Austria, on 
the question of the duchies, 
was divided from the German 
minor states, her allies, and 
Bismarck widened the breach. 
He explained to the Vienna 
Cabinet that Prussia was 
resolved to compel Denmark 
to respect the Treaty of 
London by force of arms, and, 

KING FREDERIC VII. ^^ uecessary, single-handed. 

King of Denmark from 1S48, his Austria nOW COuld UOt and 

the House of Representatives tyrannous rule in Schieswig-Hoi- dared not leave the liberation 

. rt- 1 > ii J stem was bitterly resented, and by r r^ ^ , ■ . . • , 

to Bismarck s methods was his death, in 1 863, the main line of of Schlcswig to her nval 
due to the fact that the Con- ^^^ "°y^^ ^"""^^ ''"^"'^ «t^^t alone, otherwise she would 
servative party, to which Bismarck had have voluntarily abdicated her position 
belonged, hadin 1849 and 1850 condemned in Germany. Rechberg, who in any case 

the rebellion of Schleswig- Holstein against 
Denmark ; and there was the fear that 
the supporters of legitimacy would once 
more in the end make the duchies subject 
to Denmark. As a matter of fact, the two 
great German Powers had 
tolerated the infringements of 
the Treaty of London by 
Denmark since 1852, and had 
not contributed at all to pre- 
serve the rights of the duchies. 
This explains the blame laid 
upon the two Great Powers by 
the committee of an assembly 
of representatives at Frank- 
fort on December 21st, 1863, 
in an address to the German 
people. For twelve years, it 
said, the Danes had been 
allowed to trample under foot 
the Treaty of London. Now, 
with the extinction of the 
royal house, and the revival 
of the hereditary right of 
Augustenburg, the possibility had come 
of getting rid of the shameful treaty. 
" Now, when the execution of that treaty 
would be fatal to the cause of the duchies, 
armies were being put into the field in 
order to enforce its execution." This 
reproach against the Prussian pohcy 

was favourably disposed to the alliance 
with Prussia, induced his master, under 
the circumstances, to conclude the armed 
alliance with Prussia ; Francis Joseph 
was, however, disappointed that the Diet 
at Frankfort and the anti- 
Prussian policy had borne no 
fruits. The two Great Powers 
pledged themselves in the 
treaty of January i6th, 1864, 
to attack Denmark, and 
settled that after the Ubera- 
tion of the duchies no 
decision should be taken 
about them except by the 
agreement of the two Powers. 
Austria thus felt protected 
against surprises on the part 
of Prussia. The treaty met 
with the most violent opposi- 

He succeeded to the throne of tion both in thp Pni<;<;ian anrl 
Denmark in ls63, on the death of ^ * • J^iUSSian aUQ 

Frederic VI I. His eldest daughter, the Austrian representative 

Alexandra, married King: Edward ocer^rv^KlJ^o TU^ x 

VII. of Great Britain anS Ireland, assemblies. 1 he mOUCy for 

'■"""" ■' pho'^K^ph the conduct of the war was 

actually refused in Berhn. The Austrian 
Chamber did not proceed to such extreme 
measures, but the majority held it to be a 
mistake that Austria adopted a hostile 
position against the minor states, and 
neglected the opportunity to make a friend 
of the future Duke of Schleswig-Holstein. 



The army to conquer Schleswig con- 
sisted of 37,000 Prussians and 23,000 
Austrians, who were opposed by 40,000 
Danes. The supreme command of the 
invading force was held by Count Wrangel, 
The Danes hoped to the last for foreign 
help, but the threats of England to the 
German Powers were smoke without a fire. 
The Danes first attempted resistance along 
the Danewerk. But the Austrians in the 
battles of Jagel and Okerselk, on February 
3rd, stormed the outposts in front of the 
redoubts and pur- 
sued the Danes 
right under the 
cannons of the 
Danewerk. Since 
there was the 
fear that the 
strong position 
would be turned 
by the Prussians 
below Missunde, 
the Danish 
general, De Meza, 
evacuated the 
Danewerk on 
February 5th, 
and withdrew 
northwards. The 
Austrians fol- 
lowed quickly 
and came up 
with the Danes 
the next day at 
Oeversee, and 
compelled them 
to fight for their 
retreat. Schles- 
wig was thus 
conquered with 
the exception of 
a small peninsula 
on the east, 
where the lines 
of Diippel were 
raised, which 

were in touch with the island of Alsen 
and the powerful Danish fleet. Prussia 
proposed then to force the Danes to 
conclude peace by an investment of Jiit- 
land. The Austrian Cabinet could not at 
first entertain this plan. General Man- 
teuffel, who was sent to Vienna, only 
carried his point when Prussia gave a 
promise that Schleswig-Holstein should 
not be wrested from the suzerainty of the 
Danish crown ; on the contrary, the inde- 
pendent duchies were to be united with 


Denmark by a personal union. The allies 
thereupon conquered Jutland as far as the 
Liim Fiord, and by storming the lines of 
Diippel, on April i8th, the Prussian arms 
won a brilliant success, and the blockade of 
the mouths of the Elbe was relieved by the 
sea-fight of Heligoland on May 9th, 1864. 
The future of the duchies was now the 
question. Popular opinion in Germany 
protested loudly against their restoration 
to the Danish king, and Bismarck now fed 
the flame of indignation, since he wished 
to release Prussia 
from the promise 
she had made. 
But he would not 
have attained 
this object had 
not the Danes, 
fortunately for 
Germany, re- 
mained obsti- 
nate. A con- 
ference of the 
Powers con- 
cerned met in 
London on April 
25th, 1864. The 
Danish p 1 e n i - 
potentiaries, still 
hoping for British 
support, rejected 
on May 17th the 
proposal of Prus- 
sia and Austria 
for the constitu- 
tional indepen- 
dence of the 
duchies, even 
should their pos- 
session be i n - 
tended for their 
King Christian. 
The matter was 
thus definitely 
decided. Austria 
was now com- 



rroin a photograph 

pelled to retire from the agreement last 
made with Prussia. The Vienna Cabinet, 
making a virtue of necessity, resolved to 
prevent Schleswig-Holstein from falling to 
Prussia by nominating the Duke of August- 
enburg. King William had long been in- 
clined to this course, if only Duke Frederic 
was willing to make some arrangement 
with Prussia about his army, as Coburg had 
already done ; if he would grant Prussia a 
naval station and allow the North Sea 
Canal to be constructed ; and if the duchies 



entered the ZoUverein. The duke would 
certainly have agreed to these terms in order 
to obtain the sovereignty had not Austria 
on its side made more favourable promises. 
There was a strong wish at Vienna to 
prevent Schleswig-Holstein becoming a 
vassal state of Prussia. The duke, en- 
couraged by this, promised the king indeed 
to observe those conditions, but he added 
the qualification that he could not know 
whether the Estates of Schleswig-Holstein 
would assent to the treaty. If not, he was 
ready to withdraw in favour of his son. 
This additional proviso filled Bismarck 
with misgivings; for the farce might be 
repeated which had been playied before, 
when Duke Chrtstian of 
Augustenburg sold his 
claims to Denmark, and 
his son Frederic then came 
forward with his heredi- 
tary right to Schleswig- 
Holstein. The determina- 
tion of the Prussian Prime 
Minister not to give in 
until the countries were 
incorporated into Prussia 
grew stronger day by day. 
The first step in that 
direction was the con- 
clusion of peace with 
Denmark on October 30th , 
1864; the two duchies 
were unconditionally re- 
signed to Austria and 
Prussia, without any con- 
sideration being paid to 
the hereditary claims of 
the Houses of Augusten- 
burg and Oldenburg. 
Bismarck did not want 

friction. In February, 1865, Prussia came 
forward with the conditions under which 
she was willing to nominate the Duke of 
Augustenburg to Schleswig-Holstein. They 
contained in substance what had already 
been communicated to the duke. But 
Austria did not agree to them. Weight was 
laid in Vienna on the argument that the 
German Confederation was a union of sove- 
reign princes, and no vassal state of Prussia 
could be allowed to take its place in it. 

Prussia thereupon adopted strictei 
measures and shifted her naval base from 
Danzig to Kiel. Bismarck then openly 
declared, " If Austria wishes to remain 
our ally, she must make room for us." 
The war cloud even 
then loomed ominously. 
The Berlin Cabinet in- 
quired at Florence 
whether Italy was pre- 
pared to join the alliance. 
The two German Powers 
still, however, shrank 
from a passage at arms 
immediately after a 
jointly conducted cam- 
paign. The result ol 
prolonged negotiations 
was the Treaty of 
Gastein on August 14th, 
1865. The administration 
of the duchies, hitherto 
carried on in common, 
was divided, so that 
Nearer Holstein was left 
to Austria, and Further 
Schleswig to Prussia. 
Lauenburg was ceded 
absolutely to Prussia for 


XL 1 -^L A X • X On the death of the Danish Kin? in 1863, the 2 , 2 5 O , O O O t n alCr S — 

to break With Austria yet. puke of Augustenburg raised claims to the $2,'500,000. PrUSSia WaS 

Hp wa<i <;r>rrv fhprpfor*» duchies of Schleswig-Holstein, but by the war i ^ „^, .„.,„;»,„ ^», « 

ne was sorry, tnereiore, of i864 these went to Prussia and Austria, clearly advancing on a 
to see that Count Rech- f™-" ^ photograph victorious career, and the 

berg retired on October 27th, 1864, from acquisition of the duchies was in near 

his office as Minister of the Exterior ; 
the charge was brought against him in 
Austria that the policy of alliance with 
Prussia which he followed was to the 
advantage of the latter state only. His 
successor, Count Alexander Mensdorff, 
had, it is true, the same aims as Rechberg ; 
but since he was less experienced in affairs, 
the opponents of Prussia gained more and 
more influence among his higher officials. 
This circumstance was the more mischiev- 
ous since the two Great Powers were 
administering the duchies jointly — an 
arrangement which in any case led to 


prospect. The Prussian Representative 
Chamber, which eighteen months pre- 
viously had spoken distinctly for the 
hereditary right of the Duke of Augusten- 
burg, once more in the summer of 1865 
debated the affair. But now the friends 
of the scheme of incorporation were 
already so numerous that it could no 
longer agree to a resolution by a majority. 
It was seen that the foreign policy of the 
Progressives in Prussia had been wrecked. 
The king, as a recognition of his services, 
raised Bismarck to the rank of count, 
September 15th, and thus proclaimed 


to the outside world that he had absolute 
confidence in his conduct of affairs. 
Bismarck called the Treaty of Gastein 
a patching of the crack in the building. 
In reality the Premier had long determined 
on a war with Austria. Since Austria 
favoured the partisans of the Duke of 
Augustenburg as much as ever, and 
afforded opportunity for their agitations 
against Prussia, the Prussian note of 
January 26th, 1866, complained of the 
" means of rebellion " which Austria 
employed. It was announced in this 
document that Prussia claimed hence- 
forward complete liberty for her policy. 
Bismarck still kept the door of peace open 
to himself, in case Austria was willing to 
withdraw from Schleswig-Holstein. But 
the course of proceedings at the Prussian 
Cabinet Council of February 28th, 1866, 
shows that the king was familiar with the 
idea of war. The Minister- President 

-^ . , . developed at this council the 
The Austrian ,, iTi. -i . j. 

thought that no war was to 

be kindled for the sake of 

Schleswig-Holstein only ; a 

greater goal, the union of Germany, must 

be contemplated. It was resolved, first of 

all, to open negotiations with Italy for a 

defensive and offensive alliance. In this 

council of war, Moltke gave his unqualified 

vote for the war, while the Crown Prince 

uttered an emphatic warning against such 

a policy, for the reason that it rendered 


probable the interference of foreigners. 
An important change had occurred in 
Austria in July, 1865. Schmerling had 
failed to win the emperor over per- 
manently to his political views. Francis 
Joseph was dissatisfied because the 
Parliament raised excessive claims to a 
share in the government, and went too 
-. far in reducing the war 

. _, Budget. The Austrian and 

in Favour tt • ■ j. • • j 

- y. Hungarian aristocracy joined 

the opponents of the united 
constitution, and Count Moritz Esterhazy, 
Minister without portfolio since July 19th, 
1861, used the dissatisfaction of the em- 
peror to undermine the German Cabinet. 
On July 30th, 1865, the "Counts' 
Ministry," under the presidency of Count 
Richard Belcredi, was nominated in the 
place of Schmerling ; an imperial mani- 
festo on September 20th, 1865, proclaimed 
the suspension of the constitution and 
adjournment of the Imperial Council. 
The high nobility was favoured in every 
branch of the government. Slavism pitted 
against Germanism, and the way pre- 
pared for the settlement with Hungary, 
Prince Esterhazy in this Cabinet was 
the dominant figure in foreign policy, 
and he was influenced in an anti- 
Prussian direction by Biegeleben of the 
Foreign Office, while the weak Minister 
of the Exterior, Count Mensdorff, vainly 
spoke for the maintenance of peace. 












ALARMED by the warlike intentions 
of the Prussian Government, the 
Austrian? thought it advisable in March, 
1866, to take measures for arming. Some 
ten battalions were transferred to Bohemia, 
in order to strengthen the corps stationed 
there, and several cavalry regiments from 
Hungary and Transylvania were ordered 
to move into the province which was first 
menaced. Count Karolyi, the Austrian 
ambassador in Berlin, was at the same 
time commissioned to ask if Prussia really 
intended to attack Austria. This precipi- 
tate procedure of Austria rendered it 
easier for Bismarck and the generals, who 
were advising war, to induce King William 
also to make preparations. The measures 
taken by the Cabinet Council of March 
28th comprised the supply of horses for 
the artillery, the repair of the fortresses, 
and the strengthening of the divisions 
quartered in the south of the country. 
Bismarck answered the really 
objectless inquiry of Count 
Karolyi in the negative, but 
sent a circular to the German 
courts, in which he accused Austria of 
wishing to intimidate Prussia by her pre- 
parations, as she had done in 1850. He 
further announced that Prussia would soon 
come forward with a plan for the reform 
of the German Federal Constitution. 

But more important than these measures 
and notes, which caused so much public 
uneasiness, were the secret negotiations 
for the conclusion of the alliance with 
Italy. These did not proceed smoothly 
at first, since Italy was afraid of being 
made a tool, since Prussia might use 
the threat of an Italian alliance to induce 
Austria to give way. The Italian Govern- 
ment, in order to avoid this, declared it 
could only consent to a formal and offen- 
sive alliance for the purpose of attacking 
Austria-Hungary. King William could not 
agree to this, since he did not contemplate 
an invasion of Austria, for which indeed 
there was no pretext. The Prussian 


Government was only prepared for a 
friendly alliance, which should prevent 
either party forming a separate conven- 
tion with Austria and leaving the other in 
the lurch. The result was the compromise 
of a defensive and offensive alliance, to be 

I'l. A J • valid for three months only, in 
The Advice ^ i 1 j i_ 

f th F k ^'^ ^^^ ^ declared by 

g ^^ Prussia before that date. Italy 

™'* '° hesitated to agree to it, and 

applied to Napoleon III. for advice. The 
French emperor desired nothing more 
ardently than a war in Germany, in order, 
during its continuance, to pursue his 
schemes on Belgium and the Rhine districts. 
He knew that William I. would not 
be persuaded by Bismarck to fight un- 
less he were previously assured of the 
alliance of Italy ; otherwise the king 
thought the campaign would be dangerous, 
since nearly the whole remaining part of 
Germany stood on the side of Austria. It 
may be ascribed to the advice of Napoleon 
that the hesitating Italian Premier, La 
Marmora, concluded a treaty, to hold for 
three months, on April 8th, 1866. 

Bismarck wished to employ this period 
in pushing on the German question. He 
intended to show the nation that it must 
look to Prussia alone for the fulfilment of 
its wishes for union. Prussia proposed on 
April loth, in the Diet of Frankfort, to 
summon a German Parliament on the 
basis of universal suffrage. In order to 
separate Bavaria from Austria, a proposal 
was made to the former state that the 
supreme command of the German federal 
troops should be divided ; Prussia should 
command in the north, Bavaria 
in the south. But Bismarck's 
intention, sincere as it was, 
did not meet with the approval 
of the majority of the German people. 
The Liberals asserted that the conversion 
of Bismarck to the idea of a German 
Parliament with universal suffrage was not 
genuine, and derided the idea that a 
government which did not respect the 


L ber&I 
Mistrust of 


right of popular representation in its own 
country would unite Germany under a 
Parliamentary constitution. So rooted 
was the distrust of Prussia that Bavaria 
refused this favourable proposal. Pfordten, 
the Minister, was in his heart not averse 
to the plan ; but the court, especially 
Prince Charles, the uncle of the young King 
. , Ludwig II., urged an alliance 

jj^*j."*^* with Austria. When Austria 

Prospects ^^^ *^^^ ^^^ prospects of win- 
ning over to her side the minor 
German states had improved, the war 
party in Vienna gained the ascendancy, 
and the cautious counsels of Mensdorfi 
were disregarded. During the course of 
April, however, negotiations were begun 
between Vienna and Berlin for a simulta- 
neous disarmament on both sides ; and, 
as the result of a conciliatory note of 
Austria, prospects of peace were tem- 
porarily disclosed. King William thought 
that Prussia ought not to be obstinate in 
resisting all attempts at an understanding. 

This more peaceful tendency was nulli- 
fied by the preparations of Italy, which 
watched with uneasiness the inauguration 
of better relations between Prussia and 
Austria. By command of King Victor 
Emmanuel some 100,000 men were enrolled 
in the army during the month of April. 
As a result of this, the Emperor Francis 
Joseph, disregarding the warnings of 
Count Mensdorff, ordered the mobilisation 
of the southern army on April 21st, and 
that of the northern army on the 27th. 

The counsellors of King WiUiam, who 
were urging war, thus were given weighty 
reasons why Prussia could not remain 
behind in her preparations. The king 
was in any case already convinced of the 
necessity of crossing swords with Austria, 
since he contemplated even in April a 
sudden attack on the still unprepared 
imperial capital. But since he was un- 
willing to appear in the eyes of Europe 
as the breaker of the peace, he had 
On th waited for the mobilisation 
y^ * of Austria. Now the same 

ofW»r ^^^P^ '^^^^ taken by him 
between May 5th and 12th. 
War was thus almost inevitable. The 
Vienna Cabinet, which did not under- 
rate the dangers of an attack from two 
sides simultaneously, resolved at the 
eleventh hour on a complete change of 
pohcy towards Italy. Of late years the 
sale of the province of Venetia had been 
refused, as detrimental to the honour of 

Austria ; she was now willing to relinquish 
the province, in order to have a free hand 
for a war of conquest against Prussia. 
Prince Metternich, the Austrian ambas- 
sador at Paris, was commissioned to call 
in the mediation of Napoleon III. 

The Vienna Cabinet was willing to pledge 
itself to cede Venetia, on condition that 
Italy remained neutral in the coming war 
and that Austria was then able to conquer 
Silesia. Napoleon thought it a stroke of 
good fortune to have received simultaneous 
proposals from Prussia and Austria. By 
a skilful employment of the situation the 
aggrandisement of France in the north or 
east was virtually assured. 

When he communicated the offer of 
Austria to the Italian Government, the 
latter justly retorted that the con- 
ditional promise of a cession of Venetia 
did not present the slightest certainty; 
the conquest of Silesia by Austria 
was doubtful, and if it did succeed, 
Austria's position would be so much 
improved that she would certainly not 
feel disposed to redeem her pledge. 
Thereupon Austria professed readiness to 
J . sign a treaty which should 

Tem ted b ^^^^^^ Venetia unconditionally 
AuTtria ^ ^° ^^^ Italians, This offer 
presented a great temptation 
to Italy, but could only be accepted at 
the expense of a flagrant breach of faith 
towards Prussia. The Italian Cabinet, 
after a debate of several hours, re- 
solved on May 14th to refuse the offer, 
since the wish for war was already kindled 
in Italy, and the acceptance of the gift 
would certainly have been attributed by 
the republican portion of the population 
to the craven and dishonourable policy 
of the House of Savoy. 

The negotiations, nevertheless, were so 
far profitable to Austria that Italy was no 
longer arming for a war to the knife, since 
she was almost certain to gain Venetia 
even if the result of the war was less 
favourable. Austrian diplomacy further 
succeeded in establishing closer relations 
with France. Napoleon once more at- 
tempted to induce Prussia to give a dis- 
tinct undertaking with reference to cessions 
of territory on the Rhine. Bismarck, 
however, put him off with general promises ; 
his " dilatory " diplomacy, as he after- 
wards expressed himself, aimed at rousing 
in Napoleon the belief that he was quite 
ready to be somewhat of a traitor to his 
country, but that the king would not hear 


a word of any cession of German territory 
to France. His policy was both bold and 
astute ; he secured the neutrality of the 
emperor, without giving him the slightest 
pledge which compromised Prussia. 

Napoleon, like almost all Frenchmen 
of that time, was convinced that Austria 
in the struggle with Prussia had the 
military superiority. For that reason the 
emperor had induced Italy to form an 
alliance with Prussia, in order to restore 
the balance of power ; and similarly, 
he wished to secure his position for the 
probable event of an Austrian victory. 
Napoleon, therefore, concluded a secret 
treaty with the Vienna 
Cabinet on June 12th, in 
which Austria undertook 
to cede Venice, even in 
the event of a victory, to 
Italy, which the emperor 
always favoured. The 
scheme which he had 
now made the goal of 
his policy was as follows : 
Venetia was to be ceded 
to Italy, Silesia to Austria, 
Schleswig - Holstein and 
other North German dis- 
tricts to Prussia, which, 
in turn, would have to 
give up considerable 
territory on the Rhine 
to France. But instead 
of arming in order to 
carry out this desirable so- 
lution, Napoleon thought 
he would pose as arbitra- 

Germany was averse to Prussia. Any hope 
that Bavaria and Hanover would remain 
neutral disappeared ; Saxony was closely 
united with Austria. It was peculiarly 
painful to King William that he was be- 
sieged with petitions from Prussian towns 
and communities praying for the mainten- 
ance of peace. Intense aversion to the 
war prevailed, especially in the Catholic 
districts on the Rhine ; when the members 
of the Landwehr were called up, there 
was actual insubordination shown in some 
places. The king, therefore, considered it 
advisable to entertain the proposals for 
mediation which were being mooted. 
When Anton von Gab- 
lenz, a Saxon landowner 
and brother of the Aus- 
trian general, came to 
Berlin, to recommend a 
partition of Germany 
between the two Powers, 
he received full authority 
to place this proposal 
before the Vienna Cabinet. 
But the Austrian Min- 
istry rejected that media- 
tion, obviously because 
the Government had 
already decided for a 
war, and because Austria 
could no longer desert 
the minor German states, 
with which she practically 
had come to terms, and let 
them be partitioned at 
the last moment. It was 
Austria now who urged on 

tor of Europe after the Thrhis^Jo'iVof tws monI^crwh7sucred"d to the war and rendered Bis- 
exhaustion of his rivals, the throne of Bavaria in 186-1, is a particularly marck s steps easier. 1 hc 
That was his mistake. The ^»^f„fsre« andla^iS.'anTi^Wm^^^^^^^ Vienna Cabinet thus re- 

Italy of i860, unprepared sanity, drowned himself near his castle of Berg, fused the propOSal, emaU- 

and poorly armed, had From * photograph ^^^^ from Napoleon, to 


been easily forced to give up Nice and 
Savoy ; but Napoleon never suspected that 
Prussia after the war would be strong 
enough to refuse the claims of France. His 
mistake lay in adopting one and the same 
line of policy with Cavour and Bismarck, 
with ItaUans and Germans. 

The nearer the war came the more 
unfavourable became the diplomatic situa- 
tion of Prussia. The ambassador at Paris, 
Count Goltz, warned his countrymen 
not to depend on the neutrality of Napo- 
leon. The governments of the German 
secondary states felt themselves menaced 
by the propositions for federal reform, 
and public opinion in South and West 

send representatives to a congress, on the 
ground that the fate of Venetia would 
form the object of the negotiations ; 
one Great Power coiild not aUow other 
states to decide on its rights of ownership. 
King William still hesitated to give the 
signal for war. By June 5th all Prussian 
army divisions on the southern frontier 
had taken up their posts. Moltke thought 
that the Prussian corps should advance 
concentrically into Saxony and Bohemia 
and attack the Austrians, who could 
hardly be ready to fight for another 
three weeks. But the king preferred to 
await the process of the hostile measures 
which the Vienna Cabinet was already 



taking in Schleswig-Holstein and Frank- 
fort. Indeed, great impetuosity was 
shown at Vienna. The Austrian Govern- 
ment summoned the Estates of Holstein to 
discuss the fate of the country, although by 
the terms of the treaty the duty was in- 
cumbent on them of exercising no control 
over Holstein without the assent of Prussia, 
p . When Prussia retorted by 

rassian marching troops into Holstein, 
roops in ^j^^ Vienna Cabinet called upon 
the German Confederation to 
order the mobilisation of the Federal 
Army against the violation of the Federal 
Treaty by Prussia. The decisive sitting of 
the Federal Diet was held on June 14th. 
Prussia had explained to the minor 
states that she would regard the resolu- 
tion to rnobilise as a declaration of 
war. Nevertheless a motion of Bavaria 
was voted on, which, even if not expressly 
aimed against Prussia, still had for its 
object the formation of a federal army. 
When the motion was carried by nine 
to six votes, the Prussian plenipotentiary, 
Savigny, announced the withdrawal of 
Prussia from the Confederation. King 
William immediately afterwards gave the 
order for the invasion of Saxony, Hanover, 
and Electoral Hesse. 

At the outbreak of the war some 
290,000 Prussians were ready to march 
into Austria and Saxony ; only 48,000 
were intended to fight the minor states. 
The latter, indeed, could put about 
120,000 soldiers in the field ; but Moltke 
went on the principle that the decisive 
blow must be struck on the chief scene of 
war with superior forces. The first blow 
was aimed at Hanover, Electoral Hesse, 
and Nassau, whose sovereigns had refused 
to promise neutrality. The blind King 
George V. of Hanover declared to the 
Prussian ambassador that compliance 
with the demand of Prussia was equivalent 
to his being mediatised ; but that he would 
never allow himself to be mediatised — 
„ . he would rather die an hon- 

anoverians Q^j-^^j-j^g death. Manteuffel 
Retire Before , , j j -^i 1 ■ 

..... thereupon advanced with his 

the Austrians ,. . . ^ . ^ ._ . 

division into Hanover from 

Holstein, while Goeben and Beyer advanced 
from the west. General Vogel von Falcken- 
stein held the supreme command of these 
troops. The Hanoverians, 18,000 strong, 
retreated before this superior force towards 
the south, and were successful in escaping 
the first plan, which calculated that they 
would still be at Gottingen ; so that 

Falckenstein actually believed they had 
slipped from him. He abandoned the pur- 
suit for a time ; the troops of King George 
might have thus reached the forest of 
Thuringia by way of Gotha and Eisenach, 
and escaped to Bavaria in safety. 

It was only on Moltke's urgent warnings 
that Falckenstein finally sent Goeben's 
division to Eisenach ; the road by way of 
Gotha was barred to them by General von 
Flies. King George thus saw himself sur- 
rounded. Flies, who was nearest to him, 
attacked him on June 27th, with 9,000 
men at Langensalza. The outnumbered 
Hanoverians bravely held the field ; but 
immediately afterwards the net was drawn 
closer round them, and King George was 
forced to surrender on June 29th. 

The Prussian main army was faced by 
248,000 Austrians, who were joined by 
23,000 Saxons. The Austrian commander 
was Ludwig von Benedek, who had reaped 
a rich harvest of honours in the campaigns 
of 1848, 1849, and 1859 ; in the battle of 
Solferino he held the field on the right 
wing, and did not retire until the rest of 
the army had left the scene of action. He 
had been commander-in- 

imi a lona ^ c^jef of the Austrian army 
of the Austrian - - ^ J- 


in Italy, which he expected 
to command in the next war. 
He was imperturbable, experienced, and 
high-minded, but he recognised the limita- 
tions of his abilities. He knew that he was 
only adapted to be a general under less im- 
portant conditions, such as on the scene of 
war in Upper Italy ; he was lacking in the 
intellect and thorough military education 
requisite for the leader of a large army. 

When finally against his will he ac- 
cepted the supreme command against 
Prussia, he had to receive lectures from 
one of his officers on the military geo- 
graphy of Germany. Since popular opinion, 
not merely in Austria but also in South 
Germany, expected his nomination to the 
command of the northern army, the 
Emperor Francis Joseph begged him to 
overcome his scruples. He refused, and 
only gave way after the emperor had repre- 
sented to him that he could not be allowed 
to desert the dynasty at a crisis. The army 
was stationed in Moravia, resting on 
Olmiitz, and Bohemia was occupied only 
by a small number of troops. In this latter 
country barely one army corps was sta- 
tioned, under Count Eduard von Clam- 
Gallas ; the Saxons thereupon retreated. 
Moltke's original plan to open the war 


by an attack, and by June 6th to invade 
Bohemia from all sides, had not been put 
into practice. The divisions of the 
Prussian army were at this time posted 
in a long line of 250 miles from Halle to 
Neisse. According to Moltke's plan, they 
were to unite their forces in the enemy's 
country. But when the attack had to be 
postponed, and it was reported at the 
Prussian headquarters that the Austrians 
were in Moravia, it was thought that 
Benedek was aiming a blow at Silesia. 
The divisions of the Prussian army, 
therefore, which were stationed to the 
east, pushed towards the left and took up 
a very strong position on the Neisse. 
This delay in taking the offensive was 
turned to account as soon 
as war • was determined 
upon. On June 15th the 
advance guard of the army 
of the Elbe, 49,000 men, 
under Bitterfeld, marched 
into Saxony. The first army 
of 97,000 men assembled in 
Lusatia under Prince Fre- 
deric Charles ; the second 
army, finally 121,000 strong, 
was stationed in Silesia 
under the Crown Prince 
Frederic William. The corps 
of Von der Miilbe, 25,000 
men, mostly militia, fol- 
lowed as a reserve. All the 
divisions were ordered to 

The Pl&ns 
of Austri&'s 

by his intelligence department of the de- 
tached position of the Prussians, wished to 
lead his army opportunely between the 
advancing divisions and to defeat one after 
the other before they combined. The first 
army reached Reichenberg on June 23rd 
and pressed on towards the Iser ; the army 
of the Elbe marched parallel 
to it. The second army was 
still on Silesian soil, advanc- 
ing towards the passes of the 
Riesengebirge — 'the Giant Mountains. As 
Benedek established his headquarters at 
Josefstadt in Bohemia on June 26th, and 
Prince Frederic Charles had already tra- 
versed Northern Bohemia, the Austrian 
leader selected him for his first opponent. 
He ordered the two corps 
which he had stationed in 
Bohemia — the Austrian 
under Clam-Gallas, and the 
Saxon, 60,000 men in all — 
to face Prince Frederic 
Charles on the Iser in order 
to detain him. He himself 
put the main body of his 
army in movement towards 
the Iser. The troops of 
the Crown Prince crossed 
the Bohemian frontier in 
the passes of the Riesenge- 
birge on June 26th ; 
Benedek, therefore, while 
wishing to attack Prince 
•Frederic Charles with six 
army corps in all, sent back 

enter Bohemia on June ludwig von 'Bunedek 

2ist, and the district of in the campaigms of i848, 1849, and 1859 two corps under Gablentz 

Jitschin was fixed as the ^rn'^fsredtmsX^uUnlhe^lrl^Lllili and Ramming to guard the 

rendezvous, where they were Prussia, when in chief command of Aus- mouutaiu passes against the 

to meet on June 28th. In triasa«ny, he sufiferedhamUiating defeat. ^^^^^ _^^^ g-^^^ ^^^ 

consequence of the shifting- of the 
Silesian corps towards the south-east on 
the Neisse, the distance which the army 
of the Crown Prince had to traverse .to 
J itschin was longer than the lines of md^ch 
of Prince Frederic Charles and of the. army 
of the Elbe. The separate advance"^of the 
Prussian divisions into Bohemia was 
^ , thns attended with consider- 
j.° * * able danger. Moltke, whose 
P . j^ hands had been hitherto tied 
oresig ^y diplomatic considerations, 
knew this ; and, remaining behind at 
first with the king in Berlin, he directed 
the movements of the three armies with 
marvellous foresight. 

The Austrians received the order on 
June 20th to march out of their quarters 
in Moravia. Benedek, accurately informed 

movements of the Prussians were admirably 
combined, and 'one army was eager to 
relieve the otH^r, these two Austrian corps 
were vigorously attacked on June 27th. 
Thus the Prussiatt J. corps under General 

.Adolf von Bonin \^^s pitted against the 
Austrian corps of Gat^lentz at Trautenau, 
while General Steinmgtz met Ramming's 

I force at Nachod. These sanguinary encoun- 
ters resulted in a defeat of the Austrians at 

' the latter place, and a victory at the former. 
Nevertheless, it was already clear that 
the ^Prussian tactics were far superior 
to these of Austria. The Prussian needle- 
gun iired three times as fast as the Austrian 
muzzle-loader ; and, apart from this, the 
" shock tactics " of the Austrians, who 
tried to storm heights and belts of forest 
with the bayonet, were to a high degree 



disastrous. The Prussians brought the 
enemy's attack to a standstill by rapid 
firing ; they then threw themselves in 
smaller divisions on the flanks of their 
adversary, and completed his overthrow. 
Hence the terrible losses of the Austrians 
even after a successful charge. At Trau- 
tenau, although victors, they lost 183 
officers and 4,231 men killed and wounded, 
the Prussians only 56 officers and 1,282 
men ; at Nachod 5,700 Austrians fell and 
only 1,122 Prussians. The superiority 
of the Prussians was manifest in the pre- 
parations for the war, in tactics, and in the 
better education of the officers and men. 

On the evening of June 27th the gravity 
of these facts was not yet realised in the 
Austrian headquarters. Benedek therefore 
adhered to his plan of continuing his 
advance against Frederic Charles. This 
was, however, dangerous, because the 
nearer enemy, the Crown Prince, would 
certainly put himself more in evidence on 
the next day. The Austrian's alternative 
was to abandon the attack on the first 
army and to hurl himself with all available 
troops against the second army. If this 
had been done, the Crown Prince would 
have had to contend against an attack by 
superior numbers. This was known at the 

Prussian headquarters, and Frederic 
William and his chief of the general staff, 
Leonhard von Blumenthal, made up their 
minds that they would have hard fighting 
on their further advance through the 
mountain passes. Bonin, after his re- 
verse of June 27th, had returned to 
Prussian territory, whereas the Guards 
advanced on the road to Eipel, and Stein- 
metz from Nachod towards Skalitz. 

The Crown Prince waited with his staff 
in the middle between these two columns, 
ready to hasten to the post of danger. The 

_. _ coolness and caution of the 

The Crown , , ■ j ■ xu 

p . generalship, considermg the 

. g . difficult position, could not be 
surpassed. Benedek, however, 
obstinately held to his original plan. He 
actually inspected, on the morning of 
June 28th, the three corps concentrated 
against Steinmetz, without striking a blow 
at him with these superior numbers. On 
the contrary, he ordered the greater part 
of these troops to march against Frederic 
Charles, and commissioned the Archduke 
Leopold in particular to take up a strong 
position behind the Elbe. By so doing he 
abandoned a favourable chance and made a 
miscalculation, for that very day the troops 
of the Crown Prince came up with the 

Attacked by the Pnissians at Langensalza, on Junr 27th, 1866, while on their way to join the Bavarian forces, the 
Hanoveri*n« beld the field and grained a noUble victory, the Pnissians having a thousand men killed jind wounded. 


This battle, fougrht on June 28th, 18()<i, between the Prussians and the Austrians, ended in a severe defeat of the 
latter, who left behind on the field no fewer than 5,000 men out of a total of 20,000 talcing part in the fight. 

combined Austrian forces both at Skalitz 
and Trautenau. Archduke Leopold, con- 
trary to Benedek's orders, offered battle at 
Skalitz, and brought a complete defeat on 
himself; out of the 20,000 Austrians, 5,000 
were left on the field of battle. At the 
same time Gablenz, who had been vic- 
torious on the previous day at Trautenau, 
was defeated by the Guards under Prince 
Augustus of Wiirtemberg near Trautenau. 
The Crown Prince had thus forced his way 
through the passes on June 28th, and as a 
result of this the way to the Elbe was free. 
Meanwhile, the advance guard of Prince 
Frederic Charles reached the 
ene e j^^ ^^ June 26th. The army 
epresse ^^ ^^^ Austrians and Saxons 
^ * ** tried unsuccessfully to dispute 
the passage in a sanguinary night encounter 
at Podol ; but the prince followed up 
his victory somewhat slowly, and allowed 
his advance to be checked by the rear- 
guard action, unfavourable indeed to the 
Austrians, at Miinchengratz on June 28th. 
A message from Moltke, however, made 
him press forward more rapidly. 

Benedek had meantime learnt with deep 
inward perturbation that his three corps, 
which had been moved against the Crown 
Prince, were defeated. This news pro- 
duced such an effect on him that he gave 
up the offensive which he had intended to 

assume against Prince Frederic Charles. 
He resolved, on the advice of Krismanic, 
the " strategist of positions," to take up 
a naturally strong defensive position on 
the hills above the Elbe, and to await 
there subsequent attacks. He also sent 
to the combined Austrian-Saxon army an 
order to retire on to the main army. But 
unfortunately the intelligence department 
at his headquarters was so dilatory that 
this order had not arrived when the troops 
of Prince Frederic Charles attacked the 
Saxons and the corps of Clam-Gallas on 
the afternoon of June 29th, at Jitschin. 

The commanders of the allies must have 
thought that the main army was near at 
hand, and that they ought therefore to 
defend Jitschin, the junction of the roads. 
They accepted the battle, and at first 
successfully resisted. Then about seven 
o'clock the Austrian officer arrived and 
handed in the order to retreat. The 
Austrians now wished to discontinue the 
battle, but were involved in disastrous 
engagements by the keen advance of the 
Prussians and were completely beaten. 

The Saxons of the Crown Prince Albert 
withdrew in good order ; but the corps 
of Clam-Gallas broke up on the retreat, 
which lasted the whole night and the 
following day, and they reached the 
main army in a deplorable condition. 



The strong position occupied in the 
meantime by the Austrian main army was 
thus rendered untenable, for the two army 
corps which were supposed to form the 
left wing were defeated, and Prince 
Frederic Charles could attack the Aus- 
trians in flank and rear. Benedek was 
therefore forced to give the order for 
retreat in the night of June 

in » Sad 

Prussians did not follow him 
at once, they did not know 
how far he had led his army back. King 
William and Moltke had meanwhile 
reached the army of Prince Frederic 
Charles on July ist. 

Moltke believed that the Austrians had 
occupied a strong position behind the Elbe, 
and were waiting behind the fortresses of 
Josefstadt and Koniggratz for the attack. 
They were, however, already halting behind 
the Bistritz, a tributary of the Elbe, where 
they had arrived exhausted by a dis- 
orderly night march. Benedek, through 
these events, had lost all hope of victory, 
and decided on a further retreat behind the 
Elbe, and, if necessary, even to Olmiitz or 
towards Vienna. 

This gloomy state of affairs was ex- 
pressed in a telegram which was sent 
immediately afterwards by the Austrian 
commander to the emperor, urgently 
advising him to conclude peace at any 
price. A disaster for the army was inevit- 
able. Francis Joseph beheved, however, 
that he could not own himself con- 
quered without a pitched battle. He 
therefore answered : " Peace is impossible. 
We must retreat if necessary. Has any 
battle taken place ? " This expression of 
the emperor's will seems to have deter- 
mined Benedek to accept a pitched battle, 
and as the Prussians were rapidly advanc- 
ing he made instant preparations for it. 

Late in the evening of July 2nd the news 
was brought to the Prussian headquarters 
that the Austrians were still in front of 
. the Elbe, ready to accept 

niM ans ^^^q challenge. It was deter- 
- **.^. . mined by King William and 
Moltke, after deliberation, to 
attack the enemy at once in full force, and 
orders were sent that night to the Crown 
Prince to summon him to start at once. 
Blumenthal had lately advised the two 
Prussian armies, who were no longer pre- 
vented from joining forces, to concentrate 
tactically to the west of the Elbe, in order 
thus to obviate the danger of being 


separated in a pitched battle. Moltke, 
however, ordered that the plan of separa- 
ting the armies should still be observed, 
but in such a way that the armies on the 
day of battle might join forces by a rapid 
march. He wanted to be able to attack 
the Austrians in the front with one army, 
and on the flank with another. The great- 
ness of Moltke Hes in this bold strategy, 
which aims at the complete annihilation 
of the enemy by enclosing him between 
broad advancing masses ; the application 
of this method enabled him in 1870 to 
capture entire armies. 

The Austrians and Saxons on the morn- 
ing of the battle of Koniggratz, July 3rd, 
were 215,000 men strong, drawn up in 
close formation. The great disadvantage 
of their position was that they had the 
Elbe in their rear ; but, of course, several 
bridges had been thrown across it. The 
centre and the left wing pointed west, 
and awaited the attack ot Prince Frederic 
Charles ; the right wing, consisting of 
the fourth and second corps, was ordered to 
face north, since the advance of the second 
army might be expected from that quarter. 
The Crown Prince, following the 
The great Qj-(jgj-s given him, started im- 
Battle in » 


mediately at early morning, 
but he did not reach the battle- 
field before noon. In the meantime the 
first army attacked the centre ; the 
Elbe army, the right wing of the Austrian 
army. The Elbe army made good pro- 
gress ; on the other hand. Prince Frederic 
Charles vainly exhausted his efforts 
against the strong centre of the Austrians. 
The Austrian artillery was planted in 
tiers on the hills of Chlum, Lipa, and 
Langenhof, and at once precluded any 
attempt at an infantry attack. Since 
Prince Frederic Charles was compelled to 
wait until the Crown Prince joined his 
left wing, the weak spot in his line was 
there, for the Austrians, temporarily 
superior in numbers, might outflank him. 
It was fortunate for the Prussians that 
the seventh division was stationed there 
under Fransecky, who covered the weak- 
ness of his position by a determined and 
splendid offensive. He advanced into the 
Swiepwald, drove out the Austrians, and 
from that position harassed their right 
wing, which was ordered to hold its ground 
against the expected attack of the Crown 
Prince. The Austrians thereupon, in the 
hope of overwhelming Fransecky, made a 
counter attack, which was at first 


repelled with loss, and the wood could not 
be captured by the Austrians until a 
part of the second corps turned against 
Fransecky. Hitherto eleven Prussian 
battalions had held their ground against 
fifty-nine Austrian battalions. 

The battle, however, at noon was ex- 
tremely favourable to the Austrians. 
. . King William looked anxiously 

nxious ^ towards the north, where the 
Moments in /-< t~> - i. j i i. 

th F* ht Crown Pnnce had long been 
vainly expected. Benedek de- 
liberated whether he ought not now to bring 
up his strong reserves and win a victory 
by a vigorous assault on the Prussian 
centre. But he felt crippled by the news, 
which reached him three hours earUer than 
King William and Moltke, that the Crown 
Prince was approaching. Benedek saw 
also, with uneasiness, how his right wing, 
intent upon the struggle in the Swiepwald, 
left great gaps towards the north. 

It thus happened that the second 
army, when it came on the scene at noon, 
was able at the first onset to overlap 
the Austrian right wing. The Prussian 
Guards and the sixth corps were in the 
first line ; the corps of Boriin and Stein- 
metz followed after. The Guards, after 
a short fight, captured, the key of the 
Austrian position, the village of Chlum, 
and soon afterwards Lipa also. Startling 
as was this onslaught of the Prussians, and 
great as was its success, Benedek still 
thought it possible to retrieve the day. 
He brought up his reserves in order to 
retake Chlum. The Austrians, charging 
bravely, actually drove back the Guards 
by their superior force. They were on the 
point of entering Chlum when, rather late, 
the Prussian corps under' Bonin appeared, 
repulsed the Austrians, and soon after- 
wards assured their defe§if. 

The army of Prince Frederic Charles, 
hitherto kept in check, now advanced, 
and the Prussian cavalry was called upon 
to complete the victory. Although the 
The Victor Austrian cavalry stopped this 
with the °'^ pursuit in the battle of Stresche- 
Pnitsinns ^*^' *^^ mafeses of infantry, 
abandoning all order, poured 
down on the Elbe, looking fbr the bridges 
over the river. It was fortunate for them 
that they were not pursued by the Prussian 
infantry. The Austrians, although terrible 
disorder prevailed in places among them 
while crossing the Elbe, were able to 
reach the left bank of the river in the night 
of July 4th. Their losses were terrible ; 


they amounted in all to more than 
44,000 men, some half of whorrf,' wounded 
or unwounded, were taken prisoners. 
The Prussians had 1,335 killed and 9,200 
wounded. Most of the Austrians had 
fallen during their fruitless attacks in 
dense masses on the Prussian needle-guns. 
This crushing disaster was only slightly 
compensated by the victory which the 
Austrians won over the Italians at Custoza, 
ten days earlier. 

Francis Joseph thought it necessary 
after the battle of Koniggratz to call in 
the mediation of France. The official 
Paris journal announced on July 5th, 1866, 
that Venetia had been ceded by Austria 
to the Emperor Napoleon. Austria 
counted confidently that the French Em- 
peror would urge Italy to neutrality, and 
would check the victorious career of 
Prussia by stationing an army on the 
Rhine. Advice to this effect was given to 
the emperor by his Minister of the Ex- 
terior, Drouyn de I'Huys. But France was 
not prepared for war ; the emperor was 
at that time incapacitated by a torturing 
disease, and he therefore allowed himself 
_ to be persuaded by Prince 

P 11 f Jerome, as well as by his Minis- 
p ters, the Marquis de Lavalette 

and Eugene Rouher, to abandon 
the idea of hostilities against Prussia, in 
order to win territorial concessions from 
King William by negotiations. The Prus- 
sian ambassador. Count Goltz, adroitly 
represented to him how much more favour- 
able an amicable arrangement with 
Prussia would be for him. From this 
moment France had played for the last 
time her role as leading power in Europe. 

Prussia was energetic in reaping the 
fruits of her victory. Goltz kept Napoleon 
in suspense by courteous hints, without 
pledging the Prussian Government in any 
matter. When the French diplomatist, 
Benedetti, appeared at the Prussian head- 
quarters in Moravia, with a commission 
from Napoleon, the circumstance aroused 
fear in Bismarck that Napoleon would 
now come forward with his claims ; but it 
appeared that Benedetti had none but 
vague orders, and was only intended to 
hinder the entry of the Prussians into the 
Austrian capital. Meantime Benedek in 
his rapid retreat had reached Olmiitz 
with his army. The second army was 
ordered to watch and follow him, while 
the first marched southward on Vienna. 
Since Austria thought its southern 


frontier was secured by the cession of 
Venetia, the larger part of the field army 
stationed in Italy, 57,000 men, was ordered 
to the northern theatre of war. Archduke 
Albert assumed the supreme command. 
Benedek was instructed to withdraw from 
Olmiitz to the Danube, in order that the 
newly collected army might be on the 
defensive behind the river. But the 
defeated general loitered so long in Olmiitz 
that detachments of the army of the 
Crown Prince were able to get in front of 
his army. Benedek's marching columns 
were attacked on July 15th, near Tobit- 
schau, south of Olmiitz, and suffered a 
serious reverse ; eighteen cannon fell into 
the hands of the Prussians. Benedek was 
thus forced to abandon his march south- 
ward, and withdrew towards Hungary, in 
order to reach the Danube by a detour 
along the Waag. In consequence of this, 
the Prussians were able to appear on the 
Danube earlier than he could. 

Meantime the Prussians were fighting 
successfully against the minor states. The 
Bavarians were attacked and defeated by 
Goeben's division at Kissingen on J uly loth, 
. 1866. Although Moltke now 
Conquermg o^^jg^ed General FalckensteJn 

f^ . to pursue at once the main body 
of Prussia , *1, ^1 t^ • 

of the enemy, the Bavarians, 

and crush them, Falckenstein thought it 
better to capture Frankfort first. He 
defeated the Federal Corps in the engage- 
ments of Laufach and Aschaifenburg, and 
entered the Free City victoriously. But 
since by so doing he had disobeyed the 
orders from the king's headquarters, he 
was deprived of the supreme command, 
and on July 19th General Manteuffel took 
his place. Once more the Prussians were 
enabled to attack individually their dis- 
united opponents, and to defeat, first the 
Federal Corps at Bischofsheim and Wert- 
heim, and then the Bavarians at Neu- 
brunn and Rossbrunn. 

Goltz, yielding to the pressure of Napo- 
leon, had concluded with him, on July 
14th, preliminary agreements as a basis for 
peace. The withdrawal of Austria from 
the German Confederation was fixed as 
the first condition ; but the dominions of 
the Austrian monarchy were not to suffer 
any loss except that of Venetia. Prussia, 
in addition, stipulated for the right to 
form a North-German Confederation under 
her own military supremacy, and to annex 
Schleswig-Holstein. A South-German 
Confederation was to be organised, with an 


independent position on every side. Napo- 
leon intervened with these proposals 
between the two belligerent states. Bis- 
marck would have been glad if he could 
have concluded peace with Austria without 
Napoleon, since there was always the fear 
that France would come forward during 
the negotiations with demands of territory 
. ^ . , for herself. Bismarck explained 
a ^.^ this to the Vienna Cabinet, and 

Mistake added that Prussia in this case 
would renounce any claim for 
indemnification of the costs of the war. 
But Austria made the mistake of 
regarding France as a friend, and declined 
the offer. This was a serious error, since 
Napoleon was solely animated by the wish 
to win, through good offices to Prussia, the 
consent of the latter to his designs on 
Belgium and the Rhenish provinces. 

Napoleon therefore, when King William 
declared that the terms agreed upon by his 
ambassador in Paris on July 14th were 
insufficient, and demanded the annexation 
of extensive districts of North Germany, 
lost no time in giving his assent to the 
demand ; he would have sacrificed even 
Saxony on these grounds without com- 
punction. Prussia had now secured the 
prize of victory, and concluded an armistice 
with Austria. Immediately before that, 
Moltke wished to make another successful 
coup. General Fransecky was ordered to 
occupy Pressburg, in order that on any 
outbreak of war the Prussian army might 
secure the passage of the Danube. An 
engagement was fought at Blumenau on 
July 22nd ; but it was left undecided, 
since at noon both sides received the news 
that an armistice had been concluded. 

The preliminary peace was signed in 
Nicholsburg. The parties were soon agreed, 
since Austria, after her severe defeat, was 
forced to consent that Prussia should have 
a free hand in Germany, King William 
would indeed gladly have acquired 
for Prussia some Austrian territory, 
especially Austrian Silesia and 
ft* * '^ * parts of Northern Bohemia. He 
* * w ^^^y gave way at the representa- 
tions of Bismarck that if he 
pressed his claims too much he would risk 
what he had already won. The last difficulty 
disappeared when Prussia consented to a 
condition laid down by Austria and re- 
cognised the inviolability of the kingdom 
of Saxony. The preliminary peace was 
concluded on this basis on July 26th, The 
Treaty of Prague followed on August 23rd. 



The convention between Austria and 
Italy presented more difficulties. The 
Italian admiral, Persano, at the outset of 
the war received orders to secure a pledge 
for Italy by occupying the Dalmatian 
island of Lissa. During the bombardment 
of the capital of the island the Austrian 
admiral Tegetthofi appeared on the scene, 
_. , attacked the Italian fleet on 

Bismarck s j^j^ ^^^^ ^g^^^ ^^^ ^^^ .. j^. 

Di ''lomic ti'It^ia ' ' with his own flagship, 
ip omaey ^^^ forced the Italian fleet to 
retire. Since Garibaldi also, on invading 
the Italian Tyrol, was defeated by the 
Austrian general Kuhn in several engage- 
ments, Italy was compelled to be satisfied 
with the treaty concluded on October 3rd, 
by which Venetia was ceded. 

The superior diplomacy of Bismarck 
was now able, under the impression caused 
by the Prussian victories, to unite non- 
Austrian Germany, hitherto torn by fac- 
tions, at any rate against the contingency 
of a war. Above all, he induced the king 
to terminate the conflict with the Prussian 
House of Representatives by offering the 
hand of friendship to it in his speech from 
the throne on August 5th, 1866. There were 
irreconcilable Conservatives who urged 
the king to use the foreign victory for the 
complete overthrow of the Liberal party ; 
but the royal speech expressly recognised 
that the expenditure incurred for military 
purposes would have subsequently to be 
sanctioned by the Landtag, and therefore 
asked an indemnity for such expenses. 

In this point the kmg followed, not with- 
out hesitation, the advice of Bismarck. 
In the conversation with the President of 
the House of Representatives he declared 
that in a similar case he would not be able 
to act otherwise than he had done before ; 
but this statement, for which Bismarck 
declined responsibility, was, fortunately, 
not made public until later. Not less 
_ J . clever was his treatment of the 

.v" *n*"'*. conquered secondary states. 
the Prussian t,- ^ i , ^i • • , 

-, . Bismarck set up the pnnciple 

rri ory ^^^^ ^^^^ incorporation or a 

complete amnesty to the individual 
states was the just course ; the entry of 
those who were chosen members of the new 
federation ought not to be burdened with 
hard conditions. Hanover, Hesse-Cassel, 
Nassau, and Frankfort-on-Main were fully 
incorporated, by which means the Prussian 
territory was enlarged by 27,638 square 

miles. On the other hand, the demands 
for a war indemnity imposed by 
Prussia on the remaining states were 
moderate. The greatest triumph of his 
negotiations was that Wiirtemberg, Baden, 
and Bavaria concluded, between the 13th 
and 2ist August, 1866, a defensive and 
offensive alliance, on the basis of which 
their military forces were, in case of war, 
to be under the command of Prussia. 
These provisions, which were kept secret 
for the moment, constitute the foundation 
of the union of Germany. 

This favourable event had been chiefly 
effected by the action of Napoleon, who 
had unwisely let the right time slip past, 
and only now stretched out his hands to 
German territory. Bismarck, with the 
most subtle diplomatic skill, had fed the 
king with false hopes until the war was 
decided. The emperor now demanded 
the price of his neutrality. His ambas- 
sador, Benedetti, in an interview with 
Bismarck on August 5 th, demanded the 
Rhenish Palatinate with Mainz, as well 
as the district on the Saar. Bismarck 
_, then haughtily opposed him. 

. . . He threatened that, if France 

pproac lag jj^gjg^g^ upon these claims, he 

would at once, and at any 
cost, make peace with the South Germans 
and advance in alliance with them to con- 
quer Alsace and Lorraine. Napoleon 
Wcis alarmed, since his forces were no 
match for the gigantic war equipment of 
Germany. Prussia alone had 660,000 
men with the colours. 

But Bismarck took care that the 
demands of France were published in a 
Paris journal, so that the national feel- 
ing of the Germans was intensely 
aroused. On the strength of these im- 
pressions, the above-mentioned alliances 
with the South German states were 
brought about. Germany was thus put 
in a sufficiently strong position to defend 
every inch of national soil against East 
and West. Napoleon III. was diplo- 
matically defeated before he was con- 
quered on the field of battle. Drouyn 
de I'Huys, since the emperor would not 
listen to his proposals for forcing on a war, 
took farewell, and said : " I have seen three 
dynasties come and go. I know the 
signs of approaching disaster, and I with- 

Heinrich Friedjung 






^fcJ . 




r\N October 3rd, 1866, King William 
^^ formally took possession by letters- 
patent of Hanover, Hesse-Cassel, Nassau, 
and Frankfort-on-Main, which the Peace 
of Prague had assigned to him by the 
law of nations, and whose incorporation 
into Prussia had been sanctioned by the 
Landtag of the monarchy in September. 
The king declared in his speech to the 
Hanoverians on the same day that he 
honoured the grief which they experienced 
in tearing themselves from earlier and 
endeared connections, but that the in- 
terests of the nation dictated the firm 
and lasting union of Hanover with Prussia, 
and that Germany should be the gainer 
by the acquisitions of Prussia. 

However correct these principles were, a 
large part of the Hanoverians were little 
inclined to recognise them and to submit 
to the inevitable. Devotion to the Guelfic 
house, above all to the king, George V., 
whose blindness made him an 
„.* *° object of universal pity, and his 
g'"*^ y spouse, the universally beloved 
*°^^^ ' Queen Mary ; the consideration 
that the gentry of the country would be 
ousted from the exclusive possession of 
the high offices of state ; that the capital 
would be severely injured by the loss of 
the court ; that antiquated but familiar 
methods of business would be broken 
down on all sides by the Prussian freedom 
of trade and freedom of movement ; the 
traditional dislike of the Hanoverians for 
the Prussians, especially for the Berliners, 
who were decried as supercilious and 
empty-headed ; in short, personal feeling 
and practical interests combined in pro- 
ducing the result that the Prussian rule 
was only endured by the nobility, the 
clergy, and a large part of the citizens and 
peasants, with a silent indignation. 

The king, who had fled to the Castle of 
Hietzing, near Vienna, added fuel to the 
discontent by a manifesto to his people on 
October 5th, in which he declared, in 
opposition to the warrant of William I», 

that the incorporation of his land into 
Prussia was null and void, and expressed 
his confidence in the Almighty that He 
would restore Hanover to the Guelfic 
house " as He had done sixty years ago, 
when the same injustice from the same 
quarter was not allowed to continue." 
„ . Societies were secretly formed 

Hatred throughout the country whose 
of Pntssta ^^"^ ^^ *^^^ restoration, and 
it was proposed to hold a 
" Hanoverian Legion " in readiness, which, 
should a crisis arise, might be on the spot 
sword in hand. The hatred of the people 
towards Prussia was shown in the abuse 
showered on individuals, especially on 
Prussian soldiers. 

It is interesting to hear that Bismarck 
entertained the idea, which had once 
been successfully realised by Cleisthenes 
at Athens, of breaking up the existing 
combinations, and creating out of the n 
new forms of political life, which should 
facilitate the fusion of the old and new 
parts of the country. According to his 
speech in the House of Representatives 
on February 5th, 1867, he wished to re- 
divide all the country west of the Elbe 
into four large provinces, which should 
correspond to the mediaeval tribes, and 
be called Old Franconia, Westphalia, 
Lower Saxony, and Thuringia. Old and 
New Prussia were to be merged in these 
provinces as a means of softening the 
contrast between them and the rest of the 
Prussian state. Bismarck did not succeed 
in carrying out this idea ; the states, gradu- 

ally created by political 

anover gyg^ts, showed themselves 

«>verne wi g^j.^jj^„gj. than the original 

a Firm Hand , •, ° xt i fZu a 

tribes. No course was left but 

to govern the province of Hanover, which 
remained unaltered in itself, with a bene- 
volent but firm hand, and to trust in the 
all-effacing power of time. Dictatorial 
powers in the new territorial divisions had 
been granted to the Government until 
September 30th, 1867, and the Prussian 



constitution was to come into force in 
those parts on October ist, 1867. Ad- 
vantage was taken of this circumstance 
to send an order to the governor-general, 
Von Voigt-Rhetz, that all officials on whose 
implicit co-operation no reliance could be 
placed should without further delay be 
removed from their posts; a number of 
Guelf agitators also were con- 
Punishment ^^^^ ^^ ^-^^ fortress of Minden. 
of Guelf ^j^.g jjjgasure was so far effec- 
Asitators ^.^^ ^j^^^ outward tranquillity 
was restored ; but there were indications 
that among the people loyalty to the 
Guelfs was by no means predominant. 

On October ist, thirty-nine representa- 
tives to the Second Chamber, and 
seventy delegates from the communes, 
declared that they accepted the annexa- 
tion as an unalterable fact brought on 
by the obstinacy of the former Govern- 
ment itself ; and when, on October nth, 
a special Hanoverian corps, the tenth, 
was raised, 425 out of 660 Hanoverian 
officers — that is to say, almost two-thirds — 
at once went into the Prussian service, a 
circumstance which, it may be well 
understood, caused a biiter disappoint- 
ment to the banished king. 

Things went far more smoothly in 
Electoral Hesse and Nassau than in 
Hanover ; in the former the despotic rule 
of Elector Frederic William I., and in the 
latter the inconsiderate exercise of forest 
rights and the refusal to grant the Liberal 
constitution of 1849, whose restoration the 
Landtag vainly demanded, had caused the 
subjects to dislike their sovereigns so that 
the end of the system of petty states 
was universally felt to be a release from 
unendurable conditions. The feeling in 
Frankfort was very bitter, since the town 
where the ancient emperors were elected, 
one of the most important commercial 
capitcds of South Germany, was reduced 
from a Free City to a provincial Prussian 
town ; even the enormous development of 
the city, which, as soon as it 

* ' .*' was freed from its isolation, 

_.** *^ *.* outstripped all the other South 

German towns except Munich, 

could not banish the mortification felt at 

the loss of independence. 

Bismarck and the king were inde- 
fatigably busy in meeting, so far as was 
feasible, the wishes of the annexed dis- 
tricts in order to win them over to the 
new order of things. Electoral Hesse owed 
to the personal intervention of the monarch 


the fact that half of its state treasure was 
left in 1867 as a provincial fund to provide 
for workhouses, the maintenance of the 
poor, and for the national library ; and 
the province of Hanover received in 
February, 1868, the yearly grant of a 
sum of $375,000 for purposes of locsd 
administration. Ample pecuniary com- 
pensation was also made to the deposed 
sovereigns. The Elector of Hesse received 
in September, 1867, the other moiety of 
the state treasure, which had accumulated 
from the subsidies paid by England in 
1776 for the troops sent to America. 

The Duke of Nassau was assigned, in 
September, 1867, some castles and 
7,500,000 dollars, and King George re- 
ceived in the same month a capital sum of 
$12,000,000, the income of which was to be 
paid him in half-yearly instalments, though 
the sum itself remained in the hands of 
trustees until an agreement had been made 
with his relations as to its administration. 
It was naturally supposed, in view of 
these friendly concessions, which were only 
sanctioned by the Prussian Landtag after 
a hard contest, that the three princes would 
tacitly, if not expressly, waive 
all claims to their former terri- 

and the 
" Reptiles 

,, tories. But since King George, 
in February, 1868, and Elector 
Frederic William, in September, 1868, 
publicly made violent attacks upon Prus- 
sia, the sums due to the two sovereigns in 
March and September, 1868, were seques- 
trated. Since George brought his Guelf 
legion to 750 men, and kept them in 
France unarmed, as " fugitives," a law 
of spring, 1869, provided that the interest 
of the sequestrated $12,000,000 should 
be applied to warding off the schemes 
devised by the king and his emissaries 
to disturb the peace of Prussia. From 
Bismarck's saying : " We will pursue 
these obnoxious reptiles into their holes," 
the sum of money in question was soon 
universally called the Reptile fund ; it 
was mostly employed on newspaper articles 
in support of the new order of things. 
It was not until 1892 that the sequestra- 
tion was ended in favour of Duke Ernest 
Augustus of Cumberland, son of George V. 
In Schleswig-Holstein the feeling in 
favour of Duke Frederic still continued ; but 
the certainty that the Prussian eagle would 
once for all protect the duchies against the 
detested Danish yoke, and the propaganda 
of a Danish nationality, which was now 
awakening in the Danish border districts 


of Schleswig, contributed slowly but surely 
to the end that the largely predominant 
German population learnt to adapt itself 
to the new conditions. The brave spirit 
of the duke, who saw his fondest hopes 
blighted, and scorned to foment a useless 
resistance to the detriment of the duchies, 
helped much to tranquillise men's minds 
and prepared them for the day when his 
daughter Augusta Victoria should wear 
the imperial Crown. 

Prussia, at the moment when it with- 
drew from the German Confederation and 
began the war against Austria, had invited 
all the North German 
states to conclude a 
new league. In August, 
1866, nineteen govern- 
ments which had 
fought on Prussia's side 
in the war professed 
their readiness to take 
that step. Meiningen 
and the elder line of 
Reuss, which had stood 
on the side of Austria, 
did the same after some 
hesitation, and the old 
anti-Prussian Duke 
Bernhard of Meiningen 
abdicated in favour of 
his son George. Minis- 
terial conferences were 
opened in Berlin on 
December 15th, under 
the presidency of Bis- 
marck, to which repre- 
sentatives were sent by 
all the North German 
governments, and by 
Saxony and Hesse- 
Darmstadt for their 
territory right of the 
Main. The funda- 
mental principles of the 
new federal constitution 
were settled in these conferences. Accord- 
ing to it the presidency of the Confedera- 
tion should belong to the King of Prussia 
in so far that he should represent the 
Confederation in foreign politics, declare 
peace and war in its name, superintend 
the execution of the Federal resolutions, 
nominate all officials of the Confederation, 
and command its army and fleet. 

The Federal Council was to represent 
the governments, and in it, on the basis 
of the voting conditions in the former 
German Confederation, seventeen votes 

On the annexation of Hanover by Prussia in 1866, 
George V. fled to tlie Castle of Hietzing:, near 
Vienna, and issued a manifesto to his people de- 
claring: the incorporation of his land into Prussia to 
be null and void. The king died at Paris in 1878. 

From a photograph 

should be given by Prussia, four 
by Saxony, two each by Mecklenburg- 
Schwerin and Brunswick, one by each of 
the remaining eighteen states, making 
forty- three votes in all. The Federal 
Council shared in the whole work of 
legislation, and represented the sovereigns 
of the Confederation. 

The people were to share in the legis- 
lation by means of a Reichstag springing 
from the direct universal suffrage. This 
Reichstag possessed also initiative rights ; 
it was not proposed to pay the deputies. 
The following were declared to be 
Federal matters : The 
army and navy, in 
which connection the 
peace strength of the 
army was fixed at i per 
cent, of the population 
of 1867, and the right 
of increasing it every 
ten years was reserved ; 
then foreign policy, 
posts and telegraphs, 
tolls and trade. The 
finances were to be 
based on the tolls, the 
compulsory taxes, and 
the profits of the posts 
and telegraphs. To 
supply any deficit in 
the revenue the indi- 
vidual states were 
pledged to " register 
contributions " in pro- 
portion to the numbers 
of their population. 
The Federal Budget was 
to be sanctioned for 
periods of three years ; 
the expenses of the 
army were estimated 
at the rate of $i68 
a head in perpetuity. 
After different objec- 
tions had been successfully raised against 
certain of these provisions, they were 
approved on February 2nd, 1867, and in 
that form submitted to the Constituent 
Reichstag elected on February 12th. 

It was a matter of the greatest import- 
ance for the party conditions in this 
Reichstag that in the autumn of 1866, 
when an effort was being made to get rid 
of the Prussian dispute, two new parties 
appeared on the scene. The National 
Liberal party, which, breaking away from 
the Progressive party — now sinking more 



and more into a policy of barren negations 
— aimed at a confidential and vigorous asso- 
ciation with the great statesman who had 
shown by his actions that he was not the 
bigoted country squire — Junker — ^which, 
according to the outcry of the Progressives, 
he always had been and still was. Similarly 
the moderate Conservatives founded the 
.._ Free Conservative party — 

erman since 1871 Called also the 

Empire Party << >^ ' t- j. >> 

Founded German Empire party — 

which proposed to unite the 
observance of sound conservative prin- 
ciples, respect for authority, and support 
of the monarchy with wise progress and 
the maintenance of civil liberty. 

In the Constituent Reichstag the Con- 
servatives numbered 59 deputies ; the 
Free Conservatives, 36 ; the Old Liberals, 
who stood near them, 27 ; the National 
Liberals, 79 ; Progressives, only 19. In 
addition there were 18 Particularists, 
12 Poles, 2 Danes, i Social Demo- 
crat, Aug. Bebel, and a number of 
"wild" politicians. The decision lay 
with the two parties whose principles 
brought them into touch, and who, in the 
phrase of the day, were termed the Right 
and Left Centre, the Free Conservative^, 
and the National Liberals. 

The Reichstag chose for president 
Eduard Simson, who had presided at the 
National Assembly in Frankfort, 1848- 
1849, and thus was outwardly connected 
with the traditions of the Hereditary 
Imperial party. The feeling prevailed in 
the debates that, whatever might be the 
private views of the representatives, it was 
impossible to disregard the wishes 'of the 
state governments, and that, under all 
the circumstances, something must be 
effected by mutual concessions. 

Bismarck gave vigorous expression to 
his feeling in his speech of March nth, 
1867, one of the most powerful which 
he ever made, when he appealed to 
those who would not sanction any 
_. , diminution of the Prussian 

iimarc s g^^jgg^ rights in the case of 
J. . army estimates. "The mighty 

'*^** movements which last year 
induced the nations from the Belt to the 
Adriatic, from the Rhine to the Carpa- 
thians, to play that iron game of dice 
where royal and imperial crowns are the 
stake, the thousands and thousands of 
victims of the sword and of disease, who 
by their death sealed the national decision, 
cannot be reconciled with a resolution 

5084 - 

ad acta. Gentlemen, if you believe that, 
you are not masters of the situation ! . . . 
How would you answer a veteran of 
Koniggratz if he asked after the results of 
these mighty efforts ? You would say to 
him, perhaps, ' Yes, indeed, nothing has 
been done about German union ; that 
will come in time. But we have saved the 
Budget right of the Prussian Chamber of 
Deputies, the right of endangering every 
year the existence of the Prussian army ; 
for this we have fought with the emperor 
under the walls of Pressburg. Console 
yourself with that, brave soldier, and let 
the widow, too, who has buried her 
husband, find consolation there.' Gentle- 
men, this position is an impossibility ! Let 
us work quickly, let us put Germany in 
the saddle, and she will soon learn to ride." 
In the course of the conferences some 
forty amendments to the Bill were dis- 
cussed by the Reichstag. Thus the Con- 
federation acquired the right of levying 
not only indirect but direct taxes ; every 
alteration in the army and the fleet was 
made dependent on the express sanction 
of the president. Criminal jurisdiction, 

.w». ^ .- legal procedure, and in pri- 

The Functions ^l i , . • Ui. i. 

. . vate law contract rights at 

^ , . .. least, were transferred to 
Confederation ,, \^ , , .. t,, 

the Confederation. 1 he 

Federal Chancellor was to accept by his 
signature the moral, not legal, responsi- 
bility for the enactments of the President. 
The voting for the Reichstag was to be 
secret ; the eligibility of officials as candi- 
dates was to be recognised. Accurate re- 
ports of the public sittings of the Reichstag 
were to be secure against prosecution. 
The deputies were to be paid. The Federal 
Budget was to be passed for one year 
only, instead of three. In military matters 
the proviso that one-hundredth of the 
population of 1867 should serve with 
the colours in peace time, and that 
the rate should be $168 per head was 
only to be in force until December 31st, 
1871. The Confederation was given 
the right to raise loans in urgent 
cases ; in the case of denial of justice in 
any state the Confederation was bound — 
if a remedy could not be obtained by 
legal methods — to interfere and afford 
lawful help. As regarded the entry of one 
or more of the South German states into 
the Confederation, it was settled that this 
should be effected on the motion of the 
President, by means of a legislative act. 
Finally, alterations of the constitution 


were treated in the same way, but a two- 
thirds majority in the Federal Council was 
requisite. The federal governments ac- 
cepted nearly all of these resolutions; 
Bismarck, in their name, lodged protests 
against two of them in the Reichstag on 
April 15th. First, against the grant of daily 
pay to the representatives in the Reichstag. 
In the eyes of the governments, the limita- 
tion of eligibility imposed by the non- 
granting of allowances was an indispensable 
counterpoise to universal suffrage. The 
Reichstag accordingly abandoned the daily 
allowances. Secondly, the governments 
regarded it as thoroughly inadmissible that 
the existence ot the army after December 
31st, 1871, should be dependent on the 
annual votes of fluctuating majorities, 
while the expenditure on the civil adminis- 
tration was legally fixed. Rudolf Gneist, a 
deputy, called attention to the fact that 
the Lower House might well refuse the 
expenses of a professional army, such as 
existed in England, but that a national 
army, like the German, must be regarded 
as a permanent institution. The govern- 
ments would have preferred that, accord- 
ing to the original scheme, the minimum • 
strength of the army should 
have been settled once for 
all, and a permanent provi- 
sion voted for maintaining 
it. They finally, on April 17th, declared 
their agreement to the proposal of the Free 
Conservatives and of the National Liberals, 
which provided that the present peace 
strength of the army, fixed until December 
31st, 1871, at one-hundredth of the popu- 
lation, and the lump sum of |i68 per 
head of the army, should be kept in force 
beyond that date, but only so long as they 
should not be altered by federal laws ; 
but the disbursement of sums for the 
entire national army was to be annually 
fixed by state law. On April 17th, 1867, 
the king closed the Constituent Reichstag 
with a speech from the throne which 
expressed his satisfaction that the federal 
power had obtained its necessary autho- 
rity, and that the members of the Con- 
federation had retained freedom of move- 
ment in every department where it might 
be advantageous for them. 

After the Landtags of the individual 
states had declared their assent, the con- 
stitution became a reality on July ist, 
1867, Only about four-fifths of the German 
people were now united in the " North 
German Confederation " j but this union 

Closing of 
the Constituent 

was closer, and hence more powerful, than 
any previous one in Germany ; and for the 
first time in their history the German 
people possessed the assured right of co- 
operating in the framing of their fortunes 
by the mouths of freely elected representa- 
tives. The South Germans, indeed, still 
held aloof ; but the universal feeling was 

T,. -, . expressed by a Hanoverian : 

The French u 4,, ,• •', .it.,- • 
£m er r's ^^^ Main IS nO 

Compensations i^^ger a spectre, but only a 
haltmg-place for us, where 
we can take water and coal on board, 
and can recover our breath in order 
soon to proceed further on our route." 

During the deliberations of the Reichs- 
tag a heavy storm-cloud had gathered, 
but had happily been dispersed. The 
French Emperor, Napoleon HL, had at- 
tempted on August 5th, 1866, to obtain 
" compensations " for the aggrandisement 
of Prussia and the union of Northern 
Germany by demanding Rhenish Hesse 
with Mainz and the Bavarian Rhenish 
Palatinate. Having met with a flat re- 
fusal, he had claimed, as his reward for 
leaving Germany to Prussia, both Belgium 
and Luxemburg. 

Bismarck prolonged the negotiations in 
this matter, since he did not wish to 
irritate France beyond endurance, and 
so drive her into the arms of the enemies 
of Prussia. He did not return any definite 
answer to the ofier which he simultaneously 
received of an offensive and defensive alli- 
ance with the French Empire ; but, so far 
as Luxemburg was concerned, left no 
doubt in the mind of Count Benedetti, the 
French ambassador, that King William 
would decline to give France any active 
assistance in acquiring it, and at most 
would passively tolerate the proceeding. 

But to give timely intimation to friend 
and foe that war would find Germany 
united, Bismarck published on March 19th, 
1867, the offensive and defensive alliances 
which Prussia had concluded in August, 
1866, with Bavaria, Wiirtemberg, and 
Baden, and which were joined 
Germany ^j^^ ^^ Hesse-Darmstadt 

E « endes °^ ^P"^ "*^' ^^^7' ^^^^ 
mergencies p^^^^^g ^ffeTe estabUshed by 

these treaties, (i) North and South Ger- 
many supported each other in case of war 
with their entire military force ; (2) this 
force stood under the single and supreme 
command of the King of Prussia ; (3) all 
the states guaranteed to each other the 
integrity of their respective territories. 



Napoleon, indeed, persuaded King 
William III. of the Netherlands to con- 
clude a treaty, in virtue of which the 
latter ceded to the emperor his right 
to Luxemburg, in return for a compen- 
sation of $1,000,000; but the king, who 
very reluctantly surrendered Luxem- 
burg, insisted on Prussia's formal assent 
N III *° *^^ treaty, and, as already 

apo eon . mentioned, this assent was 

* Q* ay ^^^ forthcoming ; the whole 
ermany nation was unanimously 
resolved to prevent at all hazards 
the smallest encroachment on German 
territory, even on territory which was 
only connected with the body of the nation 
by the bond of the ZoUverein, as had 
been the case with Luxemburg after the 
dissolution of the German Confederation. 
Napoleon, whose military resources were 
not ready for a collision with Germany, 
finally recoiled before this determined 
opposition, and all the more so because 
Austria, where, since October 30th, 1866, 
the Saxon Baron von Beust presided at 
the Foreign Office, was not induced, even 
by the offer of Silesia, to form an armed 
alliance against Prussia. Austria had 
felt, too recently and too acutely, the 
military superiority of Prussia to venture 
on a new war, especially one against the 
entire German nation. 

On the proposed of the Tsar Alexander 
II. a conference of all the Great Powers 
was summoned at London, and this decided 
that Luxemburg should be left to the 
house of Nassau-Orange, but be declared 
neutral. Prussia accordingly had to 
withdraw her garrison from the former 
federal fortress, Luxemburg, and to 
allow the destruction of its fortifications. 
But Luxemburg remained in the ZoU- 
verein as before. The inglorious termina- 
tion of a matter far from glorious in itself 
was very detrimental to Napoleon's repu- 
tation ; the victories of Prussia and the 
formation of the North German Confedera- 
_ , tion, just as the creation of 
Severe ' *^^ Kingdom of Italy some few 
DefcaU V^ars before, were reckoned 
by all supporters of the 
doctrine of France's natural and "legiti- 
mate " hegemony in Europe as severe 
defeats to France. " Now," exclaimed 
Thiers, half in menace, half in warning, 
before the Chamber in March, 1867, " no 
further blunders may be committed." 
The emperor felt himself deeply in- 
iured that Prussia had refused the enlarge- 


ment of France, which he so ardently 
desired. " Bismarck has attempted to 
deceive me," he afterwards said to 
Heinrich von Sybel, " but an emperor of 
France may not let himself be deceived." 
Even the Catholic party was indignant 
with him, because he had allowed the 
revolution a free hand and had left the 
Pope to be despoiled. The Republican 
opposition completely outdid itself in 
most venomous attacks on the emperor, 
of which Victor Hugo and A. Rogeard 
made themselves the mouthpieces. 

And now, to crown all, there came the 
crash of the Mexican expedition. The 
emperor gave way before the threat of the 
United States that they would treat the 
continued presence of a French army on 
American soil as a casus belli. The des- 
perate entreaties of the empress, Charlotte, 
who came to Europe in July, 1866, to 
plead her husband's cause, were useless ; 
when she realised her position, her reason 
gave way. Between the end of January 
and the middle of March, 1867, the French 
troops withdrew from Mexico, and Maxi- 
milian, who was too proud to desert his 
TK F h followers in the hour of danger, 
Withd'^*'^*^ and still hoped to strengthen 

-, w . the fading influence of his 
r rom Mexico ^ , Pi 1 

party by liberal concessions, 

was taken prisoner at Queretaro, together 

with Generals Miguel Miramon and Tomas 

Mejia, brought before a court-martial, 

and shot as a rebel, on June 19th, 1867. 

In order to conciliate French public 
opinion. Napoleon determined upon liberal 
measures which ran counter to the despotic 
traditions of the Second Empire. He 
granted to the senate and the legislative 
body in J anuary, 1867, the right to interpel- 
late the Government, and gave permission 
that not merely the " Minister of State " — 
that is, the hitherto all powerful Premier — 
but every Minister might present the case 
for his policy before the Chamber, but only 
under " instructions from the emperor." 

This concession was regarded, how- 
ever, as a fundamentally important 
step, by which the emperor wished to 
introduce, in the place of his own exclusive 
irresponsibility, ministerial responsibility; 
that is to say, he wished to pass 
from a despotic to a constitutional, or 
even parliamentary, method of govern- 
ment. That was not, indeed. Napoleon's 
intention ; but one step leads to another, 
and the emperor's failing health made it 
more and more incumbent on him to 


relieve himself of the business of govern- 
ment. The politicians, who thought they 
must contest a change of system on 
pohtical or personal grounds, now com- 
bined into a reactionary club under the 
name of the " Cercle de la rue de 1' Arcade." 
The intellectual leader of these " Arcad- 
ians " was the " Vice-Emperor," the 
Minister of State, Rouher, while the 
liberalising party, le Tiers parti, which 
grew up in 1866 between the " Arcadians" 
and the Republicans, was led by the 
former Republican, but now " freethinking 
Imperialist," Emil OUivier, a talented 
but ambitious and weak character. 

The Paris International Exhibtion 
of the summer of 1867 shed a transitory 
brilliance over France and the emperor; 
but the murderous attempt of a Pole, 
Anton Bereszowski, on the life of the 
Tsar Alexander II. on June 6th, struck 
a discordant note in the midst of the 
festivities, and comments were made on 
the absence of the Emperor Francis Joseph, 
who was in mourning for his brother 
Maximilian, the victim of Napoleon's bad 
faith, and kept away from the French 

. capital. Napoleon and his 

"" ^ f consort therefore journeyed, 
ee ing o -^ August, 1867, to Salzburg 

Emperors , ° j.i. • 1.1 i. 

to express their sympathy to 
Francis Joseph ; they stayed there from 
August i8th to the 23rd, and although 
Napoleon had only come accompanied 
by General Fleury, yet through him and 
Beust a better understanding was brought 
about between the two empires — .a step 
which was universally regarded in Ger- 
many as aimed at Prussia. But although 
the two parties had merely agreed that 
Prussia should be prevented from crossing 
the Main, and Russia from crossing the 
Pruth, yet now two camps were formed 
in Europe : Prussia and Russia stood in 
the one, Austria and France in the other. 
Francis Joseph paid his return visit to 
Paris on October 23rd. On his way he had 
exchanged a "flying and formal" greeting 
with the King of Prussia, at the latter's 
wish, in Oos ; but he said to General 
Ducrot in Strassburg : "I hope that we 
shall some day march side by side." 

The Treaty of Prague, according to the 
French conception of it, implied that 
Prussia by its terms was restricted to 
North Germany, and might not venture 
to form any union with the South German 
states, unless the assent of every Power 
participating in the treaty was obtained. 

France reckoned herself one of these 

Powers, because she had intervened in 

July, i866 ; but she had not signed the 

treaty — indeed, she could not have been 

allowed to do so, since she had taken no 

share in the war — and therefore possessed 

properly no right to superintend the 

execution of the treaty. Bismarck adhered 

Th Ah f strictly to the principle that 

S *tK °^ '^* Austria alone was entitled to 

^ , . .. take any action in this matter, 

Confederation ,,,,i . x- ui 

but that even Austria might 

not raise any objections if all the states 

of the South, combined into a union, 

wished to form a national bond with the 

North. The only doubtful point was 

whether any single state was competent 

to join the North German Confederation. 

But it very soon became clear that 
the " Southern Confederation," planned 
at Prague in 1866, would not come to 
pass. Bavaria, as by far the largest 
state, would naturally have obtained the 
predominant position ; but King Charles 
of Wiirtemberg was still less willing to 
acknowledge the superiority of King Lud- 
wig II. than that of the King of Prussia. 
The Grand Duke Frederic of Baden, son- 
in-law of the King of Prussia, a liberal and 
patriotic prince, was resolved to enter the 
North German Confederation at the next 
opportunity, and his views were shared 
by the majority of his subjects. His 
Ministers, Karl Mathy and Rudolph von 
Freydorf, were staunch German patriots 
like himself. Mathy had written to Bis- 
marck on November i8th, 1867, asking 
for Baden's entrance, into the Federation, 
but was put of^ with hopes for the future, 
and died before attaining his object, 
on February 4th, 1868. 

In spite of all democratic and ultra- 
montane opposition, the South and North 
were drawing closer to each other. 
Agreeably to the spirit of the treaties, all 
the states south of the Main introduced in 
1868 universal conscription and armed their 

^ , ,. infantry with the Prussian 

ConscriDiion ji 

. *^ needle-gun; inconsequence 

If »^ o» » of this they obtained Prus- 
Southern States • j. j. t xu - 

sian instructors for their 

troops, and Hesse-Darmstadt concluded, in 
April, 1867, a military treaty with Prussia, 
by the terms of which its troops were com- 
pletely incorporated into the army of the 
North German Confederation. The royal 
Saxon army, however, by virtue of the 
convention of February 7th, 1867, con- 
stituted from July ist onwards the 



Twelfth North German Army Corps, 
under its own administration. In Wiir- 
temberg the new War Minister, Rudolf 
von Wagner, proceeded to reform the 
army on the Prussian model ; and the 
example was followed in Bavaria, despite 
the particularism of that kingdom by the 
War Minister, Sigmund von Prankh. The 
. . preparation for a united Ger- 

Organising ^^^ army proceeded without 

a United - , , • ^ t^i j. j.. x 

_ . interruption. The treaty of 

Germafi Array j. , T .,, t» 

federation with Prussia was 
accepted by the Chambers in the autumn 
of 1867, in Baden without any struggle, 
but in Wiirtemberg after violent parlia- 
mentary disputes, although the democratic 
party of Wiirtemberg foretold that the 
new policy of " militarism " would impose 
an intolerable burden on the people with- 
out securing them against France. The 
treaty, according to the 
Bavarian constitution, did 
not require the approval of 
the estates. Owing to this 
union of all German races in 
a common system of defence 
with such safeguards, the 
Zollverein, which had been 
renounced by Prussia, was 
once more established on a 
new basis. First of all, the 
so-called liberum veto of each 
particular state — 'the right to 
repudiate any resolution of 
the majority as not legally 
binding on the non-assent 

loss from the free-trade principles pre- 
vailing in Prussia, but also disliked the 
customs union with the North as a pre- 
liminary step to political amalgamation. 
Yet the interests of trades and industries, 
which obviously could not exist without 
the Zollverein, were so important that in 
the Bavarian Representative Chamber, on 
October 22nd, 1867, 117 votes against 17, 
and on the 31st, in the Wiirtemberg 
Chamber, 73 against 16, were given for 
the customs union. 

The First Chamber in Bavaria, that of 
the Imperial Councillors, made a futile 
attempt to preserve the Bavarian " liberum 
veto " ; but as Bismarck declared that 
he would sooner renounce the customs 
treaty itself than allow this limitation on 
it, the Chamber gave way. Hungary, after 
the suppression of the Hungarian rebellion 
of the year 1849, was de- 
I prived of independence, and 
was, as far as possible, reduced 
to the constitutional status of 
a crown demesne, which in 
the last resort was governed 
from Vienna. The proud 
Magyar people had not re- 
signed itself in silence to this 
lot, but continuously de- 
manded the restoration of its 
independence. It absolutely 
refused to send representatives 
to the Reichsrat in Vienna, 
the central Parliament of the 

A Hungarian politician prominent , x j i_ j.i 

in his country's struggles for monarchy Created by the con- 
ing state — ^was abolished ; in liberty, he led the movement stitutiou of February 26th, 
its place was introduced the against the sending of represen- 1861. The leader of the 
principle that resolutions tatives to the Reichsrat in Vienna. Qpposition was Fraucis Deak, 

passed by the majority were binding on 
the minority. The work of legislating for 
the Zollverein was to be carried out 
by the Federal Council and Reichstag 
according to this principle. 

Besides matters connected with customs, 
the taxation of the salt obtained within 
the Zollverein, and of the tobacco 
produced or imported into the Zollverein, 
tell within the competence of the Reichs- 
tag, sitting as the Customs Parliament. 
The duration of the customs treaty was 
once more fixed for twelve years, with the 
proviso that, if notice was not given, it 
would continue as a matter of course for 
another twelve years. 

These treaties also met with opposi- 
tion in Wiirtemberg and Bavaria from 
the protectionists and the particularists, 
who not only feared heavy economic 


1803-1876, originally a lawyer and judicial 
assessor in his own county of Szala. He 
had been Minister of Justice in 1848, and 
became later a parliamentary politician 
by profession ; he was a man of shrewd- 
ness, determination, and integrity, of 
temperate views, resolute in advocating 
the rights of his people and yet unwilling to 
- . interfere with the undoubted 

. „ . rights of the Crown. He was 

Movement"'" apposed to the feudal abuse 
of serf labour no less than 
to the communist views rife among the 
Hungarian peasantry, whose supporters 
would have most gladly divided the 
property of the nobles among themselves. 
Some reputation was also enjoyed by 
Count Julius Andrassy, whose inclinations 
led him into the region of foreign policy. 
The defeat of Austria in the year 1859 


broke the ice both in the western and 
eastern half of the Empire. Schmerling, 
the creator of the February constitution, 
consented in April, 1861, to summon once 
more the Hungarian Landtag, which had 
been dissolved in 1849. ^^t since Deak 
demanded a return to the state of things 
which had existed before 
1848, no understanding was 
reached, and in the year 1866 
General Klapka, with Bis- 
marck's support, organised a 
" Hungarian legion " to fight 
on the side of Prussia against 
the House of Hapsburg- 
Lorraine. The defeat of 1866 
convinced the Emperor 
Francis Joseph that a recon- 
ciliation with Hungary was 
absolutely essential if Austria 
was not to be completely 
crippled by internal feuds and 
prevented from maintaining 
its already tottering position 
as a Great Power. " In the 
East," said Andrassy, 

prejudice and distrust against him. When 
he had already declared to the reassembled 
Hungarian Reichstag on November 19th, 
1866, his willingness to conform with the 
wishes of the nation, having been nomi- 
nated on February 7th, 1867, Prime 
Minister of Austria in place of Count 
Belcredi, he succeeded in 
obtaining the imperial decrees 
of February, 1867. According 
to these, Hungary recovered 
its independence, receiving a 
responsible Ministry of its 
own under Andrassy. Croatia, 
the military frontier, and 
Transylvania were united 
with it ; the " Court Chan- 
cery," which existed for 
Hungary and Transylvania in 
Vienna, as well as the office of 
Hungarian Viceroy, were 
abolished from the moment 
the new Ministry began its 
i°r.I.L"e';;;".L?e':SroL=^ offidal activity, fhelestem 

movement of 1848 he was exiled hall Ot the empire, for wlUCh, 
from Hungary; returning to his nnnffirialhr ih(^ narriA Tic 
own country in 1857, he became unomciaiiy, ine name <^1S- 

power is less important than P"n»e Minister ten years later. Leithauia, or the country 


Austria, and yet it ought, in the interests 
of civilisation, to have great influence 
there." The Germans in Austria came to 
the help of the Magyars when they declared 
at a meeting in Aussee on September loth, 
1866: " Dualism, but not Federalism ! no 
jomt monarchy, still less a , 
mere Federation, but two 
halves of the empire, compact 
in themselves and closely 
united together against the 
outside world." 

The new Foreign Minister, 
Friedrich Ferdinand, Baron 
Beust, 1809-1866, an ex- 
cessively energetic statesman, 
whose pride did not blind 
him to the needs of the time, 
worked towards the same end. 
He wished to restore Austria 
to its old position by settling 


west of the border-river Leitha, was soon 
adopted, naturally also received its 
special government. 

It was proposed that foreign policy, the 
army — the German language to be used 
for words of command — the excise, and 
the national debt should be 
regarded as joint concerns of 
the " Austrian - Hungarian 
monarchy," as the official 
title ran. According to this 
agreement three imperial 
Ministers were created for 
foreign affairs, the army, and 
the finances. The imperial 
Minister for Foreign Affairs 
was to preside in the imperial 
Ministry and bear the title 
of Imperial Chancellor, this 
office being conferred on 
Baron Beust, as the promoter 

the dissensions and by modern to this Austrian statesman be- o* the compromise with 

legislation, and to leave its longs the credit of reconcuing Hungary. The imperial 

forces free for a strong foreign ""n^ary to Austria. Bom at Ministers were responsible 

,• , • , • Ui 1- -4. iu Dresden ip 1809, he died in 1886. . -u ^^ ii„j rk«i„„„ 

policy, which might limit the -^ . ^^ ^^^ so-called Uelega- 

encroachments of Prussia and Russia. 
The circumstance that Beust was a 
foreigner and a Protestant enabled him 
to act with greater impartiality towards 
the affairs of Austria than a native 
statesman engaged in party struggles 
Gould usually manifest, but it roused much 

tions for their measures ; these Delega- 
tions were bodies of thirty-six deputies 
each, which were elected by the ParUa- 
ments of the two halves of the kingdom, 
on a fixed proportion to the First and 
Second Chambers, and met alternately at 
Vienna and Pesth. They discussed the 



of Fr&ncis 

governmental proposals separately and in- 
dependently ; valid resolutions could there- 
fore only come into force by the agreement 
of the Delegations. The share of Hungary 
in the joint expenditure was fixed in 1867 
at thirty per cent., that of Austria at 
seventy per cent. The Compromise, and 

also the Customs and Commerce 

Treaty of the two halves of the 

empire were to be valid for 

ten years. On June 8th, 1867, 
the solemn coronation of Francis Joseph 
and his consort Elizabeth took place. 
The Magyars felt themselves victors and 
masters in their own country. The 
Roumanians and the Saxons in Transyl- 
vania were destined soon to feel the heavy 
hand of the ruling people, 
which wished by concilia- 
tion or by force to make 
Magyars of the whole 
population of Hungary. 
The Croats, on the other 
hand, who formed a 
compact nation of two 
millions, and were in- 
veterate enemies of the 
Hungarians, received 
from the Hungarians on 
June 2ist, 1868, the con- 
cession that a special 
Croat Minister shoiUd sit 
in the Ministry at Pesth, 
and that forty-five per 
cent, of the revenues of 
the country should re- 
main reserved for the 
country itself. Accord- 
ingly, on December 29th, 

1868 the twenty-nine ::i^s:::ZZ.7uTLl7^^^^^^^^^^^^ tion, the separation of the 

Lroat deputies appeared and on June sth, i867, on the formation of administration of justice 
in the Hungarian Reichs- an Aiistro-Hung:arian state, he was crowned from the government in 
tag, from which they ** p«* ^>*h ^^^ '='-°^n of st. Stephen, short, all the blessings of a 

Born in 1830, he became Emperor of Austria 
in 1848, on the death of his uncle, Ferdinand I 

by concessions at the cost of the Galician 
Ruthenians, who compose 43 per cent, of 
the 7,000,000 of Galician population, and 
of the other crown lands, to take their 
seats in the Reichsrat ; and he also suc- 
ceeded in procuring a German majority in 
the Landtags of Bohemia and Moravia. 
Thus, on May 22nd, 1867, the regular 
" inner " Reichsrat, composed of deputies 
of the several Landtags, could be opened ; 
but the Czechs refused to sit in it. 

The Ministry of Beust, in conformity with 
the universal change in opinion, piloted 
through the two Houses of the Reichsrat a 
series of laws during the course of the 
year 1867 which received the force of 
statutes by the imperial sanction given on 
December 21st, 1S67. ' By 
this means, Austria, once 
the promised land of des- 
potism, was changed into 
a modern constitutional 
state. Thus ministerial 
responsibility was intro- 
duced, and a state court 
of twenty-five members 
was created for the trial 
of impeached Ministers ; 
equality of all citizens in 
the eyes of the law, equal 
eligibility to all offices, 
freedom of migration, 
liberty of the Press and 
of association, liberty of 
conscience and religion, 
the inviolability of private 
houses, and the secrecy of 
letters, freedom of re- 
ligion, freedom of educa- 

at Pest with the 

had been absent for fully twenty years. 

The disputes between parties and 
nationalities in Austria were strained to 
the utmost. The Germans defended the 
centralised constitution of February 25th, 
1861, and with it the predominance of 
their race, for which they claimed superi- 
ority to other nationalities in intellectual 
gifts and achievements ; politically, the 
majority of them were Liberals. The 
Slavs, on the other hand, but, above all, 
the Czechs, were for a form of Federalism, 
which would guarantee more liberty of 
action to the several crown lands ; and 
the Feudals and Clericals supported the 
same view. But Beust induced the Poles 


modern state, were bestowed at one blow 
on a people which a few months before 
had been governed like a herd of cattle. 
The House of Representatives received 
the right of electing a president, the right 
Chan s • ^^ voting taxes and recruits, 

the Government ^^'^ "^^^ f legislation in all 
of Austria important matters ; it was to 

be summoned annually, and 
its debates were to be public. The powers of 
the Landtags were proportionately limited. 
These achievements were accompanied 
by a law, based on the eleventh article 
of the law as to the representation of the 
empire, dealing with the supervision of 
the primary schools, Volksschule, by 


which local, district, and national school- 
boards were constituted, and to all three 
of them not merely representatives, of the 
Church, but also of the state and of educa- 
tion, were nominated. The Concordat 
of the year 1855 had dealt with educa- 
tion and given the Church full power 
over the schools, but, by one of the few 
invariable laws of history, the reaction 
was only the more violent. 

The emperor, in a letter to the Arch- 
bishop of Vienna, blamed the bishops 
because, instead of being 
mperor conciliatory, they had roused 
Blames the • . • r j j-i, 

_. . mtense animosity, and thus 

ops rendered the task of the 
Government more arduous. A new 
Ministry, with the especial support of 
Beust, who in this connection assured the 
papal nuncio that according to his con- 
viction the Austrian monarchy and the 
Catholic Church were sisters, carried in the 
Upper House in March, 1868, the laws 
which had been determined upon by the 
Lower House in 1867. By these laws (i) 
civil marriage was granted in the case 
where a priest, for reasons not recognised 
by the state, refused to put up the banns 
of an engaged couple ; (2) the supreme 
management of a school, with exception 
of the religious instruction, was reserved 
to the state, and the post of teacher 
was open to every citizen of the state 
without distinction of denomination ; 
(3) in mixed marriages the sons were 
to accept the religion of the father, 
the daughters that of the mother, and 
every citizen should have the right to 
change his religion on completing his 
fourteenth year. The emperor signed the 

laws on May 25th, 1868. But when Pius 
IX., on June 22nd, denounced them in the 
most bitter terms as abominable, abso- 
lutely null, and once for all invalid, the 
feud between Church and State became 
most acute. The Pope, in view of the 
legislation directed against the omnipo- 
tence of the Church, felt himself only 
strengthened in his long-cherished in- 
tention of claiming doctrinal infallibihty 
for the papal chair. When, however, on 
July i8th, 1870, this attribute was awarded 
him by the Vatican Council, Austria re- 
plied by a revocation of the Concordat on 
July 30th, and the restoration of the 
" placitum regium " — royal consent — as 
an essential condition for the vaUdity of 
any papal enactment in Austria. 

During these struggles the finances of 
Austria were reorganised by a somewhat 
violent measure. The proposal of Ignaz 
Edlen von Plener, Minister of Commerce, 
was accepted by a large majority in the 
Lower House in June, 1868 ; by this the 
entire public debt was to be trai^formed 
into one unified 5 per cent, stock, but as 
the interest was to pay a tax of 20 per 
cent., the rate of interest payable by the 
state was in fact reduced to 4 
per cent. The army was re- 


„ . . organised in December, 1868, 

Ke-organised ° . i_ , • r 1 

on the basis of universal con- 
scription, and the war strength fixed for 
ten years at 800,000 men. The Landwehr 
was to comprise not merely the older 
members of the line troops, but also those 
persons who, though available, had been 
rejected as superfluous, and had thus 
not enjoyed any thorough training in 
the ranks. 











'X'HE Roman question was one of the 
■'■ most difficult with which Napoleon IIL 
had to deal. The emperor had withdrawn 
his troops from Rome in September, 1864, 
after the Italian Government had pledged 
itself to remove the seat of the monarchy 
from Turin to Florence, which promise 
implied a certain abandonment of claim 
to the capital, Rome, and neither to 
attack Rome itself nor to allow it to be 
attacked by any other Power. The Ultra- 
montanes in France were beside them- 
selves at this agreement ; they saw in it 
the withdrawal of French protection from 
the still existing fragment of the temporal 
power of the Pope, the beginning, there- 
fore, of its end ; and if they regarded this 
end as a heavy blow to the Church, the 
Chauvinist party, headed by Adolphe 
Thiers, which held the French leadership 
in Europe to be part of the order of the 
universe, regarded a complete victory of 
the Italian national state as 
an irrevocable hindrance to 
that leadership on the south 
side of the Alps, just as the 
establishment of the German national state 
seemed to be the end of that predominance 
on the east bank of the Rhine. 

In February, 1866, the French Chamber 
jnder these two influences adopted the re- 
solution that the secular sovereignty of the 
Pope was essential for his spiritual reputa- 
tion ; and after the reversion of Venice to 
Italy LTltramontane attacks were showered 
upon Liberal conceptions in general and 
Italy in particular. The Radical Minister 
of Public Instruction, Victor Duruy, who 
brought the Orders which concerned them- 
selves with education under the common 
law, claimed for the state the education of 
girls, and founded national libraries of a 
Liberal character ; but he had to guard 
against the pronounced hostility of the 
Clericals, and could not prevent, in July, 
i8()7, the temporary closure of the " Ecole 
Normale," the teachers' training institu- 
tion, in which Liberal views were active. 

The French 
Chamber ftnd 
the Pope 

The effect of these occurrences was, on 
the Italian side, that the democratic 
Minister Rattazzi, a friend to the French, 
hoped for a revolution in Rome itself, in 
the course of which Victor Emmanuel 
might come forward, as in 1859, to restore 
order. If his troops occupied Rome in 
this way, the Roman question might be 
y. . solved very simply, without 

ic ory o direct violation of the Septem- 
Pope's Army ^^^ Treaty. But Garibaldi, 
overflowing with fiery zeal, 
tore in pieces this delicate web of statecraft 
by entering the states of the Church in 
September, 1867, at the head of a band of 
volunteers, in order to overthrow the Pope. 
When Rattazzi, on being required by 
Napoleon IIL to take counter measures 
in virtue of the treaty, preferred to tender 
his resignation, the emperor sent an army 
from Toulon to Rome under Failly, 

This, together with the papal soldiers 
under General Hermann Kanzler, overtook 
the Garibaldians, who had immediately 
begun to retreat on Monte Rotondo, near 
Mentana, north-east of Rome, and dealt 
them a crushing blow, November 3rd. " The 
chassepots have done wonders," Failly 
wrote to the king. The French army was 
now compelled to remain in Rome, since 
otherwise the rule of the Pope would have 
immediately collapsed. A part of Napo- 
leon's power was again firmly planted in 
Italy, the indignation of all opponents of 
the papacy against the guardian of the 
Pope was once again unloosed, and the 
-, , ,,, disUke of the Italians for the 
Napoleon III. ^^^ ^^^ prevented the com- 

lAhe Po e" P^^*^"^^ °* *^^"^ """"^y "^^ 
ope a.ccentuated. The emperor 

vainly tried to submit the Romian question 

to the decision of a European congress, 

which he proposed to call for this purpose. 

No other Great Power wished to bum its 

fingers in this difficult affair. 

Napoleon, meantime, conscious that 

France, from the military point of view, 

was far behind Prussia, had devised all 



sorts of plans to equalise this dispropor- 
tion. The first scheme, which really 
effected some result and went to the root 
of the evil, simply aimed at the introduc- 
tion of a universal conscription after the 
Prussian model ; but the emperor encoun- 
tered in this the opposition, both of his 
generals — who for the most part were 
sufficiently prejudiced to con- 
The Radicals gj^g^ a professional army as 

^., .f**".** more efficient than a national 
Muitantm ^j-my— and of the politicians, 
who, partly out of regard for the popular 
dislike of universal military service, partly 
on political grounds, would hear nothing 
of such a measure. All Radicals shrank 
from " militarism " and every measure 
which might strengthen the monarchy. 

Thus the keen-sighted and energetic War 
Minister, Marshal Niel, was forced in the 
end, against his better judgment, to be 
content with a law which proclaimed, in 
principle, universal military service, and 
fixed its duration at nine years, but, as a 
matter of fact, at once neutralised this 
reform, since each individual had the 
admitted right to buy himself off from 
service in the line. Only the duty of 
forming part of the militia, or " garde 
mobile," was incumbent on everyone. 
But, from considerations of economy, this 
" garde mobile " was allowed to exist on 
paper only, without any attempt to call 
It into existence beyond the form of 
nominating the officers ; the men were 
not organised or even called out for 
training. It thus happened that the North 
German Confederation, with 30,000,000 
souls and an annual levy of 90,000, could 
put an army of 540,000 into the field, but 
France, with 36,000,000 inhabitants, 
raised only 330,000 men. 

In armament, however, the French infan- 
try enjoyed a considerable advantage, since 
it was equipped with the Chassepot rifle, 
which had a range of 1,200 paces, compared 
with which the needle-gun, with a range of 
400 paces only, became at long 
distances as useless as a stick ; 
in addition to this, the French 
weapon was superior to the 
German by reason of a smaller bore, a 
better breech, and its handiness. On the 
other hand, the North German artillery, 
whose shells only burst on striking, was 
superior to the French, whose missiles 
burst after a certain time, often difficult 
to calculate exactly, and sometimes ex- 
ploded in the air before reachi»g their 


Missiles of 

mark. The mitrailleuse, on which the 
French founded great hopes, proved itself 
in 1870 to be by no means a serviceable 
weapon, and it was not considered neces- 
sary on the German side to adopt it. 

The necessity of again finding stronger 
support in the nation suggested to the 
emperor in January, 1869, the plan of 
securing the purchase and management 
by the French Eastern Railway of the 
Belgian private railways to Brussels and 
Rotterdam. In this way Belgium would 
become, first economically, and subse- 
quently politically, dependent on France. 
But the Belgian Liberal government of 
Frere-Orban refused assent to the treaty 
for sale ; and since in this question they 
were backed by their otherwise deadly 
enemies, the Ultramontane party, this 
attempt also of the emperor to restore 
his prestige proved a failure. 

Although Prussia had entirely kept 
away from any share in the whole matter, 
she was accused by several French papers 
of having instigated the Belgian Govern- 
ment to opposition. Even the treaty with 
Baden, by which Badeners were allowed 
to pass their terms of military 
service in Prussia, and Prus- 
sians in Baden, could not suc- 
cessfully be represented as an 
infringement of the Treaty of Prague, 
Nevertheless, France, Austria, and Italy, 
since the summer of 1868, had vigorously 
prosecuted the negotiations for a triple 
alliance directed against Prussia. But 
Beust was restrained by several considera- 
tions — the embarrassed condition of 
Austrian finances, the incompleteness of 
the army reform, the many difficulties of 
the domestic situation, the reluctance of 
10,000,000 Germans in Austria to make 
war on their compatriots, the aversion of 
Hungary to every project for restoring the 
Austrian predominance in Germany. 

He saw himself quite unable to undertake 
a war immediately, however much a war 
might have suited his inveterate hatred of 
Prussia. Such a war, according to his 
view, ought to arise from a non-German 
cause, some collision of Austria and 
Russia in the East, when Prussia would go 
over to the Russian side, and thus any 
appearance of the war being waged 
against German union would be avoided ; 
otherwise, war was the best method of 
effecting an immediate reconciliation be- 
tween North and South. A war against 
German unity was unacceptable to the 




The decline of napoleon m. 

Italians also, since in all probability it 
would have been followed by a war against 
their own unity, and this they did not wish 
to see destroyed, but completed ; and 
probably a portion of the Conservative 
party would only have been induced to 
fight against Prussia by the surrender of 
Rome. But the emperor, who did not 
venture to inflict a further wound upon 
the susceptibilities of his Catholic subjects, 
could not in any case fulfil this condition ; 
and the majority of the Italians stood on 
the side of the Ministers, who declared to 
King Victor Emmanuel in July, 1869, that 
they could not be parties to obliterating 
the events of the year 1866. 

Light is thrown on the situation by the 
anxiety of Beust lest Napoleon should not 
be playing an honourable game, but in the 
last instance, if Prussia, intimidated by the 
Triple Alliance, was inclined to concessions, 
should make an agreement 
with Prussia at the cost of 
Austria. Since the negotia- 
tions thus met insuperable 
difficulties everywhere, their 
continuance was, in Septem- 
ber, 1869, indefinitely post- 
poned, to use Napoleon's 
words to Francis J oseph . No 
terms, according to Beust 's 
statements, had yet been 
signed, but a verbal agree- 
ment had been made on three 
points : (i) That the aim of 
the alliance, if ever it was 
concluded, should be protec- 
tion and peace ; (2) that the 
parties should support each 
other in all negotiations between the 
Great Powers ; and (3) that Austria, in a 
war between France and Prussia should 
remain at least neutral. 

At the moment when these negotiations 
had come to a standstill a great change 
had taken place in the internal affairs of 
France. At the new elections to the legis- 
lative body on May 23rd, 
1869, a great shrinkage of the 
Royalist votes was apparent ; 
while the opposition in 1857 
had received only 810,000, and in 1863 
had reached 1,800,000, it now swelled 
to 3,300,000, and the figures of the Govern- 
ment party receded from 5,300,000 in the 
year 1863 to 4,600,000. Ollivier's " Third 
Party " obtained 130 seats in the Chamber 
of Deputies, and, combined with the forty 
votes of the Republican Left, formed a 


" N&tional 
Ministry " 

Historian and educationist, he 
became Minister of Publiclnstruc- 
tion in France, and did much for 
the advancement of education by 
the founding of national libraries. 

From a photograph 

in France 

majority against the followers of Rouher. 
Napoleon III. need not have regarded the 
result of the elections as a sign of popular 
hostility to himself ; even the Third 
party was imperialist. But the result 
was bound to endanger his position if he 
declared his agreement with Rouher and 
the "Arcadians." He therefore veered 
round, dissolved the " National 
Ministry" on July 17th — 
Rouher was compensated by 
the presidency in the Senate, 
which, on August 2nd, in a solemn session, 
accepted the scheme of reform settled by 
the Cabinet — and submitted on September 
6th, 1869, comprehensive constitutional 
reforms to the approval of the Senate. 
By these, the legislative body acquired 
the rights of electing all its officials, of 
initiating legislation, of demanding in 
quiries, and of appropriating the supplies 
which it voted to specific 
branches of the public service. 
Although the constitutional 
responsibility of the emperor 
himself was not given up, yet 
the principle of ministerial 
responsibility was introduced, 
and provision made for the 
impeachment of Ministers 
before the Senate. The em- 
peror himself, when speaking 
to the Italian ambassador, 
Constantin Nigra, character- 
ised the scope of these 
reforms as follows : "I had 
the choice between war and 
personal rule on one side, and 
peace with libeT"al reforms on 
the other side. I decided tor the latter." 
The circumstance that his experienced 
War Minister, Niel, died on August 14th, 

1869, had at first the effect of making 
every warlike expedition seem doubly 
hazardous ; it was destined to be seen 
that his successor. Marshal Leboeuf, 
possessed neither the experience nor the 
foresight of Niel. 

The emperor summoned on J anuary 2nd, 

1870, the Ministry, which, in virtue of 
the decree of the Senate, was to undertake 
the responsible conduct of business. Its 
head was Emile Ollivier, who became 
Minister of Justice and Public Worship ; 
Count Daru, a clever and cautious man of 
marked personality, received the Foreign 
Office ; the Home Office went to Chevan- 
dier de Valdrome, the Finances to Buffet. 
But since the Left demanded that the 


General view of the buildings of the Louvre as seen from the Tuilenes Falac 

General view of the Tuiieries Palace as seen from the Gardens. 


^-A^' ^ m. 

..>_ .....1 the M^HHBinn ... th" di 

;..e Bourse and the Place de la Bourse. 




Chamber should receive the right of co- 
operating in any future alteration of the 
constitution, as otherwise 
a resolution of the Senate 
might recall one day v.hat 
it had granted the 
previous day, the emperor 
without demur submitted 
the constitutional changes 
to a plebiscite on the 
ground that the nation 
had in his time, in 1852, 
approved the constitu- 
tion of the empire, and 
had therefore a claim to 
say if this constitution 
was to be altered. The 
question put to the 
people was whether it 
approved of the decree of 
the Senate on September 
6th, 1869, and whether it 
wished by this means to 
faciiUate the future 
transmission of the crown 
from the emperor to his 
son. The answer of 
7,350,142 electors was in 
the affirmative, that of 
1,538,825 in the negative ; 
in the army, which was 
also allowed to vote, 
285,000 answered " Yes," 
48,000 " No." Although 
opposition was consider- 
able, yet it was split up 
into an Absolutist part, 
for which the decree of 
the Senate \^ent much 
too far, and a Republican, 
for which the decree did 
not go far enough, since 
it not only allowed the 
Empire to stand, but even 
assisted Napoleon to con- 
solidate his power. 
Against this divided 
opposition the majority, 
which in any case was five 
times as large, showed to 
prodigious advantage, 
and the emperor was 
justified in seeing in the 
plebiscite of May 8th, 

At the head of the Ministry summoned by 
Napoleon III. at the bes^inmng of 1870 was 
Emile Ollivier, against whom the accusation 
has been made that " with a light heart " he 
" rushed his country into war with Germany " 

From A photog] 


Soon after the formation of the Ministry in 

tSth a cirnntT nrnn't nf tVio l?''^'- *'*"J?i. ^*''" resigned his seat at the 
1070, a Strong prOOlOt the Foreign Office, and was succeeded by the 

confidence of quite five- B"*^-^* Gramont, whose policy as Foreign 
e;^+Kc ^t 4.U T? u ■ Mmister precipitated the war with Germany. 

Sixths of the French in p'om a photograph ' 

his person, in his dynasty and his rule. 
Soon afterwards the Ministry underwent 


an important change by the substitution 
of the Due de Gramont for Daru. The 
latter had two motives 
for resignation. In the 
first place he had not been 
able to carry his point 
that the emperor alone 
\\ as not entitled to order 
any future plebiscites, but 
that the legislative body 
must also be first heard 
in the matter. Secondly, 
Daru was much con- 
cerned about the Vatican 
Council, which Pius IX. 
had opened in Rome on 
December 8th, 1869, in 
iirder that, at the very 
moment when the tem- 
poral power of the papacy 
was diminished and even 
threatened with complete 
destruction, the spiritual 
power might be made 
unlimited through the 
proclamation of the 
Pope's infallibility in 
matters of faith and 
morals. The Bavarian 
Prime Minister faced, as 
far back as April 9th, 1869, 
the serious danger which 
threatened the indepen- 
dence of states if this 
doctrine of the papal in- 
fallibility were received, 
and called upon all states 
which had Catholic sub- 
jects to adopt a common 
policy towards the papal 
claim ; but for various 
reasons he only found 
support in Russia, which 
forbade its Catholic 
bishops to attend the 
Council, and he was 
defeated by the ultra- 
montane and particu - 
larist majority of the 
Bavarian Land . ; on 
February 15th, 1870, 
Daru fared no better 
with his warnings ; his 
own colleague, Ollivier, 
declared that the in- 
fallibility affected only 
the internal administra- 
tion of the Church and did not concern 
the State —as if the Church on her side 


would recognise any sphere of human 
action as entirely belonging to the State ! — 
and put him oft with the dubious assur- 
ances of the papal Secretary of State, 
Count Giacomo Antonelli : " In theory 
we soar as high as Gregory VII., and 
Innocent III. ; in practice we are yielaing 
and patient." No effect was produced by 
the warnings of the noble Montalembert, 
once so extolled by the Ultramontanes. 
He blamed the oppression of the State by 
the Church no less than that of the Church 
by the State. " We ought," he said, " to 
stem in time the stream of flattery, deceit, 
and servility which threatens to flood the 
Church." He died before his warning 
cry was justified by events, and Daru's 
successor, Gramont, was a thorough- 
going Ultramontane who, as such, hated 
heretical Prussia. The peace of Europe 
seemed, on June 30th, 1870, 
to be absolutely assured ; 
Ollivier could declare in the 
Chamber that no^ disturbance 
threatened it from any 
quarter, and Lebceuf , the War 
Minister, proposed to enlist 
in the army for 1871 only 
90,000 instead of 100,000 
recruits. The deputies of the 
Left committed themselves 
to the statement that the 
40,000,000 Germans who had 
united under the leadership 
of Prussia were no menace to 
France, and Ollivier himself 

can almost be described as a As field-marshal he commanded in 
■fripnri nf Gprman nnitv Italy, and afterwards reorganised 
iriena 01 Uerman Unuy. the Austrian army. Foreseeing the 

Archduke Albert of Austria, 

however, had visited Paris in 

April, 1870, on the pretext of an educational 

journey to the south of France, and, in 

view of the possible admission of Baden 

to the North German Confederation, had 

spoken of the necessity of common 

measures for the observance of the Treaty 

of Prague. He unfolded, in this connec- 
tion, the plan that if war 
became necessary, a French 
army should push on past 
Stuttgart to Nuremberg, in 

order to unite there with the Italians, who 

would advance by way of Munich, and 

with the Austrians, who would come from 

Bohemia ; they would then fight the 

Prussians in the region of Leipzig. The 

archduke was therefore playing with 

fire ; but he declared that the transforma- 
tion of the Austrian army would not be 

War Plans 
of Archduke 

completed for one or two years, and 
emphasised the necessity that, since 
Austria required six weeks ^o mobilise, 
France should strike the first blow alone, 
at any rate in the spring, in order that the 
Prussians might be settled with before 
autumn came with cold, long nights and 
before Russia could interfere. A council 
_ P K '^^ ^^^ which Napoleon held 
_ '^^"^ on May 17th declared that 
^^ C "^ * *l ^^^ demand that France 
should first make the effort 
single-handed could not be entertained. 
General Lebrun, who was then sent to 
Vienna, did not find Francis J oseph inclined 
to waive the demand which Prince Albert 
had made. The Austrian emperor held it 
to be essential, not merely from the 
military but also from the political 
standpoint, since if he declared war simul- 
taneously with France, the 
Prussians would make full use 
of the " ncvv German idea " 
and sweep the South with 
it. He would have to wait 
for the course of the war, and 
then, when the French had 
advanced into South Germany 
and were welcomed as libe- 
rators from the Prussian 
yoke, he would t?.ke the oppor- 
tunity and join in the war. 
The course of events in 
South Germany gave France 
room to hope for a change in 
popular opinion. In Bavaria, 
Hohenlohe had been turned 
out in February, and had 

Franco-German 'war, he advised bcCU replaced by CoUUt OttO 
France to strike the first blow, -r, or • >_ i. i_ 

Bray-Steinburg, a staunch 
Particularist. In Wiirtemberg the most 
inveterate Democrats gave out the watch- 
word : " French rather than Prussian," and 
a mass petition, which received 150,000 
signatures, demanded the introduction of 
a militia army on the Swiss model. 

King Charles replied in March, 1870, by 
the dismissal of Gessler, Minister of the 
Interior, who was accused of weakness, 
and by summoning Suckow to the War 
Ministry. The latter declared his readi- 
ness to make a reduction in the war 
Budget— a step to which his predecessor, 
Wagner, had not consented— 'but in 
other respects to maintain the army 
organisation on the Prussian system, 
which had only been introduced in 1868. 
A keen-sighted French observer, the 
military plenipotentiary, Colonel Stoffel. 



himself warned the Emperor Napoleon 
against overestimating the Particularist 
forces. In any case, it was very 
dubious whether the French could and 
would fulfil the conditions on which 
Austria made its co-operation depend — 
in the event, that is, of its being forced 
into war by the breach of the Treaty of 
Prague, which it 
postulated as the 
preliminary condition 
for any military 
action. The impres- 
sion thus won ground 
even there, that, in 
spite of the tension in 
the European situa- 
tion, in spite of the 
passions and personal 
influences which were 
making towards a 
war, the maintenance 
of peace, for the year 
1870 at least, still 
seemed probable at 
the beginning of July. 

The government of 
Queen Isabella II. of 
Spain had long fallen 
into complete dis- 
repute owing to the 
unworthy character 
of the queen, who 
had openly broken 
her marriage vows. 
Since Isabella aban- 
doned herself entirely 
to the reactionary 
party, the Liberals 
rose, under the leadership of Francisco 
Serrano and Juan Prim, on September 
20th, 1868. After the defeat of the royal 
army at the bridge of Alcolea on the 
Guadalquivir, in which the commander- 
in-chief, General Pavia, was severely 
wounded on September 28th, the queen, 
who was just then staying at the seaside 
watering-place, San Sebastian, was obliged 
to fly, with her family and her "inten- 
dant," Carlos Marfori, to France. 

The idea which the bigoted queen had 
still been entertaining of sending Spanish 
troops to Rome in place of the French 
was thus destroyed. The victorious 
Liberals did not contemplate relieving 
the Emperor of France from the burden 
of protecting the Pope. They held 
fast to the monarchy, nevertheless ; and 
as all attempts to obtain as king 


Under the rule of this queen the government of Spain 
fell into disrepute owing to her unworthy character, and 
at last, in 1868, she was expelled to France, abdicating 
in favour of her son, Alfonso XII. She died in 1904. 

From a photograph 

either Duke Thomas of Genoa, the 
nephew of the King of Italy, who was 
still a minor, or the clever Ferdinand of 
Coburg-Gotha, the titular King of Por- 
tugal, a widower since 1853, were abortive, 
they offered the throne to the latter's 
son-in-law, the hereditary Prince Leopold 
of HohenzoUern-Sigmaringen, born in 1835, 
who was a Catholic, 
happily married, the 
father of sons, an 
upright and energetic 
man in the prime of 
life. During 1869, 
the proposal was laid 
privately before the 
hereditary prince 
himself and his father, 
the reigning prince, 
Charles Anthony ; but 
it received a refusal, 
ince the undertaking 
appeared far too rash. 
The state of affairs 
was not altered until 
a ne\y attempt was 
made, in February, 
1870. Salazar, the 
previous emissary, 
was new sent with 
letters of Prim's to 
the prince, the 
hereditary prince. 
King William, and 
Bismarck. He went 
first to Berlin. King 
William thought the 
offer should not be 
accepted ; but he 
recognised that, according to the family 
laws applying to the whole House of 
HohenzoUern, he had, as head of the 
house, no right of prohibition in this case. 
Bismarck behaved differently. He did 
not, indeed, promise himself any direct 
military assistance from Spain if a Hohen- 
zoUern wore the Spanish Crown, but closer 
friendly relations between the 
two countries, and, as a result, 
a strengthening of the position 
of Germany by " one if not 
two army corps," and more especially 
by improved commercial intercourse. He 
therefore advised the hereditary prince 
" to abandon all scruples and to accept the 
candidature in the interest of Germany." 
But the prince could not even 
yet make up his mind. It was only 
natural to consider the effect ,of such a 

of Spain 


In Spain 

candidature on France. Robert von 
Keudell, one of Bismarck's trusted 
followers, expressly states that Bismarck 
did not foresee any danger of an out- 
break of war on this ground, since Napo- 
leon would sooner see the Hohenzollern 
in Madrid than either Isabella's brother-in- 
law, the Duke of Montpensier of the 
House of Orleans, or a republic. 
Napoleon also, who had been 
informed 'of the matter by 
Charles Anthony in the autumn 
of 1869, had said neither " yes " nor " no," 
and therefore seemed to raise no objection. 
A renewed inquiry in Paris itself was 
impossible, since Prim had urgently begged 
for secrecy in the matter, in order that it 
might not be at once frustrated by the 
efforts of the Opposition. And, again, 
the House of Sigmaringen was so closely 
connected with the Bonapartes by Charles 
Anthony's mother, a Murat, and his wife, 
a Beauharnais, that the possibility was 
not excluded that Napoleon III. would 
actually consent. Bismarck now secretly 
sent to Spain two trusty agents, Bucher 
and Versen, who brought back satisfactory 
news ; but all this was done in a personal 
and private way, and the Prussian Govern- 
ment was not implicated. Finally, in 
order to escape from the candidature of 
the Duke of 
which was 
naturally un- 
palatable to the 
Spanish authori- 
ties, Salazar was 
once more sent 
to Sigmaringen 
at the beginning 
of June, 1870, 
and this time 
received the con- 
sent of Charles 
Anthony and of 
Leopold. A 
great moment 

officially proclaimed in Madrid on July 
4th, and the Cortes was summoned for 
July 20th to elect a king. 

Throughout the whole affair the point 
at issue was a matter which in the, first 
instance was a completely private concern 
of the Spanish nation. The Spaniards 
could clearly elect any person they wished 
to be king, and if they looked for such a 
person among the scions of sovereign or 
formerly sovereign houses, all that could 
be demanded was that the elected king 
should renounce all hereditary right to 
another throne, in order that a union of 
the Spanish with another monarchy, and 
the consequent danger to the balance 01 
power in Europe, might be avoided for 
all time to come. In the case in point no 
such renunciation was necessary, since 
the Swabian line of the HohenzoUerns 
possessed no hereditary rights, and the. 
hereditary prince, Leopold, accordingly 
could not be called a Prussian prince. 

The Prussian Government, therefore, as 
such took absolutely no share in the question 
since it could claim no right to influence 
the decision ; the king, the crown prince; 
and Bismarck had given their opinion 
merely as private individuals. Neverthe 
less the official news of the proposed can- 
didature of Leopold fell like a thunderbolt 
on Paris, and 
Gramont was at 
once convinced 
that he had once 
more to do with 
a diabolical 
stratagem of Bis- 
marck's against 
the interests and 
honour of France. 
Although the 
French repre- 
sentative in 
Madrid tele- 
graphed that 
Prim declared 

_ Francisco Serrano and Juan Prim, whose portraits are griven above, CVCry Cliarge 

seemed to have led the Hsing of the Spanish Liberals against the reactionary party agaiust Bismarck 

...x,^^...,^^J I.W 1IU.YV. and the queen, this movement, in 1868, resulting in the dethronement o , 

arrived for the and flight of Isabella and her familjr. Serrano twice acted as regent tO be grOUUClleSS, 

House of Hohen- '^^*"'® ^^^ government was given into the hands of Alfonso XII. „„^ ^^^^^r^r-r^t^A 

zollern-Sigmaringen, and Leopold felt it 


a heavy responsibility to withdraw from 
a people " which, after a long period of 
weakness, was making manly efforts to 
raise its national civilisation to a higher 
plane " ; that is to say, to free itself from 
the dominion of the Ultramontanes. The 
candidature of Leopold was thereupon 

and asseverated 
that the candidature was the exclusive work 
of the Spanish nation, Gramont allowed a 
question to be asked him on the point, 
in the legislative body, on July 6th. 
In answer, he explained defiantly that 
France, with all respect for the wishes of 
the Spanish nation, would not allow a 
foreign Power to place one of its princes 



on the throne of Charles V., and thus 
disturb the equilibrium ot Europe. Gra- 
mont's language inspired a general fear 
of approaching war, which his further 
procedure confirmed. He ordered Count 
Benedetti, who was taking the cure in 
Wildbad, to put the request before King 
William in Ems that, since he had 
allowed Leopold's candidature 
Relations ^^^ ^j^^^ mortified France, he 
of Germany ^^^j^ ^^^ impress upon the 
and Spain ^^.^^^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^^ withdrawing 
his assent. But the king obviously 
could not be persuaded to do that ; 
what, according to the family laws, he 
could not have sanctioned, he was also 
unable to forbid, especially after Gramont's 
behaviour on July 6th. He sent, however, 
an intimation to Sigmarmgen that he 
would personally have no objection to any 
renunciation which the prince might 
choose to make. Faced by the danger 
of plunging Germany and Spain into war 
if he persevered in his candidature, 
Leopold actually withdrew from his can- 
didature on July 1 2th. 

King William sent the telegram of the 
" Kolnishe Zeitung," which contained this 
news, by the hand of his adjutant Prince 
Anton Radziwill, to the French ambassador 
on the promenade at Ems on the morning 
of July 13th. The king considered the 
incident closed, and that was the view of 
the whole world, as it was the wish of 
Napoleon and Ollivier. Gramont thought 
differently ; he insisted that the king 
must be brought into the affair, and 
therefore pledge himself never to grant 
his approval should the candidature be 
renewed. Benedetti .eceived telegraphic 
orders f;om his superior to tell, the king 
this on that very morning of July 13th. 

He did so, and met with a refusal, but 
repeated it and " at last very pressingly," 
as the king telegraphed to Bismarck at 
Berlin ; so that the king finally, in order 
to get rid of him, sent him a message by 
. his aide-de-camp to the effect 

Behrviottr of that he had no further com- 
* f"**" h niunications to make to him. 
The king left it to Bismarck's 
discretion whether he would or would not 
communicate at once this new demand of 
Benedetti's and its rejection to the North 
German ambassadors among foreign 
Powers and to the Press. But he distinctly 
did not command this communication to be 
made. Bismarck, who had returned from 
Varzin in deep distress at the king's long- 


suffering patience towards the French, 
conferred with Roon and Moltke in Berlin 
and was resolved to remain Minister no 
longer unless some satisfaction was 
obtained for the audacious behaviour of 
the French ; and he deserves all credit for 
having never flinched for a moment. To 
force a war, which he regarded as a 
terrible calamity, if Keudell may be 
believed, and as likely to be the first in a 
long series of racial Conflicts, was a policy 
which Bismarck would never have adopted 
merely for the sake of hastening that union 
between North and South which was 
certain to come sooner or later. 

But now, when the war was forced upon 
him, when it could not be avoided without 
the "cankering sore" of a deep humihation 
to a people just struggling into national 
life, he knew no scruples, and no hesita- 
tion. At eleven o'clock at night, on 
July 13th, the celebrated telegram from 
Ems was sent to the editor of the semi- 
official " Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zei- 
tung " and to the embassies. The message 
reproduced verbatim the telegram, com- 
posed by Abeken, which the king had sent 
, to Bismarck from Ems, with 
R^'k^ff"*' * t^^ omission of any irrelevant 
*J* matter, and ran as follows: 

"After the news of the resigna- 
tion of Prince HohenzoUern had been offici- 
ally communicated to the imperial French 
Government by the royal Spanish Govern- 
ment, the French ambassador in Ems 
further requested His Majesty the king to 
authorise him to telegraph to Paris that 
His Majesty pledged himself for the future 
never to give his assent if the Hohen- 
zollerns should renew their candida- 
ture. His Majesty thereupon declined to 
grant another audience to the French 
ambassador, and informed the latter 
through his aide-de-camp that His Majesty 
had no further communication to make 
to the ambassador." 

This telegram, which was known 
throughout Germany on July 14th, 
evoked on all sides the deepest satisfaction 
that a clear and well-merited rebuff had 
been given to French presumption ; and 
this satisfaction was increased when it was 
learnt that Gramont had made a further 
demand of the ambassador, Baron Karl von 
Werther, in Paris, namely, that the King 
of Prussia should write a letter to the 
Emperor Napoleon, in which he should 
declare that he had no intention of 
insulting France when he agreed to the 


candidature of Leopold. The telegram 
from Ems in no way compelled the war ; 
that was rather done by the French 
arrogance towards Germany; it was as 
Strauss wrote to Renan : " We are fighting 
again with Louis XIV." 

The acerbity of King William's refusal 
to pledge himself permanently was fully 
felt in Paris ; but the fact could not be 
disguised that, in view of the withdrawal 
of a candidature described by France as 
unendurable, no one in Europe would 
approve of the conduct of the Imperial 
Government if it declared itself dissatisfied. 
The majority, therefore, of the Ministers 
rejected Gramont's demand that the 
reserves should be called out ; it was left 
to Gramont to put up with this reprimand 
for his officious procedure, or to resign. 

This was in the morning of July 14th. 
The emperor himself also was for peace, 
since he knew the military strength of the 
Germans, and considered the pretext for 
the war inappropriate. Even the Empress 
Eugenie seems to have been unjustly 
accused of having urged on the war from 
hatred of heretical Germany, and from 
anxiety as to her son's prospects. 
Fraoce yet the feeling in the Cabinet 

for War 

Council veered round in the 
course of July 14th, and late 
at night the resolution to mobilise was 
taken ; the British ambassador, Lord 
Lyons, aptly suggested the reason in the 
following words : " The agitation in the 
army and in the nation was so strong that 
no government which advocated peace 
could remain in office." 

The emperor, his heart full of evil fore- 
bodings, yielded to this tide of public 
opinion ; Ollivier and the entire Ministry 
could not resist it. On the plea of a freshly 
arrived telegram, which in spite of the 
wishes of the Opposition was not produced 
—it cannot have been the telegram from 
Ems, which was already known — -a motion 
was brought forward on July 15th in the 
legislative body for the calling out of the 
Garde Mobile and for the grant of 330 
million dollars for the arrny and the fleet ; 
after a p^^ormy discussion it was carried by 
245 votes against 10 votes of the Extreme 
Left. The French nation had forced its 
government into war ; its representatives 
almost unanimously approved. 

The official declaration of war against 
Prussia by Napoleon was announced in 
Berhn by the charge d'affaires, Georges 
Le Sourd, on July igtti. The situation had 

developed with such rapidity, through 
Gramont's impetuosity and Benedetti's 
mission to Ems, that this declaration of 
war is the only official document which 
came to the Prussian Government from 
Paris. To judge by the official records, 
the war seems to have commenced like a 
pistol-shot, whereas, in reality, it was due 
„ V, to causes stretching back 

now Germany . , ^, 

P . . ' over past centunes. The re- 

,. ^. „ lations of the German and 

the Challenge ,, t' 1 ..■ 1 • l 

the French nations, which 

had been steadily changing since 1552, to 

the disadvantage of the former, were 

destined to be definitely readjusted by the 

war, and the absolute independence of 

Germany from the " preponderance " of 

France was to be once for all established. 

The whole of Germany felt at once that 
this was so. The declaration of war was 
like the stroke of a magician's wand in its 
effect upon the internal feuds and racial 
animosities by which the German nation 
had been hitherto divided. They vanished, 
and, with them, the mistaken hope of 
France that now, as on so many former 
occasions, Germany might be defeated with 
the help of Germans. The spokesmen of 
the anti-Prussian party in the South 
remained as perverse and obstinate as 
ever ; but they no longer had behind them 
the masses, who, at the moment when the 
national honour and security seemed 
menaced, obeyed the call of patriotism with 
a gratif5dng determination, and felt that, 
not merely by virtue of the treaties to 
which they had sworn, but also by virtue 
of unwritten right, the cause of Germany 
was to be found in the camp of Prussia. 

When the king travelled, on July 15th, 

from Ems via Coblenz to Berlin, his 

journey became a triumphal progress 

through Germany. Being informed at the 

Berlin railway station of the resolutions of 

the French Chambers, he decided to 

mobilise the whole Northern army, and # 

not merely some army corps, as he had 

^ .... . originally intended. He fijced 
MobUisiBg j^y j^^j^ ^ ^j^g ^j.g^ ^^y fQj. ^j 

» o '^°"*' preparations to be completed. 

of Germany j^^^ ^^^^ ^^y j^-^^^ Ludwig II. 

of Bavaria, since the casus foederis had 
occurred and Bavaria, by the treaty, had 
to furnish help, ordered the Bavarian army 
to be put on a war footing. On July 17th, 
the same order was given by King Charles I. 
of Wiirtemberg, who had hastened back 
from St. Moritz to Stuttgart. The North 
German Reichstag assembled on July 19th. 



It vyas greeted with a speech from the 
throne, which in its dignified strength and 
simplicity is a model of patriotic eloquence 
such as could only flow from the classic 
pen of Bismarck. "If Germany silently 
endured in past centuries the violation of 
her rights and her honour, she only endured 
it because in her distraction she did not 

know her strength. . . . 

Bismarck s -pQ.^jg.y, when her armour shows 

IS Tte ^^ g^^ ^^ ^j^g enemy, she 

possesses the will and the power 
to resist the renewed violence of the 
French. . . . God will be with us as 
with our fathers." The Reichstag unani- 
mously, except for the two Social 
Democrats, granted $90,000,000 for the 
conduct of the war ; the South German 
Landtags did the same. The enthusiastic 
self-devotion with which the German 
nation, excepting naturally the Guelf legion 
and the great financial houses, which even 
at this epoch-making moment thought only 
of themselves, rose up in every district to 
fight for honour, freedom, and unity, was, 
in one respect, more remarkable than that 
which the great days of 1813 had brought 
to light ; for the first time in German 
history Germany arose as a united whole. 
While the armies were collecting, Bis- 
marck published in " The Times " the offer 
which France had made him through 
Benedetti in August, 1866, proposing an 
offensive and defensive alliance between 
Prussia and France ; by it Luxemburg and 
Belgium were to be assigned to France, 
which in return would allow Prussia a free 
hand in Germany. The British ex-Minister, 
Lord Malmesbury, called this scheme 
a " detestable document," because it 
furnished, in spite of Benedetti's em- 
barrassed attempts at denial, a proof that 
the French Government had been pre- 
pared to annihilate its neighbours, who 
were only protected by the law of nations, 
without any just claim. It was solely due 
to Prussia's sense of justice and astuteness 
that Napoleon's purpose was 
Neotra ity ^^^ successfully accomplished. 
of European g^^j^ revelations contributed 

r OW£f ft 

their share to the result that 
no arm was raised in Europe for France. 
Great Britain at once declared her neu- 
trality, and British merchants derived 
large profits from the war by supplying 
coal and munitions of war to the French. 
Russia was favourably disposed to 
Prussia ; it feared that an insurrection of 
the Poles might l^reak out on any advance 


of the French to Berlin, and hoped to 
obtain du'"ing the war an opportunity to 
cancel the Treaty of Paris of 1856. In 
Italy King Victor Emmanuel was indeed 
personally inclined to support the French, 
on whose side he had fought in 1855 
and 1859 ; but his Ministers were opposed 
to a war which was waged against the 
growing unity of Germany. Any hin- 
drance to this growth must signify a defeat 
of the principle of nationality, and thus 
become dangerous to the unity of Italy. 
The lowest price at which Italy could be 
won was in any case the surrender of Rome ; 
but Napoleon III. stood in awe of the 
clerical party, and could not make up his 
mind to a step which would incense them. 

The policy .of Austria was at least trans- 
parent. She intended to complete her 
preparations lor war under the cloak of 
neutrality, without exposing herself to a 
premature attack from the side of Russia. 
The rapidity with which the French army 
was crushed, however, by the Germans 
soon stifled any wish to take part in the 
war which had been felt at Vienna. 

On the eve of the declaration of war, on 

July i8th, an event involving grave issues 

_. _ , occurred at Rome. The Vati- 
TTie Papal /- 1 ui j • 

-J . can Council, assembled since 

, ^*'I?.1.M.. December 8th, 1869, was op- 
I&falhbihty , , ,^ ? ^ ^ xi^ 

pressed from the outset by the 

sense of an inevitable destiny. The 
Opposition reckoned some 150 bishops 
and abbots. But it was out-voted in 
the ratio of three to one by the supporters 
of infallibility, and was itself divided, 
since one part alone was opposed to the. 
dogma itself, the other part only did 
not wish to see it proclaimed just then. 
Besides this the papal plenipotentiaries 
were said by their opponents to have 
proceeded in such a way as to preclude 
freedom in voting. After a trial vote 
of July 13th had shown the result that 
451 ayes and 88 noes were recorded, 
and a deputation of the Opposition to 
the Pope had produced no effect, most of 
the Opposition left Rome. 

Thus, on July i8th, 1870, amid the 
crashes of a terrible storm which 
shrouded the council hall in darkness, 
the dogma was accepted, by 533 votes 
against two, that the Pope of Rome, 
when he speaks ex cathedra to settle 
some point of faith and morals, is in- 
fallible, and that such decisions are in 
themselves unalterable even by the 
common consent of the Church. 








IT was to be expected, from the rapidity 
^ with which France had brought on the 
outbreak of the war, that she would have 
the start of the Germans in its preparations, 
and would bring the war as soon as possible 
into Germany. Leboeuf, the Minister of 
War, certainly used the phrase, "We are 
absolutely ready to the last gaiter-button," 
and possibly the emperor hoped to break 
the spirit of Prussia by rapid blows, and 
then to incorporate Belgium. Biit it was 
soon shown that France was not ready. 
" There was a deficiency," so the French 
historian, Arthur Chuquet says, " in money, 
in food, in camp-kettles, cOoking utensils, 
tents, harness, medicine, stretchers, every- 
thing, in short " ; the existing railways 
were inadequate to convey to the frontiers 
the 300,000 men whom France had at her 
disposal for the war, so that half of them 
were obliged to march on foot. The 
regiments were not constructed according 
to definite and compact geo- 
rance graphical districts : Alsatians 
nprepare j^^^ ^^ travel to Bayonne in 
order to join the ranks of their 
regiments, and southerners to Brittany. 
The result, under the stress of circum- 
stances, was an irremediable confusion 
and an unusual delay in the advance. On 
the other hand, the mobilisation proceeded 
quickly and easily among the Germans, 
where everything had been prepared as far 
as could be beforehand, arid every day was 
assigned its proper task. Moltke made 
the suggestive remark that the fourteen \j 
days of the mobilisation, during whicll^^*™*"'' ' 
there was nothing to carry out that had* 
not been long foreseen, were some of the 
most tranquil days of his life. , 

The French, according to the original 
and proper intention, formed one single 
army, the army of the Rhine, whose 
commander-in-chief was to be the emperor, 
with Leboeuf as chief of the General Staff ; 
but when it came to the point, this army 

was divided into two forces, one of 200,000 
men under Marshal Bazaine in Metz, and 
one of 100,000 men under Marshal 
MacMahon in Strassburg. The German 
troops were divided into three armies. 
The first was posted, under General 
Steinmetz, north-east of Treves, round 
Wittlich, and was made up of the 7th and 
Tk TK ^^^^ ^^^ corps, from the Rhine 
The Three ^jg^j-icts and Westphalia; it 
Armies u j r 

J -J numbered some 60,000 men. 

ermany ^^^^ ^^ j^ came the second 

army, under Prince Frederic Charles, 
which consisted of the 3rd, 4th, and loth 
corps ; that is to say, of Brandenburgers, 
Saxons from the province, and Hano- 
verians, and of the Guards ; it took up 
its position round Neunkirchen and Hom« 
burg, and was 134,000 strong. Finally, 
the third army, 130,000 men, was placed 
under the command of the Crown Prince 
Frederic William ; to it belonged the 5th 
and nth corps, frorri Posen, Hiesse, and 
Thuringia, as well as the Bavarians, 
Wiirtembergers, and Badeners ; they 
were stationed at Rastatt and Landau. 
The Crown Prince, before gping to the 
front, visited the. South German courts 
and quickly won the hearts of his soldiers 
by his chivalrous and kindly nature. 
Strong reserves stood behind the three 
armies— namely, the 9th and 12th corps, 
the Schleswig-Holsteiners and the Saxons 
from the kingdom, at Mainz, and the ist, 
2nd, and 6th corps, the East 
Prussians, Pomeranians, and 
Silesians, who on account of 
the railway conditions could 
not be sent to the front until the twentieth 
day, and were also intended to be kept in 
readiness for all emergencies against 
Austria. The sea-coast was to be guarded 
against the expected attacks of the French 
fleet by the 17th division, Magdeburg and 
the Hanse towns, and by the Landwehr. 
Moltke, as chief of the Prussian General 






Stafi, disclaimed all idea of a minutely 
elaborated plan, since the execution of 
such a plan cannot be guaranteed, for 
every battle creates a 
new situation, which 
must be treated and 
regarded by itself. 

Moltke therefore laid 
down three points only 
as of paramount import- 
ance. First, when the 
enemy is met, he must 
be attacked with full 
strength ; secondly, the 
goal of all efforts is the 
enemy's capital, the 
possession of which, 
owing to strict central- 
isation of the French 
Government, is of para- 

fint importance in a 
against France ; 
dly, the enemy's 
lc«"ces are, if possible, to 
b^ driven, not towards 
the rich south of France, but towards 
the north, which is poorer in resources 
and bounded by the sea. Since no 
blow was intended to be struck before 

From a photoi;rapb 

the advance of the entire army was 
completed and the full weight of a 
combined attack was assured, the French 
had for a few days 
apparently a free hand, 
and with three army 
corps drove back out 
of Saarbriicken on 
August 2nd the three 
battalions of those c p- 
posed to them. During 
the operations the em- 
peror took his son, a 
boy of fourteen, under 
fire ; according to the 
official telegram " some 
soldiers shed tears of 
joy when they saw the 
prince so calm." But 
the satisfaction was soon 
turned into chagrin 
when the third army, in 
order to cover the left 
flank of the second 
army, which was ad- 
vancing towards the Saar, marched closer 
to it, and on August 4th attacked the 
French division of General Abel Douay, 
which occupied the town of Weissenburg, 


From photographs 


The prospect of a war with Germany roused the inhabitants of Paris to a state of the highest enthusiasm, and for 
weeks they deluded themselves with hopes of victory, shouting: themselves hoarse with the cry, " ii Berlin 1" The 
defe&ts that followed brought with them terrible disillasionmejit, and the whole blame was laid on the Government 



and the Gaisberg lyin.u 
south of it, and utterly 
defeated it. Among the- 
prisoners was a number 
of Turcos or Arab soldiei ^ 
from Algiers, whom 
Napoleon, though thty 
could not be reckoned u> 
civilised soldiers, had n^ < 
scruples in employing m 
the war against tin 
Germans; but they could 
not resist the impetuous 
valour of the Bavarian^ 
and Poseners. On August 
6th the third army (mi 
its advance into Alsac( 
encountered the army 
of Marshal MacMahou, 
which occupied. a strong 
position near the small 
town of Worth, on the 
right bank of the Sauer- 

bach, a tributary of a distinguished soldier who had served France 
■tUo V?Uir>a TVio 'Ro-jTorionc 'o earlier wars, he commanded the first army 
ine Knme. l ne Cavanans ^^^^ ^^ ^.^^^ Franco-German War, and, d^ 

attacked on the right, feated at Worth, was captured at Sedan. He that waS the moSt COU- 

the Prussians on the left, — elated President of the Republic ini873. yenicnt thing to do. The 


battalions were on the 
>pot against thirty-nine 
of the French, whose 
commander, since he did 
not wish to be cut off 
from Metz, saw him- 
self compelled to make a 
hasty retreat, which 
abandoned Eastern Lor- 
raine to the Germans. 
The * news from the 
scene of war produced 
in Paris, where for weeks 
the inhabitants had 
deluded themselves with 
infatuated hopes of 
victory, and had shouted 
themselves hoarse with 
the cry " a Berlin ! " a 
terrible disillusionment, 
and then a fierce bitter- 
ness against the Govern- 
ment, on whose shoulders 
all the blame for the 
defeats was laid, since 

and in the last period of the protracted 
and bloody battle the Wiirtembergers 
had also the chance of intervening 
with success. The end was that the 
French, whose numerical 
inferiority was counter- 
balanced by their formid- 
able positions on heights 
and vineyards, were com- 
pletely defeated, and with 
a loss of 16,000 men and 
33 cannons they poured 
into the passes of the 
Vosges in headlong flight. 
"After they had fought 
like lions," says Arthur 
Chuquet, " they fled like 
hares." The Germans paid 
for the brilliant victory, 
which gave to them Lower 
Alsace with the exception 
of Strassburg, by a loss of 
10,000 men, among whom 
were nearly 500 officers. 
On the same day the 
disgrace of Saarbriicken 
was wiped out by the 
German capture of the 

Ollivier Ministry was overthrown by a 
vote of want of confidence in the Chambers, 
which declared it incapable to organise 
the defence of the country ; but the 
Republicans did not succeed 
in their intention of placing 
an executive committee of 
the Chambers at the head 
of the country, and so 
superseding the Empire 
offhand. On the contrary, 
the empress transferred the 
premiership to General 
Palikao, who took the 
Ministry of War from 
Leboeuf and gave him the 
command of a corps. The 
emperor wished at first 
to retire with his whole 
army to the camp of 
Chalons-sur-Mame, where 
MacMahon .was collecting 
the fragments of his army 
and gathering fresh troops 
round him. But since the 
abandonment of the whole 
of Eastern France to its 
fate would have been a 

GENERAL STEINMETZ ,. • , ■ .. , x- i 

apparently impregnable a Prussian general of experience and political mistake, rsapoleon 

heights of Snicheren, near distinction, he commanded one of the remained for the moment 

„ ® , .. , ' , ' "^"^ three German armies m the Franco- . •-»»>. • * 

baarbrucken, although German War, and after faUing in his Stationary in Metz, against 

only twenty-seven German 'di^.^.^^.'^^tp.:.'^ ^&.^ which the first and second 


armies now were put into movement, 
while the third advanced through the 
Vosges toward Chalons. Since this latter 
had the longer way to march, the king 
issued orders that the two 
other armies should 
advance more slowly, in 
order that the combined 
German forces might 
compare an unbroken 
and continuous mass with 
a front of equal depth, 
and that the enemy 
might not find any oppor- 
tunity to throw himself 
in overwhelming numbers 
on any one part. On 
August 14th the advance 
guard of the first army, 
under Goltz, had almost 
reached the gates of Metz, 
when they found the 
French main army pre- 
paring to retreat. In mARsnAL bazaine 

order to check them on Resigningthe supreme command of the French 

ihi^ ritrVit UortV nf +hp army and yielding to public opinion, Napoleon 

tne ngni OaUK 01 tne appointed Marshal Bazaine to that office, 

Moselle and to bring on a ^ut the anticipated success did not follow, 

pitched battle at Metz, ^""'"' capitulating to the enemy at Metz. 

Goltz, in spite of his inferior numbers, 
attacked the enemy. The French, eager 

at last to chastise the bold assailant, 
immediately wheeled round ; but, just as 
at Spicheren, the nearest 
German regiments, so soon 
as they heard the thunder 
of the cannons, hurried to 
the assistance of Goltz, 
freed hun from great dan- 
ger, and drove the French 
back under the fort of 
St. Julien, which, with its 
heavy guns, took part at 
nightfall in the fierce en- 
gagement. Thus the retreat 
of the French was delayed 
by one day, and in the 
meantime the main body 
of the Germans had reached 
the Moselle. Napoleon, 
yielding to public opinion. 

five miles in a whole day, smce the baggage 
train blockied all the roads. Meantime, 
the Third Army Corps, that of the Branden- 
burgers, had reached the road which leads 
from Metz past Vionville 
and Mars - la - Tour to 
Verdun and the valley of 
the Meuse, and their 
general, Alvensleben, de- 
termined at all hazards 
to block the further 
march of the enemy in 
that direction, although 
he was well aware that 
he would have four 
French corps opposed to 
him, and for a consider- 
able time could count on 
no support being brought 
up. A desperate struggle 
began on August i6th. 
At two o'clock in the after- 
noon Alvensleben had not 
a single infantry battalion 
or any artillery in re- 
serve ; so that when 
Marshal Canrobert, with 
sound judgment, pressed 
on in order to break up the exhausted 
German line, the Twelfth Cavalry Brigade 

was compelled to attack the enemy, not- 
withstanding all the difficulties of a cavalry 
attack on infantry armed 
with chassepots. This 
" Charge of the 800 " 
recalls that of Balaclava ; 
only half of them came 
back. But here it saved the 
day. "Canrobert did not 
move again that whole day ; 
he might have broken 
through, but from the 
furious onslaught of 
Bredow's six squadrons he 
feared to fall into a trap 
and kept quiet." But since 
gradually the Tenth Corps 
from the left and the Eighth 
Corps from the right came 

- CROWN PRINCE OF SAXONY *° Alvenslebeu's . support, 

now resigned the supreme i„ the Franco-German War the 9th and the danger passed; the 

command to Marshal ifl^ed*'?s*''^'hrMtu«\?;j.^''"'' ""^ Germans, who on this day 

Bazame, m whom the army trown'prince Albert of saxony^'who had faced a great army of 

and navy reposed un- the reputation of being a splendid leader. j2o,ooo French at first 

founded confidence, left Metz with pre- 
cipitate haste on August 14th, and entered 
Chalons with MacMahon on the 17th. 
The main army itself did not leave Metz 
until August 15th, and then only advanced 

with 29,000 and later with 65,000 men, 
were in possession of the field of battle. 
Of the roads by which Bazaine could 
reach Verdun from Metz, the southern was 
blocked against him ; he could only eftect 









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his retreat now on the 
northern road, by Saint- 
Privat. And that pos- 
sibiUty was then taken 
from him, since on 
August i8th the two 
German armies, both of 
which meantime had 
crossed the Moselle 
above Metz, advanced 
to the attack on the 
entire front fromSainte- 
Marie-aux-Chenes and 
Saint-Privat to Grave- 
lotte. In the course of 
the operations the 
Saxons, under the 
Crown Prince Albert, 
and the Guards, under 
Prince Augustus of 
Wiirtemberg, stormed 
the fortress-like position 
of Saint - Privat with 
terrific carnage ; on the 
right wing at Gravelotte 
no success was attained. 
But the main point 
had been achieved. The 
great French army had 

To his military genius Germany owed much of her 
success over France in the war of 1870. A great 
strategist and organiser, he prepared the army 
with wonderful skill, and thus laid the foundation 
of the many brilliant victories which followed. 
From a photo^apli 

been hurled back on 
Metz, and was imme- 
diately surrounded there 
by the Germans, in a 
wide circle. The inde- 
cision of the French 
commander-in-chief was 
much to blame fowthis 
momentous this 
prolonged struggle,, in 
which some 180,000 men 
on either side ultimately 
took part. From^ fear 
of being finally -cut off 
from Metz itself and 
surrounded in the open 
field, Bazaine kept a 
third of his forces in 
reserve ; if he . had 
staked these, he might, 
I^erhaps, have won the 
game. The casualties 
on either side were 
enormous. The Germans 
lost On the 14th, i6th, 
and 18th . of , August 
5,000, 16,000, and 
20,000 men, making a 
total of' 41,000. killed, 






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wounded, and prisoners ; the French, 3,600, 
16,000, and 13,000, some 33,000 men in all. 
The comparative smallness of the French 
losses is explained by the fact that they 
were mostly on the defensive, although 
they ought properly 
to have attacked, 
and fought behind 
entrenchments. Tin- 
French army in 
Metz was lost if a 
hand were not 
stretched out to it 
by its comrades-in- 
arms outside the 
town; it was 
rumoured that 
Bazaine would make 
a renewed attempt 
to meet the expected 
relieving force at 
Montm6dy or Sedan. 
All the journals in 
Paris declared with 
one voice that 
Bazaine must be 
rescued at any cost. 
Under the pressure 
of this situation Mac- 
Mahon, who had been 
reinforced at Chalons 
by a division recalled 
from the Spanish 
frontier and by four 
regiments of marines, 
and had been nomi- 
nated commander- 
in-chief of all the forces outside Metz, 
decided not to retreat to Paris — the course 
which seemed to him most correct in itself 
— but to leave the camp of Chalons to its 
fate and march on Montmedy by way of 
Vouziers and Buzancy, and there effect a 
junction, if possible, with Bazaine. 

King William had meantime com- 
manded Prince Frederic Charles to invest 
Metz. General Steinmetz, since he was 
not on good terms with Prince Frederic 
Charles, now his superior, and especially 
since he had failed in his task at 
Gravelotte, was appointed Governor- 
general of Posen and Silesia. The Ninth 
and Twelfth Corps, as well as the Guards, 
were placed, as " the Meuse Army," under 
Crown Prince Albert of Saxony, a splendid 
leader, and instructions were given to 
him to push on towards Chalons with the 
third army ; his task was to frustrate all 
attempts of the French to take up a 


An advanced Liberal, he took office in the Government of 
National Defence after the proclamation of the Republic, 
becoming: Minister of the Interior. He later became 
Dictator of France, and wished to continue the war ag;ainst 
Germany, even after the surrenders of Metz and Paris. 

From a photojjrapli 

position there and advance on Metz. 
But when the Meuse army had passed 
Verdun, and the third army had reached 
Ste. Menehould, Headquarters, which 
followed these movements, learnt of 
MacMahon's march 
from Chalons and 
Rheims ; Moltke im- 
mediately issued 
orders, on August 
25th, that the two 
armies would wheel 
to the right, in order, 
if possible, to take 
MacMahon in the 
rear. This dangerous 
manoeuvre, which 
extended, of course, 
to the baggage trains 
of the armies, was 
completely success- 
ful, without causing 
any confusion to the 
columns. MacMahon 
failed to see the 
favourable chance, 
which presented 
itself for severed 
daiys, of hurling his 
120,000 men against 
the 99,000 under the 
Crown Prince of 
Saxony and annihi- 
lating them before 
the third army came 
up. When MacMahon 
found no trace of 
Bazaine on August 27th at Montmedy, he 
wished to commence the retreat on Paris ; 
but on the direct orders of Palikao, the 
Minister of "War, and postponing military 
to political considerations, he continued 
his march in the direction of Metz, and 
hastened to his ruin. On August 30th the 
corps of General de Failly was attacked 
by the Bavarians and the Fourth Prussian 
Corps under Gustav von Alvensleben at 
Beaumont, and thrown back 
on Mouzon. The whole French 
army retired from that place to 
the fortress of Sedan, in the 
hope of being able to rest there and then 
to retire along the Belgian frontier north- 
wards. But that was not allowed to 
happen. The Meuse army pressed on from 
the east, the third army from the west ; 
the Eleventh Corps seized the bridge which 
crossed the Meuse at Donchery, and thus 
cut off the road to the north-west. The 

The French 
to Sedan 


neighbourhood of Sedan was certainly easy 
to defend, since the Meuse, with other 
streams and gorges, presented considerable 
difficulties to an attack ; but on September 
ist the Germans, who outnumbered the 
French by almost two to one, advanced 
victoriously onwards, in spite of the most 
gallant resistance. The Bavarians cap- 
, tured Bazeilles on the south- 

March'o"* ^^^^' ^^^^^ ^^^ inhabitants 
*i.*i^ ° took part in the fight, and thus 
the Germans , Vx ^l i xl 

brought upon themselves the 

destruction of their village. The Eleventh 
Corps took the cavalry of Illy in the 
north. A great cavalry attack, under the 
Marquis de Gallifet, at Floing could not 
change the fortune of the day ; the 
French army, thrown back from every 
side on to Sedan, had only the choice 
between surrendering or being destroyed 
with the fortress itself, which could 
be bombarded from all sides. 

Marshal MacMahon was spared the neces- 
sity of making his decision in this painful 
position ; a splinter of a shell had severely 
wounded him in the thigh that very 
morning at half-past six. The general next 
to him in seniority, Baron Wimpffen, who 

had just arrived from Algiers, was forced, 
in consideration of the 690 pieces of 
artillery trained on the town, to conclude 
an unconditional surrender on September 
2nd. In this way, besides 21,000 French 
who had been taken during the battle, 
83,000 became prisoners of war; and 
with them 558 guns were captured. The 
French had lost 17,000 in killed and 
wounded, the Germans, 9,000 ; an army 
of 120,000 men was annihilated at a 
single blow. Two German c^rps were 
required to guard the prisoners and 
deport them gradually to Germany. 

The Emperor Napoleon himself fell into 
the hands of the Germans, together with 
his army. It is attested, as indeed he wrote 
to King William, that he wished to die 
in the midst of his troops before con- 
senting to such a step ; but the bullets, 
which mowed thousands down, passed him 
by, in order that the man on whom, in the 
eyes of history, the responsibility for the 
war and the defeat rests, although the 
whole French nation was really to blame, 
might go before the monarch whom he 
had challenged to the fight, and that the 
latter might prove his magnanimity to 




be not inferior to his strength. The 
meeting of the two monarchs took place 
at two o'clock in the Chateau of Belle- 
vue near Frenois, during which Napoleon 
asserted that he had only begun the 
war under compulsion from the popular 
opinion of his country. The castle of 
Wilhelmshohe near Cassel was assigned 
him as his abode, and the emperor was 
detained there m honourable confine- 
ment until the end of the war. 

That evening the king, who in a tele- 
gram to his wife had f?iven God the 
honour, proposed a toast to Roon, the 
Minister of War, who had 
whetted the sword, to 
Moltke, who had wielded 
it, and to Bismarck, who 
by his direction of Prus- 
sian policy for years had 
raised Prussia to her 
present pre-eminence. He 
modestly said nothing 
about himself, who had 
placed all these men in 
the responsible posts and 
rendered their efforts 
possible; but the voice 
of history will testify of 
him only the more loudly 
that he confirmed the 
truth of the saying of 
Louis XIV., " gouverner, 
c'est choisir " — the choice 
of the men and the 
means both require the 
decision of the monarch. 

The victory of Sedan 
led to a series of moment- 
ous results. Not merely 
did it evoke in Germany 
general rejoicings, such 
as the capture of the 
monarch of a hostile 
state and of a great army 
necessarily call forth, but it powerfully 
stimulated the national pride and definitely 
shaped the will of the nation. Thousands 
of orators at festivities in honour of the 
victory and countless newspaper articles 
voiced the determination that such suc- 
cesses were partially wasted if they did 
not lead to the recovery of that western 
province which had been lost in less pros- 
perous times, of Alsace and German Lor- 
raine with Strassburg and Metz, and also to 
the establishment of that complete German 
unity which was first planned in 1866. 
Bismarck gave a competent expression 


A Radical journalist, who had found it neces- 
sary to escape from France, he was elected a 
member of the National Assembly in 1870 ; 
but the honour carried with it no sobering- 
influence, and once more he escaped for his life. 

to the former feeling when he declared 
in two notes to the ambassadors of the 
North German Confederation, on Sep- 
tember 13th and i6th, that Germany must 
hold a better guarantee for her security 
than that of the goodwill of France. 

So long as Strassburg and Metz remained 
in the possession of the French, France 
would be stronger to attack than 
Germany to defend ; but once in the 
possession of Germany, both towns gained 
a defensive character, and the interests 
of peace were the interests of Europe. 
In the second place, the victory of 
Sedan affected the atti- 
tude of the neutral 
Powers. We know from 
the evidence of King 
William's letter of Sep- 
tember 7th, 1870, to 
Queen Augusta that all 
kinds of cross-issues had 
cropped up before Sedan ; 
that neutrals had con- 
templated pacific inter- 
vention with the natural 
object of taking from 
Germany the fruit of its 
victories. The ultimate 
source of these plans 
was Vienna, where much 
consternation at the 
German victories was 
bound to be felt. But 
they had found an echo 
in St. Petersburg also. 
The Tsar Alexander, it is 
true, loyally maintained 
friendly relations with 
Prussia, and his aunt, 
Helene, nee Princess of 
Wiirtemberg, wife of the 
Grand Duke Michael 
Pavlovitch, brother of 
the Tsar Nicholas I., was 
a trustworthy support to the German 
party at court ; but the Imperial 
Chancellor, Alexander Gortchakoff, ex- 
pressed disapproval of every demand 
for a cession of French territory, since 
that would prove a new apple of discord 
between Germany and France, and thus a 
standing menace to the peace of Europe. 
King William made the just remark 
that according to this view Germany must 
give back the whole left bank of the 
Rhine, since in that case only was tran- 
quillity to be looked for from France. The 
battle of Sedan put an end to all wish on 


the part of ne,utrals to interfere in a war which, in any case, the majority of the 
which they had not hindered. The extra- Chamber wonid elect trustworthy Bona- 
ordinary efficiency of the German army partists, would keep the place warm for 
and the German military organisation had the Empire, which- might be reinstated 

at a fitting hour. The 
fear of this incited the 
mob to act not with the 
Chamber, but against it. 
Crowds thronged into the 
galleries, and finally into 
the chamber itself, so 
that Eugene Schneider, 
the president, declared it 
an impossibility to con- 
tinue the debate under 
such conditions, and the 
sitting was closed. The 
attempt to hold an even- 
ing sitting, and exclude 
all disturbance, could not 
now be carried out ; at 
three o'clock the Senate 
also had to be closed. 
The Republic was then 
proclaimed at the Hotel 
de Ville ; and in its name 

been manifested after a 
fashion which made the 
idea of intervention dis- 
tinctly unattractive, if 
Germany did not court 
it. And Germany was 
very far from courting 
it. The Germans had 
faced the war by them- 
selves ; they had fought 
it by themselves ; in 
effect they had won it 
by themselves. German 
piety and German poetry 
attributed the victory to 
the fact that the God of 
Battles was on the side 
of Germany ; and Ger- 
many had no sort of 
intention of permitting 
the Powers which had 

After the proclamation of the Republic, 
looked on to arrange General Trochu became head of the govern- 

° ment ; but be did not long: hold office, resigrnmg .1 j .• ^ t> ■ i 

the governorship of Paris in 1871 and retiring the deputies Ol PariS, With 
into private Ufe about two years atterwards. ^he exception of Thiers, 

who refused, met as a provisional govern- 
ment. The Radical journalist, Rochefort, 

matters for the con- 
venience of anyone but 
the Germans. The third result of the 
day of Sedan was that the French Empire 

fell with a crash. The Empress Eugenie 
received the official news of the surrender 
on the evening of Septem- 
ber 2nd, She hesitated 
the whole of the 3rd as 
to what was to be done 
in this position. But 
on the 4th the Chamber 
had to be allowed to 
speak, and Jules Favre, 
the leader of the Left, 
immediately moved that 
Napoleon Bonaparte and 
his house should be de- 
clared deposed, and that 
the Corps L^gislatif 
should nominate a com- 
mittee, which might ex- 
ercise all the powers of 
the government, and 
whose task it should be 
to drive the enemy from 

whom it was thus hoped to win over, and 
General Trochu, a Governor of Paris, 
were nominated members 
of it. Trochu became head 
of this government, and 
Jules Favre was his 
deputy. A Ministry was 
formed by this government 
onSeptember 5th, in which 
Favre assumed the 
Ministry of Foreign 
Affairs, the energetic 
lawyer, Lten Gambetta, 
that of the Interior, and 
General Leflo the Wai 
Office. The legislative 
body was at once dis- 
solved, the Senate abol 
ished: all officials wen 
released from their oath 
to the emperor, and thirty 
JULES FAVRE ncw prefects, of strici 

the country. ThePalikao ^k^^rai'^A'siSy^^f ^IfT h^e^tlu republican views were 

Ministry also proposed a terms for the capitulation of Paris in January, appointed. 1 he Gemian 

■1 -ii X n „ 1871, and resigned office a few months later. __„_-i,„„4-c MrKn Karl 

Similar committee of five mercnantswnonaa 

hitherto remained in France were, so far as 
no special permission was granted to them, 
ordered to leave Paris and its vicinity 
within the space of twenty-four hours. 


members to be nominated by the legisla- 
tive body, but its lieutenant-general 
was to be Palikoa. The latter furnished 
a guarantee that the committee, on 


i-rom the painting by U«l>bacb« photo by BiuckraaoD 






• ♦ 

> > I 





r\\ the burning question of the moment, 
^^ whether France after these severe 
defeats should not seek peace, Favre de- 
clared in a circular of September 6th that 
if the King of Prussia wished to continue 
this deplorable war against France, even 
after the overthrow of the guilty dynasty, 
the Government would accept the challenge 
and would not cede an inch of national 
territory nor a stone of the fortresses. 
Thiers, who had volunteered for the task, 
was sent on September 12th to the neutral 
Powers, to induce them to intervene ; but 
in view of the above-mentioned procla- 
mations of Bismarck of September 13th 
and i6th, no Power thought it prudent to 
meddle, since Germany desired a cession 
of territory as emphatically as France 
refused one. Any agreement between the 
belligerents was thus for the time totally 
excluded. Thiers received in London, 
Vienna, St. Petersburg, and Florence, 
courteous words, but no sup- 

ermans pQj-t. Beust, deeply concerned, 

*p . then wrote: "Je ne vois plus 

d' Europe " ; even Gortchakoff 

drily advised the envoy to purchase peace 

without delay by some sacrifices, since later 

it might have to be bought more dearly. 

The Germans meanwhile were marching 
straight on Paris. Metz remained at 
the same time invested by the seven corps 
under Frederic Charles ; the effort of 
Bazaine to play into MacMahon's hand on 
August 31st and September ist, by a great 
attempt to break through at Noisseville, 
proved comjjletely futile ; 36,000 Germans 
had. held a line of five and a half miles 
against 134,000 French. 

Even the French fleet of ironclads, which 
appeared in August off Heligoland and 
Kolberg, could do nothing from its want of 
troops to land. Shattered by a terrible 
storm on September qth, it returned 
ingloriously to its native harbours. 

When the Germans, after the capture of 
Rheims and Laon appeared in the vicinity 
of Paris, 'Favre asked for an interview with 

Bismarck. Conversationsbetween the two 

statesmen took place on September 19th 

and 20th in the chateaux of Ha.ute Maison 

and Ferrieres. Favre declared that 

cessions of territory could in any case only 

be granted by a National Assembly, and 

asked for fourteen days' armistice, in 

P order that such an Assembly 

-. ^. might be elected. Bismarck was 

Bismarck in ''j . j . ^i 

Conference ""^^^y *° ^^^^^^ ^^ ^^^ request, 
but asked, as compensation 
for the fact that France in these fourteen 
days of armistice could to some degree 
recover her breath, that the fortresses of 
Pfalzburg, Toul, and Strassburg should be 
surrendered. Since Favre would not hear 
of such conditions, the negotiations were 
thus broken off. 

The Germans completed the investment 
of Paris on September 19th, and forced 
Toul to capitulate on the 23rd. Strassburg 
had been besieged since August nth by 
the Baden troops under General Werder, 
and since the 23rd had been exposed to a 
bombardment through which the picture 
gallery, the library, with its wealth of 
priceless manuscripts, the law courts, and 
government buildings, and the theatre 
were burnt ; of the cathedral, only the 
roof caught fire. Four hundred and fifty 
private houses were ruined, and 2,000 
persons killed or wounded. This misfortune 
was due to the fact that Strassburg was a 
thoroughly antiquated fortress, the bom- 
bardment of which involved the destruction 
not merely of the works, but also of the 
houses of the inhabitants. The French 

commander, General Uhrich, 
Bombardment ^ j^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ ^j^g ^^^, 

and Surrender cumstances, to have allowed 
of strassburg ^^^^^^^ ^^ g^ ^^ f^r as a bom- 
bardment ; but in the knowledge that 
" Strassburg was Alsace," he offered resist- 
ance until a storni, the success of which 
admitted no doubt, was imminent. The 
capitulation was signed on September 28th 
at two o'clock in the morning ; it was the 
very day on which, 180 years before, 



Louvois had accepted the surrender of 
Strassburg to the army of Louis XIV. 
There were endless rejoicings in Germany 
when the g od news was proclaimed that 
a city had been won back which had 
remained dear to every German heart, 
even in the kng years when it stood under 
a foreign yoke. September 28th was felt 
, to be a day of national satisf ac- 
ermaay s ^^^^ ^ tangible guarantee that 
a ion» ^j^^ ^.^^ ^£ German humiha- 
ejoicing ^.^^ ^^^ weakness was now 
past for ever. Since Strassburg had fallen, 
the great railroad to Paris lay at the 
disposal of the Germans ; the captures 
of Schlettstadt on October 24th, Verdun, 
November 8th. Neubreisach, November 
loth, Diedenhofen. November 24th, Mont- 
medy and Pfalzburg, December 14th, 
completed the reduction of the smaller 
fortresses of the east, with which great 
stores of artillery and powder fell into 
the hands of the victors. The communi- 
cations in the rear of the Germans 
gained greatly in security and quiet. 

This fact was the more important 
because, since the Battle of Sedan, the war, 
which hitherto had been a duel between 
armies, assumed another phase. Under 
the title of " Franc-tireurs," armed bands 
from among the people took part in the 
struggle, and caused considerable losses by 
unexpected attacks on isolated German out- 
posts and rear-guards. On the German 
side these bands were declared to stand 
outside the law of nations, and villages 
whose inhabitants took part in the war as 
Franc-tireurs were, under certain condi- 
tions, burnt down as a deterrent. Even 
Frenchmen admit that the hcentious Franc- 
tireurs were frequently more da^igerous to 
the natives than to the enemy. 

The chief aim of the French, now that 
negotiations for peace had fallen through, 
was necessarily the liberation of the 
capital, for, although among the 1,700.000 
persons who were in Paris some 540,000 

_. _ . were men capable of bearing 

The Gerraaak j. r iu xu „ 

, -,. ., arms, yet of these the 340,000 
Iron Girdle -p, . .-' x- x- 1 r^ j 
J. a P ' Parisian National Guards 

were worthless from the 
military point of view, and of the 120,000 
Gardes Mobiles, only a part of the pro- 
vincials was of any value. Thus only the 
80,000 soldiers of the line were thoroughly 
useful, and \vith these alone General Trochu 
could not break through the 150,000, and 
later 200,000, picked German troops, who 
were drawing an iron girdle round the city, 


under the supreme direction of the king, 
who resided at Versailles, and force them 
to raise the siege. Under these conditions 
the duty of obtaining support from out- 
side was incumbent on the members of the 
Government, who had left Paris in good 
time, in order to conduct the arming of the 
country, and had taken up their seat at 
Tours on the Loire. 

But life was not instilled into this " Dele- 
gation," consisting of three old men, 
until Gambetta left Paris on October 6th 
in a balloon, and arrived in Tours on the 
9th. He immediately took on himself 
the Ministry of War in addition to that of 
the Interior, and with the passionate 
energy of his southern temperament 
and his thirty-two years, he girded himself 
for the task of " raising legions from the soil 
with the stamp of his foot," and of crush- 
ing the bold hordes who dared to harass 
holy Paris, " the navel of the earth." 
Gambetta's right hand in the organisation 
of new forces was Charles de Freycinet, 
a man of forty-two, a Protestant, originally 
an engineer, clever and experienced, clear 
and cool in all his actions, but, in con- 

^ IX.. sequence of the complete wreck 
Gambetta s r ^i. r • i u- 

-.„ ^ . of the professional soldiers, 

Efforts to , „ r ^, , , , . 

- r- full of haughty contempt 

Save France f .,.. *r • 11 ^ 

for military professional know- 
ledge, and inspired by the persuasion that 
now men of more independent views must 
assume the lead, and that a burning 
patriotism must replace military drill. 

The thought recurred vaguely to the 
minds of both that 1870 must go to school 
with 1793, and that just as then the 
soldiers trained in the traditions of Frederic 
the Great and Laudon were repulsed by the 
levy en masse, so now the laurels might 
be torn from the soldiers of William I. 
by the same means. That was really a grave 
error. In 1793 the powers allied against 
France were defeated chiefly from their 
want of combination, not by the armed 
masses of the French people, which to some 
extent existed only on paper ; and the 
army which was now fighting on French 
soil far surpassed the troops of the first 
coalition in number and moral quality. 
Gambetta's exertions did not there- 
fore rescue France, but only prolonged her 
death agony, multiplied the sacrifices, 
and enhanced the victory of the Germans. 

Besides this, it was not possible, with 
all his resolute determination , to turn armed 
men into soldiers in a moment. Since it 
was necessary in a country which only 

33- i»» 


p C h X 

B ,. V a ~ 
< > o S> » 


' — !• u n = 

a; 1) rt u >% - 
>.« 2 s i 

Q -> S >;.■§ 

« :: s - . 

S.2 « 







of Paris 

possessed six batteries and 2,000,000 
cartridges to procure arms and ammuni- 
tion from every source, especially from 
England, a varied selection of weapons 
was the result ; there were in the new 
army alone fifteen different kinds of guns 
in use. Nevertheless, Gambetta deserves 
admiration for having raised 600,000 
men within four months ; and 
even if all attempts were 
shattered against the superior 
strategy and the incomparable 
efficiency of the German troops, still 
Gambetta saved the honour of France, 
and with it the future of the republic. 

The Germans, shortly after Gambetta's 
arrival at Tours, had occupied Orleans 
on October nth, and on October i8th, 
stormed Chateaudun, which was burnt, 
because the inhabitants had 
joined in the tight. But 
now troops in such superior 
numbers were being massed 
against them that at the 
headquarters in Versailles 
serious misgivings were felt 
as to the possibility of 
checking all the threaten- 
ing advances upon Paris. 

Under these circum- 
stances all eyes were eagerly 
fixed on Bazaine, who still 
kept half the German army 
stationary under the walls 
of Metz. During this period 

condition. Among the French, the 
miseries of the weather were aggravated 
by the daily increasing want of provisions ; 
in the end the soldiers received only one- 
third of their original allowance of bread, 
and the supply of salt was exhausted. ' 

Bazaine therefore, after he had vainly 
tried to obtain the neutralisation of his 
army, and then its surrender, without the 
concurrent capitulation of Metz, was com- 
pelled to surrender himself with 173,000 
men and 1,570 pieces of artillery to 
Prince Frederic Charles on October 27th. 
This was a success which surpassed the 
day of Sedan in grandeur, if not in 
glory. Germany now had in her hands 
the territory which she thought essential 
to secure her tranquillity, and the whole 
army of Frederic Charles was available 
for other theatres of war. 
About this time the world 
was surprised by a cir- 
cular from the Russian 
Imperial Chancellor, Prince 
Gortchakoff, which, bear- 
ing date October 31st, 
contained the declaration 
that the Treaty of Paris of 
March 30th, 1856, had been 
repeatedly infringed ; for 
example, in 1859 and ic62, 
by the union of the two 
Danubian principalities of 
Moldavia and Wallachia 


vz^.xxv.«nn.vyr-i- ^^^^ ^^^ singlc priucipaHty 

all sorts of political negotia- The 'ruVJuiT imperiar cha'^eTior, he of Roumania— and that it 
tions had been conducted was one ofthe most powerful Ministers in ^oc not Russia's bounden 

, . T> 4. u Europe, and m 1871 was responsible for V ivusbid. s uuuiiuen 

Detween rsazaine, tne the secession of Russia from the Treaty duty to observe merely 

Gprman hpaHn,.prtpr<. ^nH o( Paris, arrang:ed in the year 1856. ^^^^^ ^j^^^^^ -^ ^^^ ^^^^^^ 

German headquarters, and 
the Empress Eugenie, now an exile in Eng- 
land. The gist of these negotiations was 
th atBazaine, supported by his army, which 
still remained loyal to its captive monarch, 
should conclude a peace and restore the 
empire ; but the attempt failed from the 
numerous and great difficulties which 
stood in the way, and the position of the 
encircled army, which was unable to 
burst the ring of besiegers, became daily 
worse. From October 8th to 3rst con- 
tinuous rain fell in such torrents that 
the besiegers and the besieged, who were 
both encamped on the open field in miser- 
able huts, suffered incredible hardships. 
Hardly any one had dry clothes ; the 
wind whistled through the crevices ; and 
German divisions which had only a fifth 
of their numbers in hospital were con- 
sidered to be in an exceptionally good 

which were detrimental to her. She did 
not, therefore, consider herself bound by 
that provision which declared the Black 
Sea neutral, but would, on the contrary, 
make full use of her right to construct a 
naval harbour there. The circular showed 
that the authorities at St. Petersburg 
wished to turn to account the position of 
Europe, and during the weak 
ness of France to cancel that 
treaty which France and Eng- 
land in their time had forced 
upon the dominions of the Tsar, since it 
was detrimental to the honour and power 
of Russia. Britain and Aistria issued 
on November loth and i6th a protest 
against this selfish policy of Russia ; but 
the conference at London, which met at 
Bismarck's suggestion on January 17th. 
1871, approved the action of Rus»ia in the 








Against the Ijeavy fire of the attacking: Prussians the Parisians erected defence works in the streets of the city ana 
from time to time sorties were made in the hope of driving the invaders from the strong positions which they held. 



Some idea of the destruction of property resulting from the sieg:e of Paris is given in the above pictures, showing 
scenes of ruin at St. Cloud after the invading army had taken its departure from the French capital 



Black Sea, and only stipulated that the 
Straits of the Dardanelles and the Bospho- 
rus should be closed to the warships of 
all the Great Powers with the obvious 
exception of Turkey. The German Em- 
pire stood in this question on the side of 
Russia, whose emperor had 
indisputably facilitated the 
victory over France by his 
attitude, even if his Chan- 
cellor, Gortchakoff, tried to 
depreciate as far as possible 
the results of this victory. 
After the fall of Metz, 
Prince Frederic Charles re- 
ceived orders to detach a 
force under General Man- 
teuffel, in order to capture 
the still untaken fortresses 
in the rear of the Germans ; 
he himself, with his four re- 
maining corps, was to advance 

ineffectual against the bravery of five 
German regiments and some batteries, 
commanded by Major Korber, a hero of 
Mars-la-Tour. The great sortie vvhich 
General Ducrot attempted in the south- 
east of Paris on November 30th, against 
the positions of the Wiirtem- 
bergers and Saxons near the 
villages of Champigny and 
Brie, did not attain its object 
in spite of the great superiority 
of the French. The fire of 
the Wiirtembergers, bursting 
from behind the park walls 
of Villiers and Coeuilly, 
mowed down the attacking 
columns of the French in 
heaps. On December 2nd the 
village of Champigny, which 
had been lost on November 
30th, was to a great extent 
won back by the help of the 

... XL T • x. GENERAL WERDER _. . . 

rapidly on the Loire by way After the capture of Aisace. this Pomeramans, ana on Decem 

of Fontainebleau and Sens. German commander forced his J3gj- oj-d the army of the 

_,, r .1 • ■ . i_ . "'^y '"to Tranche Comte and , • , , . -i t^ ■ 

Ihe state of things in that Burgundy, where he occupied sortie returned back to Pans, 

direction was critical. The oijo", the capital, on October 31st. i^ jj^^ i^g^ j2,ooo men, 
French army of the Loire, with a strength Germans 6,000, and the 'besiegers 

of 60,000 men, had thrown itself on the 
15,000 Bavarians of Von der Tann, 
defeated them at Coulmiers on November 
9th, and compelled them to evacuate 
Orleans. The king immediately sent to the 
support of the Bavarians 
the 17th and 22nd divi- 
sions, with four cavalry 
divisions, which were no 
longer required before 
Paris, and entrusted the 
command of this " army 
section," including the 
Bavarians, to the Grand 
Duke Frederic Francis IL 
of Mecklenburg. Every- 
thing pointed to a great 
and decisive action. The 
Paris army was preparing 
for a sortie on a large 
scale, to which Gambetta 

had to abandon all hope of breaking 
their way through by their unassisted 
strength. General Ducrot, who had 
vowed to conquer or to die, and ex- 
posed himself recklessly to the bullets, 
was compelled to re-enter 
Paris alive and defeated. 
Prince Frederic Charles 
defeated the army of the 
Loire, now commanded 
by the gallant General 
Chanzy, in the four days' 
battle of the ist to the 4th 
of December at Loigny and 
Orleans, and on December 
4th the Grand Duke oi 
Mecklenburg again entered 
this town. German out- 
posts bivouacked beneath 
the statue of the Maid 
of Orleans. The French 


wished to respond by a in the German war against France he army was in a most lament 

bold attack from Orleans; rnrs^tfqul'ntiy^^Is t ^omma-^d able plight; the soldiers, 

fron^^'oT^ tL' meTropolis"! ^^"'^^^ ^''^ '^^^ ^^ -- "^""-^ only inlinen trousers 

were to be caught, if possible, between 
two fires and compelled to raise the 
siege. But the onslaught of 58,000 
French, on November 28th at Beaune-la- 
Rolande, under the impetuous General 
Jean Constant Crouzat, whom Freycinet 
made the mistake of restraining, proved 


and blouses, shivered with 
cold and refused to fight any more. The 
army was finally broken into two parts, of 
which one, under Bourbaki, turned east- 
ward on December 4th ; the other part, 
under Chanzy, retired in a north-westerly 
direction on the right bank of the Loire, 
leaving Tours to its fate ; while Gambetta 




;;iiiunielz, by pcruilSM'. 


-L-lll & Co. 

'"I^^^flr^: '^^."-^T 




PoUowing up their unsuccessful attack at Beaune-la-Rolande, the French, two days later, on November ;JOth, made * 
grreat sortie, under General Ducrof, against the positions of the Wurtembergers and Saxons near the vUlages of 
Champigny and Brie ; but, though the French were greatly superior in numbers, the attack was repelled, the fire of ttie 
Wurtembergers, bursting from behind the park walls of Villiers and CoeuiUy. mowing down the French columns m heaps. 



with the "Delegation" fled to Bordeaux 
on December 8th. Chanzy, pursued by 
the prince and the grand duke, was again 
defeated at Beaugency, December 7th- 
loth, and driven back on Le Mans. But 
the Germans followed him thither, along 
roads deep in snow and covered with ice, 
where the cavalry had to dismount and 

lead their horses, and on January 
F'htin iithand i2th,i87i,woniinother 
ig ing m-eat victory before Le Mans, in 
for France o r l- l /-u 

consequence of which Chanzy 

was compelled to retire still further west to- 
wards Brittany, to Laval. The army of the 
Loire was thus to all intents annihilated. 
Meantime there was fighting in two other 
districts. General Werder, after the capture 
of Alsace, had forced his way into Franche 
Comte and Burgundy, where he occupied 
Dijon, the capital, on October 31st. The 
chief command against him 
was held by the hero of the 
Italian revolution. Garibaldi, 
who was so much moved by 
the change of France into a 
republic that he placed his 
sword at the services of that 
very nation which in i860 had 
taken his native town of Nice 
from the National State of 
Italy. But he was only a 
shadow of his former self, 
and could no longer sit a 
horse ; he would have done 
best to have remained on his 
rocky island of Caprera. 
The Garibaldian volunteers 
from Italy and other coun- 
tries who mustered round 
the leader were a rabble, clothed in a pic- 
turesque uniform, who eventually proved 
more troublesome to the French than to 
the Germans. The Badeners, under General 
Adolf von Gliimer, without allowing them- 
selves to be stopped by these troops, took 
Nuits by storm on December i8th. 

The other theatre of war was the north- 
east of France, especially Picardy and 
Normandy. The resistance here, as else- 
where, was organised by emissaries from 
the " Delegation," and the northern army 
was created, so that the German head- 
quarters sent General Manteuffel there in 
November. Manteuffel defeated the 
French, under Farre, on November 27th, 
at Amiens, where the " Moblots " — Gardes 
Mobiles — by a disgraceful flight carried 
the troops of the line away with them. 
Amiens and Rouen were occupied, and 


General von Goeben knew how to treat 
the Normans so well, that they ran after 
him trustingly on the roads, and the 
I)easants brought provisions to the markets 
— quite otherwdse than in the east, where 
all the shutters were closed and the doors 
locked when the Germans approached. 
The prudent and energetic General 
Faidherbe succeeded, it is true, in rallying 
and strengthening the French troops ; but 
on his advance from Lille he was beaten 
back by Manteuffel on the river La Hallue, 
at Port Noyelles, on December 23rd. 
Since his soldiers were forced to spend the 
night fasting, with a temperature far 
below freezing point, he felt himself, on 
December 24th, unable to fight any further ; 
he therefore abandoned his dangerous 
positions and withdrew to Arras. A 
second advance, on January 3rd, 1871, 
at Bapaume, was equally un- 
successful. General Goeben, 
who, after Manteuffel was 
sent to the south-east, re- 
ceived the supreme command 
over the two German corps, 
ended the war in the north 
by the capture of the fortress 
of Peronne on January 8th, 
and by the brilliant victory 
at St. Quentin on January 
19th, where Faidherbe lost 
13,000 men. The fortress of 
St. Quentin itself fell into 

RUDOLPH DELBRUCK ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^ ^^^ victors, and 
A Prussian statesman, and for the French northern army was 
S\?ct"heVi^ned'i?'Kch ^^^^^ed to such a Condition 

the official negrotiations which had that it nO longer COUUted 
as their object a united Germany, f^j. anything. The Capital Ot 

France held out all this time against 
the Germans who were investing it. 
But provisions were getting scarcer and 
scarcer, and occasional attempts at 
insurrection among the populace indicated 
that the reputation of the Government 
was waning. The resistance, neverthe- 
less, lasted far longer than was ever con- 
p ^. sidered probable on the German 

II A tu side, and public opinion in Ger- 
Under the , "^ 1 i -^i ■ 

Siege many demanded with increasing 

emphasis that Paris should be 
effectively bombarded to accelerate the 
capitulation. Bismarck, from the very be- 
ginning of the siege, maintained that too 
much energy could not be shown in attack- 
ing the enemy, since, in the first place, 
the investing army suffered mentally 
and physically from the long inaction, 
and, secondly, the apparently successful 





resistance of Paris revived the hopes of 
the French for an eventual victory, and 
once more brought up the danger of 
foreign intervention 
which was thought to 
have been surmounted 
after the day of Sedan. 
But the Crown Prince, 
Blumenthal, Moltke him- 
self, and General von 
Gothberg were of opinion 
that a bombardment 
would not reach the work- 
men's quarter of Paris, 
and would thus be in- 
effective, and that the 
only means of reducing 
the city lay in starving 
it out ; according to 
Blumenthal six weeks 
would be sufficient. 
During this time of ex- 
pectancy the most im- 
portant event of all, the 
question of the unity of 
Germany, was destined to 
be decided under the walls of Paris. There 
was a general feehng directly after the 
first victories that the Germans, who had 
marched united to 
the war, ought not 
at its close to break 
up again into the old 
disunion, but that 
political union ought 
to result from the 
military union as a 
necessary conse- 
quence and as the 
c-.hief fruit of the war. 
From the moment 
when Bismarck, in 
the name of the 
Germans, demanded 
the cession of Strass- 
burg and Metz as 
tangible guarantees 
for peace, the fact 
was estabhshed that 
these border fortresses 
of the German people 


From a photograph 

entailed, could not lightly resolve upon the 
decisive negotiations. These negotiations 
were stimulated by a large meeting held 
in Berlin on August 30th, 
which proposed as its 
motto that the fruits of 
the war must be : "A 
united nation and pro- 
tected frontiers." The 
Grand Duke Frederic of 
Baden, whose first coun- 
sellor since the death of 
Mathy was the keen advo- 
cate of national unity, 
Julius Jolly, declared on 
September 2nd that he 
would support the con- 
stitutional union of the 
South German states with 
the North German Con- 
federation. King Ludwig 
II. of Bavaria and King 
Charles I. of Wiirtemberg 
also gave an assurance 
on "September 5th and 
7th that they were anxious 
to secure to Germany the fruits of victory 
in the fullest measure and to establish a 
just mean between the national coherency 
of the German races 
and their individual 
independence. The 
o 1 1 i c i a 1 negotia- 
tions were opened at 
Munich towards the 
end of September by 
Rudolf Delbriick, the 
President of the 
Federal Chancery of 
the North German 
Confederation, and 
were afterwards con- 
tinued by Bismarck 
in Versailles. They 
encountered, indeed, 
considerable difficul- 
ties, since the Par- 
ticularists were only 
willing to concede the 
most modest measure 
of centralisation. The 

c.mld not be held , ^. . ^ouis adolphe Thiers Bavarians areued the 

,.r;+K^„+ +l,„ ^ ^„ '" the days of French humiliation that attended the ^<ivaiiaiib dl gueu Uie 

WlXnOUt tne perma- occupation of Pans by the victorious enemy, the great SUperfluOUSleSS of a 

nent political unity of fu'fce^.L'^^n^^^cinl'Z/^'^^^^^^^^^ strict union from the 

the German nation. peace on terms which Germany had practically dictated, very loyalty which all 

The current of opinion setting towards races had shown to the thought of nation- 

unity was strong enough to carry with it 
the princes, who, on account of the prob- 
able sacrifices of their sovereignty thereby 


ality ; in case of necessity Germany would 
always find all her children rallying round 
her. The King of Bavaria claimed as 

The birth of The German empire 

compensation for his consent to the estab- 
lishment of a German federal state a sort 
of viceroyalty for the House of Wittelsbach, 
so that the Bavarian ambassadors, in the 
event of any impediment to the imperial 
ambassadors, should represent them ex 
officio. Prince Leopold, the uncle of the 
king, had suggested on January loth, 1871, 
the alternation of the imperial Crown 
between the Houses of Hohenzollern and 
Wittelsbach, but had received no answer 
at all. In addition to Bavaria, Hesse, the 
Minister of which. Baron von Dalwigk, was 
a sworn enemy to 
Prussia, made as 
many difficulties as 
possible. The King 
of Wiirtemberg on 
November 12th, when 
everything seemed al- 
ready settled, allowed 
himself to be per- 
suaded by influence 
from Munich once 
more to delay the 
termination. But 
when Baden on No- 
vember 15th signed 
the treaty as to the 
admission into the 
North German Con- 
federation, and Hesse 
followed on the same 
day, the ice was 
broken. The Crown 
Prince became so im- 
patient at the delaj^ 
in the settlement of 
the matter that he 
thought that the busi- 
ness should be hurried 
on, that emperor and 
Empire should be william i. when 
proclaimed by the 
princes of Baden, Oldenburg, Weimar, 
and Coburg, and a constitution corre- 
sponding to the reasonable wishes of 
the people should be sanctioned by the 
Reichstag and the Landtags ; in 1 hat case 
the two South German kings would have to 
acquiesce with the best grace they could. 
The Crown Prince and Bismarck were 
thoroughly agreed upon the point that 
the King of Prussia, as President of the 
German Federal State, must bear the 
old and honourable title of emperor. 
The aged monarch himself had grave 
doubts as to relegating to the second 
place the comprehensive title of King 


of Prussia, which his ancestor Frederic 
L had created of his own set purpose, 
and of assuming an empty title, which 
his brother had declined in 1849, and 
which he himself had jestingly styled 
" brevet-major." 

Bismavk maintained his own wise inde- 
pendence towards the father and the son. 
To the first he emphasised the fact that 
the title of emperor contained an outward 
recognition of the de facto predominant 
position of the Prussian king, on which 
much depended ; and he asked the latter 
whether he could con- 
sider it wise and 
honourable to exer- 
cise compulsion on 
two allies who had 
shed their blood 
shoulder to shoulder 
with the North Ger- 
mans. He was con- 
vinced that the new 
Empire would not rest 
on firm foundations 
unless all the German 
races joined it of 
their own free will, 
without the feeling 
that any compulsion 
was being applied to 
them. He therefore 
granted to the Ba- 
varians and the 
Wiirtembergers by 
the "Reserved 
Rights " a privileged 
position in the Em- 
pire, which, although 
only accepted with 
reluctance by all de- 
termined supporters 
of German unity, has 
justified the foresight 
of the great statesman by affording these 
kingdoms the opportunity of joining the 
national cause without humiliation to 
their sense of importance. 

The treaties signed on November 23rd 
at Versailles for Bavaria, and on 
November 25th. 1870. at Berlin for 
Wiirtemberg, reserved for both states 
the independent administration of the 
post office and telegraphs, and the 
private right of taxing native beer and 
brandy ; this second privilege was 
granted to Baden also. It was further 
settled that the Bavarian army should 
be a distinct component part of the 






German Federal army with its owti military 
administration under the command of 
the King of Bavaria, and that also the 
Wiirtemberg army should form a distinct 
corps, whose commander, however, could 
only be nominated by the King of 
Wiirtemberg with the previous assent of 
the King of Prussia. The organisation, 
p training, and system of mobili- 

o/^e"* sation of the Bavarian and 
Unit Wiirtemberg troops were to 

be remodelled according to 
the principles in force for the Federal 
army. The Federal commander possessed 
the right to inspect the Bavarian and 
Wiirtemberg armies, and from the first 
day of mobilisation onwards iall the troops 
of North and South Germany ahke had to 
obey his commands. 

The consideration which Bismarck 
showed to the kings procured him not 
merely their sincere confidence during the 
whole term of his life, a fact which was 
politically of much value, but also facili- 
tated the settlement of the question of 
the title. Recognising that it is more 
palatable to the ambition of secondary 
states to have a German Emperor over 
them than a King of Prussia, Kmg Ludwig 
consented on December 3rd to propose to 
the German princes, in a letter drafted 
by Bismarck himself, that a joint invita- 
tion should be given His Majesty the King 
of Prussia to combine the exercise of the 
rights of President of the Federation with 
the style of a " German Emperor." 

King William consented, waiving his 
scruples in deference to the universal wish 
of the princes and peoples of Germany. The 
Reichstag and the Landtags sanctioned the 
constitution of the " German Empire " in 
December and January, and on December 
i8th a deputation of the Reichstag 
appeared in Versailles, in order to transmit 
to the king, through the president, ihe 
good wishes of the representatives of the 
people for the imperial Crown. There was 
still friction to be smoothed 

away; but on January i8th, 

His Majesty 

x^?,"°^. 1871 — the day on which, in 
William I. ' -1 T> • 1 

1 70 1, the Prussian monarchy 

had been proclaimed — in the Hall of Mirrors 
of the splendid Chateau of Versailles, 
erected by Louis XIV., the adoption of the 
imperial title was solemnly inaugurated in 
the presence of numerous German princes. 
The Grand Duke Frederic of Baden led 
the first cheer for His Majesty Emperor 
William. In a proclamation to the Ger- 

the French 

man people, composed by Bismarck, the 
emperor announced his resolve " to aid 
at all times the growth of the Empire, not 
by the conquests of the sword, but by the 
goods and gifts of peace, in the sphere 
of national prosperity, freedom, and cul- 
ture." In the years that have elapsed 
since that day the world has had oppor- 
tunity to judge to what extent this has 
been the guiding star of three German 

At the moment when the Empire was 
revived, or, to speak more correctly, was 
called into existence, the French powers of 
resistance were everywhere becoming ex- 
hausted ; even those of the capital were 
failing. At Christmas-time 235 heavy 
pieces of siege artillery were collected in 
Villacoublay, east of Versailles, and the 
bombardment of the east front of Paris 
was commenced on December 27th with 
such violence that the French evacuated 
Mont Avron " almost at a gallop." The 
bombardment of the city itself began from 

_ . J. the south side on January 5th, 
Bombarding ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^ ^^^ ^^^^^ 

Fort Issy ceased its fire. Since 
the shots, owing to an eleva- 
tion of thirty degrees, which had been 
obtained by special contrivances, carried 
beyond the centre of the city, the inhabi- 
tants fled from the south to the nortb of 
Paris — a movement by which the difficul- 
ties of feeding them were much increased. 

A great, and final, sortie towards the 
west, which was attempted on January 
19th by Trochu with 90,000 men, was 
defeated at Buzenval and Saint Cloud, 
before the French had even approached 
the main positions of the Germans. 
The bombardment of the north front 
began on January 21st, 

Here, too, the forts were completely 
demolished ; parts of the bastions were 
soon breached ;■ the garrisons had no 
protection against the German shells. 
It was known in the city that Chanzy 
had been completely routed at Le Mans 
on January nth and 12th, and the last 
prospect of relief was destroyed by the 
ill-tidings from the east. 

General Bourbaki had marched in that 
direction with half of the army of the 
Loire ; with the strength of his forces 
raised to 130,000 men, he hoped to compel 
the Germans under Werder, who only 
numbered 42,000, to relinquish the siege 
of the fortress of Belfort, and to force 
the Germans before Paris to retire, by 










r < 

















.'^- >^% 




,>v ,- 





'* '■ '' ^^^^ 







threatening their communications in the 
rear. But Werder attacked the enemy, 
three times his superior in numbers, at 
Montbehard on the Lisaine, and repulsed, 
in the three days' fighting, from January 
15th to 17th, all the attacks of Bourbaki. 
Not one French battalion was able to 
reach Bel fort, where salvos had been 
vainly fired in honour of victory when 
the cannon-shots were heard. 

Bourbaki commenced his retreat, dis- 
pirited and weakened ; but when he 
learnt that Moltke had sent General 
Manteuffel with the Pomeranians and 
Rhinelanders to block his road by 
Gray and Dole, and when Garibaldi, 
although he retook Dijon and on January 
23rd captured the flag of the 6ist regiment 
from under a heap of dead bodies, was 
unable to help him, he went back to 

But before he surrendered his army 
to be disarmed by the neutral Swiss, he 
made an ineffectual attempt to blow out 
his brains. His successor, Justin Clin- 
chant finally crossed the Franco-Swiss 
frontier on February ist with 80,000 men. 
The last army of France was 
thus annihilated and the fate 
of Belfort sealed. Colonel 
Denfert-Rochereau surrendered 
the bravely-defended but now untenable 
town to General Udo von Tresckow on 
February i8th. 

In Paris the dearth of provisions grew 
greater and greater during January. On 
the 2ist a pound of ham cost S4, a pound 
of butter §5, a goose $28. Horses, 
cats, $2.25, dogs, and rats had long been 
eaten. In view of the threatened famine, 
Favre, the Foreign Minister, eventually 
appeared at the German headquarters on 
January 23rd, the 127th day of the siege, 
to negotiate the terms of a capitulation. 

An agreement was at last reached on 
January 28th, by which an armistice of 
twenty-one days was granted for the 
election of a National Assembly, which 
should decide on war and peace ; but, in 
return for the concession a high penalty 
was exacted, all the forts round Paris 
were delivered up to the Germans, and 
the whole garrison of the town declared 
prisoners of war. 

The town had to hand over all its cannons 
and rifles within fourteen days ; the only 
exception was made in favour of the 
National Guard, the disarmament of which 
Favre declared to be impracticable owingto 

in Paris 

Thiers the 
Great Man of 
the Crisis 

the insurrectionary spirit prevailing in that 
corps. Paris was thus in the hands of the 
Germans, although the emperor refrained 
from a regular occupation of it, which might 
easily lead to bloody encounters and hence 
to new difficulties, in the hope of peace 
being soon concluded. Permission was, of 
course, given for provisioning the city. 
Gambetta would not consent 
to the armistice, but was 
compelled by Jules Simon, 
who was sent by the Govern- 
ment to Bordeaux, to retire on February 
6th. The great man of the crisis was 
henceforward Adolphe Thiers, who at the 
beginning of the war had counselled a 
cautious policy, and then, after Sedan, had 
vainly endeavoured to induce the Great 
Powers to intervene. He had proved him- 
self a far-sighted patriot, to whom the 
country might look for its rescue. 

On February 8th, twenty-six departments 
elected him to the National Assembly, 
which numbered among them 768 deputies, 
400 to 500 supporters of the monarchy, 
Orleanists and Legitimists, but included 
a large majority for peace. Fully a third 
of France was occupied by the Germans, 
and Faidherbe declared that if the Govern- 
ment wished to continue the war in 
Flanders, the people would intervene and 
surrender to the Germans. On February 
17th, Thiers was elected to the highest 
post in the state under the title of 
" Chief of the Executive," and was sent 
on the 2 1st to -Versailles for the purpose 
of negotiating a peace. 

Bismarck demanded the whole of Alsace 
with Belfort, and a fifth of Lorraine with 
Metz and Diedenhofen, in addition 
Si, 200,000,000 and the entry of the Ger- 
man troops into Paris. After prolonged 
negotiations he assented to remit 
$200,000,000 and waive all claim to Bel- 
fort, but insisted the more emphatically on 
the entry into Paris, which in some degree 
would impress the seal on the German vic- 
tories and place clearly before the 
T^^ eyes of the French their cotnplete 

Dawn of ^jgfg^^^ ^g g^ deterrent from future 
^^^^^ wars. Thiers hurried with the 
conditions mentioned to Bordeaux. On 
March ist. the same day on which 30,000 
German soldiers, selected from all the Ger- 
man races, marched into Paris and occu- 
pied the quarter of the town near the 
Champs Elysees, together with the Chateau 
of the Tuileries. the preliminary treaty for 
peace, which the National Assembly had 




adopted, after a stormy debate, by 546 
votes to 107, was completed in Bordeaux. 
The official ratification of it reached Ver- 
sailles on the evening of March 2nd. The 
Germans evacuated Paris on the 3rd, and 
retired behind the right bank of the Seine, 
which was to be the boundary of the two 
armies until the final peace was concluded. 
According to this agreement the forts to 
the east and north of Paris were still 
occupied by the Germans. 

The subsequent peace negotiations were 
conducted in Brussels by plenipotentiaries, 
but proceeded so slowly that Bismarck, 
at the beginning of May, 1871, finally 
invited Favre to Frankfort-on-the-Main, 
in order to arrive at a clear understand- 
ing with him through a personal con- 
ference. After a short discussion the 
final peace was signed there on May loth. 
It contained, contrary to the preliminary 
treaty, a small exchange of territory at 
Belfort and Diedenhofen, and the proviso 
that the eyacuation of French territory 
by the Germans should take place by 
degrees, in proportion as instalments of 
the war indemnity were imid. 

The results of the German struggle 
for unity were immense. In comparison 
with them the sacrifices of the war 
were not so excessive. They amounted 
on the German side to 28,600 killed in 
battle, 12,000 deaths from disease, and 
4,000 missing, a grand total, there- 
fore, of about 45,000 men ; the number 
of wounded was calculated at 101,000. 
The French lost 150,000 killed and 
150,000 wounded ; the number of 
prisoners was eventually raised to 
more than 600,000. 

Emperor William I. held a grand review 
of the victorious troops in the east of 
Paris on March 7th, and entered Berlin on 
March 17th. On March 21st he opened in 
person the first German Reichstag ; ori 
June i6th, a triumphal entry of the 
German army, selected out of all the 
German races, was made into Berlin, 
between two lines of 7,400 captured 
cannons. The age of the Holy Roman 
Empire of Louis XIV. and of the Napo- 
leons was over. The new Empire of the 
German nation had come into being. 

G. Egelhaaf 




The horrors of war are vividly suggested by these pictures of Gustave Dord. In the first, the battle is over, leaving 
its carnage behind. But among the wounaed are two who have fought on opposite sides, and realising each other's 
presence there springs up anew their ^hatred as they prepare to resume the struggle single-handed. But the com- 
batants who are thus "irreconcilable" have come together in the second picture, and in their nearness to the Cross 
and in the presence of defttb have put aside their differences j that they may be of service to each other. 










HTHE unfortunate policy of Frederic VI. 
* had caused Denmark great reverses. 
She had lost her fleet, on which she had 
always prided herself, and had been 
separated from Norway, thus losing half 
her Scandinavian population ; her pros- 
perity had been destroyed in the wars ; 
the national debt had assumed enormous 
proportions, and the financial position had 
been so bad that in 1813 the Government 
had been compelled to declare the state 
insolvent. Industry, too, had been 
paralysed, and was unable to recover for 
some years after the declaration of peace ; 
commerce was almost at a standstill and 
to a great extent dependent on Hamburg ; 
and agriculture, which had been very 
profitable during the war by reason of the 
-high price of corn, now suffered from falling 
prices But the cloud was, after all, not 
without its silver lining. The national 
extremity, and the hard struggle that 
was made at the opening of the 

nmar century, had a stimulating and 
sf "* th fertilising influence on the intel- 

'^'^^ lectual life of the community. 

While political interests were unimportant 
and material prosperity was declining, 
art and literature flourished ; it seemed 
as if the nation sought in these things 
consolation for its unhappy circum- 
stances. Gradually the economic situation 
improved. The finances were set in order 
by the establishment of a national bank 
independent of the Government ; industry 
prospered, and at Frederic's death, in 1839, 
the country had renewed its strength. 

While Crown Prince, Frederic VI. had 
been a great friend of reform ; but as 
king he was strongly conservative, and 
opposed to any changes in the constitu- 
tion. But in proportion as their condition 
improved the people awoke to an interest 
in public affairs, and the desire for freedom 
and self-government became stronger and 
stronger. After the " July Revolution," 
the effects of which were felt in Denmark 
as well as in other lands, Frederic at last 

decided to meet the popular wish, at least 
in part. He therefore instituted four 
advisory diets — for the islands, Jutland, 
Schleswig, and Holstein — the first step 
towards a free constitution. Frederic's 
successor, his half-cousin Christian VIII., 
1839-1848, was just as little disposed to 
renounce absolutism. But now 

,."^°. .the cry for a free constitution 

the National •' . . _ _ . 


grew louder, and the National 
Liberals worked for the aboli- 
tion of absolutism. They wished also to 
terminate the union of Schleswig and 
Holstein, and to attach more closely to 
Denmark that province in which the large 
proportion of German inhabitants en- 
dangered Danish nationality. 

In the eighteenth century the two united 
duchies had once more come into the 
possession of the Danish Crown. Schleswig 
was, however, not incorporated with the 
remainder of Denmark ; it remained in 
close connection with Holstein, and 
German was the official language. Frederic 
VI. did, indeed, give Schleswig a diet of 
its own, but bound the two duchies 
together by placing them under a Ministry 
and a supreme court common to both. 

As the result of its long connection with 
Holstein, Schleswig had become more and 
more German, and by the nineteenth 
century almost half the population spoke 
German. When the Danes at last took 
measures to preserve the Danish nation- 
ality of the province, this course em- 
bittered the Germans. Thus it came about 
that a Schleswig-Holstein party grew up in 
the two duchies and demanded 
that Schleswig-Holstein should 
be made independent of Den- 
mark, and be constituted one 
of the states of the German Confedera- 
tion. The leaders of this party, the princes 
of Augustenburg, who, as descendants of 
a younger son, Hans the younger, of King 
Christian III , hoped to obtain the duchies 
for themselves it the royal line became 
extinct — which seemed Ukely to happen 






shortly — sought support in Germany, 
where an enthusiastic national movement 
in their favour was started. 

The other Scandinavian countries, on 
the contrary, with whom the idea of 
Scandinavian unity at that time had great 
weight, were in favour of the aims of 
the National Liberal party in Denmark. 
The king hesitated for a long 

Desire for 

time ; but at last he declared, 
^ .or ^^ j^ g^j^ ^g . ^^^^ Schles- 

Independence ■ -' •' • J- i t i l j j. 
Wig was indissolubly bound to 

Denmark. In other respects, too, he met 

the wishes of the National Liberals ; and 

he had just completed the framing of a 

constitution when death cut short his 

labours on January 20th, 1848. 

Immediately after his death the Schles- 
wig-Holstein party demanded the recogni- 
tion of Schleswig- Hoist ein as a separate 
state. But Christian's son and successor, 
Frederic VII., 1848-1863, refused to 
separate Schleswig from Holstein, though 
he promised Holstein, like the other 
provinces, a free constitution. The 
Schleswig-Holstein party were, however, 
not wiUing to accept this proposal, and 
before long civil war broke out. Prussia 
supported the party of secession, and a 
German army entered the duchies. The 
Danes had to retire to Alsen, but the 
armistice arranged at Malmo, August 
26th, through the mediation of Oscar I. 
of Norway and Sweden, did not lead to the 
conclusion of peace. In 1849 the war was 
renewed. Meanwhile the reactionary party 
had gained the upper hand in Germany ; 
Prussia made peace on July 2nd, 1850, 
and by the next year the resistance of 
Schleswig-Holstein was overcome. 

During the war Denmark had received a 
free constitution. The draft prepared 
by Christian VIII. had not met with 
general approval, and a Constituent As- 
sembly summoned by Frederic VII. there- 
fore published a constitution, dated 
June 5th, 1849, i^ which the kingdom was 
Q made a limited monarchy. 

Power" ^^^^ constitution was intended 
Intervene ^°^ Schleswig as well as Den- 
mark, but to this the German 
Powers would not consent. In 1852 it 
was agreed that Schleswig should not 
remain united to Holstein, but must not 
be incorporated with Denmark. On the 
death of Frederic VII. the whole monarchy 
was to fall to Prince Christian of Gliicks- 
burg and his consort Louise of Hesse- 
Cassel, whose mother was a sister of 


Christian VIII. The general constitu- 
tion of July 26th, 1854, nist with opposi- 
tion, however, especially from the popula- 
tions of Holstein and Lauenburg, whose 
part was taken by Prussia and Austria. 

But in Denmark, where hopes were enter- 
tained, on account of the disputes existing 
between the chief German states, of 
solving the question of the constitution 
without German interference, the national 
— ^Eider- Danish — party, which proposed to 
incorporate Schleswig in the kingdom, 
gained the upper hand. Two days after 
giving his approval to a new constitution 
for Denmark and Schleswig, Frederic VII. 
died in November, 1863. 

Christian IX., 1863-1906, gave way to 
the wishes of the Danes and signed 
the " November Constitution." But now 
Frederic — VIII. — of Augustenburg came 
forward with his claims to the duchies, and 
was supported by Prussia and Austria. 
These Powers refused to recognise the new 
king's right of succession except on con- 
dition that the November Constitution 
should be annulled. As the Danes did 
not accede to this demand, the second 
g . . . Schleswig war broke out in 
c eswig January, 1864. Denmark had 

Causes a r , -^ ^ . i. , r 

c J «7 hoped to receive help from 
Second War xt ^ r- ■, n 

Norway and Sweden, as well as 

from the Western Powers, but these hopes 
proved to be ill founded. The Danish army, 
which had occupied the " Dane work," 
retired to Diippel as early as February 5th. 

Here the Danes defended themselves 
bravely, but were at last forced to cross 
to Alsen. The Prussians occupied Jilt- 
land, expelled the Danes from Alsen, and 
threatened to land on Zealand. The 
Danes could now resist no longer. At the 
Treaty of Vienna, October 30th, 1864, 
Denmark ceded the Duchies of Schleswig- 
Holstein and Lauenburg to Prussia and 
Austria ; and her hope of recovering, 
by virtue of Article 5 of the Treaty of 
Prague, concluded on August 23rd, 1866, 
at least the northern part of Schleswig 
has not been fulfilled. The loss of Schles- 
wig resulted in a change of the constitution, 
and on July 28th, 1866, Denmark received 
the fundamental law still in force. 

Soon after the declaration of peace the 
country became involved in internal 
dissensions. A dispute arose in 1870 be- 
tween the Government and the "Folke- 
tinget "—one of the Chambers of the 
Rigsdag — as to the correct interpretation 
of the constitution, and the struggle only 


ended in 1894 when the " negotiating " 
portion of the Left Party, which had been 
divided since 1878, went over to the 
Right. In spite of this Denmark has been 
on the path of progress ever since the 
middle of the last century. The great 
agricultural reforms begun in 1788 have 
been continued and a fixed payment sub- 
stituted for forced service. The number 
of tenant-farmers has fallen, and the 
peasantry have the same political rights as 
the other classes of the community. Like 
agriculture, manufactures, commerce, and 
shipping are progressing satisfactorily. The 
obligation on artisans to join a guild 
has been removed, and means of commu- 
nication have been improved. The mer- 
chants have become in- 
dependent of Hamburg. 
Copenhagen, which was 
provided with extensive 
fortifications^ in 1886, has 
been a free port since 1 844 
Good provision is made 
for national education, 
the general level of which 
is, on the whole, a high 
one ; the people's univer- 
sities, in particular which 
have been imitated in 
Norway and Sweden, 
have promoted the 
education of the pea- 
santry and exercised 
consideraWe influence 
on their intellectual life. 
On the accession to the 
Swedish throne of Charles 
XIII., who was old 
and childless, 
Augustus, Prince of 
Augustenburg, was chosen as successor in 

1809, but died suddenly on May 28th, 

1810. It was then that a young Swedish 
officer, who met the Prince of Pontecorvo, 
Marshal Bernadotte, in Paris, offered him 
the Crown on his own responsibility, and 
contrived to use his influence in Sweden 
_ , so that the marshal was de- 

wc en s ^ signated heir to the Crown 
Novel Choice °a j. ^.a tdmj 

f a K* ^" August 2 1st at a Riksdag 

"**^ at Orebro. Bernadotte, who 
called himself Crown Prince Charles John, 
went with his son Oscar to Sweden in 
October, and at once became actual ruler. 
The Swedes had chosen him on the 
supposition that he was on friendly terms 
with Napoleon, and hoped that he would 
regain Finland for them with the help